'Hlrvlln \\u 'lit I ii ico ;LO >CO I1U m\ n \\\ \Ywn\ \m\tk\mmm\ mM\ J II ■!■!■! ■•'. uSufil iiUflh ;V VEDIC INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHORS I. By Prof. MACDONELL. KATYAYANA'S SARVANUKRAMAiYl OF THE tf/GVEDA. With Extracts from Shaigurusishya's Com- mentary. (Anecdota Oxoniensia: Aryan Series.) Small 4to., pp. xxiv+ 224. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1886. A SANSKRIT-ENGLISH DICTIONARY : being a Practical Handbook, with Transliteration, Accentuation, and Etymological Analysis throughout. 4to., pp. xii + 384. Longmans, Green & Co., London. 1892. VEDIC MYTHOLOGY. Royal 8vo., pp. 189. Karl J. Trubner, Strassburg. 1897. A HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. Large crown 8vo., pp. viii 4-472. Heinemann, London. 1900. THE BRHAD-DEVATA. A Summary of the Deities and Myths of the Rigveda. Critically edited in the original Sanskrit and Translated into English. 2 vols., royal 8vo., pp. xxxvi+ 198 ; xvi + 334. Harvard University. 1904. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Royal 8vo., pp. 456. Karl J. Trubner, Strassburg. 1910. A SANSKRIT GRAMMAR FOR BEGINNERS. Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Crown 8vo., pp. xvi+264. Longmans, Green & Co., London. 191 1. II. By Dr. KEITH. CATALOGUE OF SANSKRIT AND PRAKRIT MANUSCRIPTS IN THE INDIAN INSTITUTE LIBRARY. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1903. CATALOGUE OF SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY. Vol. II. (begun by Prof. Winternitz). Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1905. CATALOGUE OF SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY. Appendix to Vol. I. (Th. Aufrecht's Catalogue). Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1909. CATALOGUE OF PRAKRIT MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1911. SANKHAYANA ARANYAKA, with an Appendix on the Mahavrata. Royal Asiatic Society (Oriental Translation Fund, Vol. XVIII.). London. 1908. AITAREYA ARANYAKA. Edited with Introduction, Translation, Notes, Indexes, and Appendix containing the portion hitherto unpublished of the Sankhayana Aranyaka. ^ Clarendon Press. 1909. ^ Mr A .-pc* INDIAN TEXTS SERIES VEDIC INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS BY ARTHUR^ ANTHONY MACDONELL, M.A., Ph.D. BODEN PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD ; FELLOW OF BALLIOL COLLEGE ; FELLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY AND ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH, M.A., D.C.L. Formerly scholar of balliol college and boden Sanskrit scholar ; ■ sometime acting deputy professor of sanskrit in the university of oxford VOL. I LONDON JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W. PUBLISHED FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA igi2 PREFACE Inception and Progress of the Book. —The origination of the present work was due to Professor T. W. Rhys Davids at the time when, several years ago, he was appointed general editor of the Indian Text Series to be published under the auspices of the Secretary of State for India. He then asked me to contribute a work supplying the historical material, as repre- sented by proper names, to be found in the earliest period of Indian literature antecedent to the rise of Buddhism towards the close of the sixth century B.C. Since the subject came within the range of my special studies and moreover appeared to be one of considerable importance, I agreed to the proposal. But I did so with hesitation, because my leisure for a long time to come was already mortgaged by two works which involved much labour and on which I was already engaged. I soon came to the conclusion that till those works — the Brhaddevata and the Vedic Grammar — were out of my hands, I could spare no time for the third book, the mere preparation, to say nothing of the publication, of which would thus have to be postponed for several years. Another hindrance would be caused by the tour of study and research in India which I contemplated making at the earliest opportunity. With the prospect of these long delays before me, I was tempted to throw up a task that seemed to have been rashly undertaken. At the same time, I was re- luctant either to abandon or to put off indefinitely what I had once begun. It also seemed a pity to relinquish an enterprise which, if properly carried out, promised to be very useful. vi PREFACE Under these circumstances, collaboration appeared the only way out of the difficulty. I bethought myself of Mr. A. B. Keith, who, as Boden Sanskrit scholar, had been my pupil for four years, and who had already assisted me since 1899, not only by reading the proofs of, but by suggesting improvements in, my History of Sanskrit Literature and my Sanskrit Grammar for Beginners, as well as my edition of the Brhaddevatd, then commencing to be printed. I accordingly asked him if he had the time and inclination to collaborate with me in the proposed work by at once beginning to collect material for it. He con- sented without hesitation, and the Secretary of State for India readily sanctioned this modification of the arrangements already made. There was no other man to whom I could have en- trusted with such complete confidence the task of carrying out this preliminary work accurately and rapidly. In 1909, about a year after my return from India, Mr. Keith supplied me with a considerable part of his collectanea, while my Vedic Grammar was still passing through the press. The regular printing did not begin till early in 1910, about the time when that work was published. The interval was taken up with preparing a sufficient amount of 'copy' for the printer, as well as with settling various questions of arrangement and typography. Mode of Collaboration. — Our respective shares in the pro- duction of the book are, generally stated, as follows : Dr. Keith has collected the material, while I have acted chiefly as an editor, planning the scope of the work, arranging the distribu- tion of text and notes, selecting the type to be used, cutting out, adding to or modifying the matter, weighing the evidence for different interpretations and conclusions, and deciding as to which view, in case of possible alternatives, should be preferred. Having written up in its final form every article contained in the book, I accept the responsibility for every statement and opinion expressed in it. I do not think that Dr. Keith and I have disagreed upon any material point. When we have differed PREFACE vii on minor questions, he has deferred to my judgment, though his view may have been right just as often as mine. Where erroneous conclusions have been drawn, the reader will be helped to correct them by the method I have pursued of supplying from the original texts the evidence on which such conclusions are based. Scope of the Work. — At the outset it was proposed, as I have already stated, that the book should furnish the historical material in Vedic literature as represented by proper names. As soon, however, as I began to examine more carefully the historical material thus available, I became convinced that restriction to proper names would result in a harvest too meagre to deserve being gathered in the form of a book. It seemed essential to collect all the historical matter accessible to us in the earliest literary documents of India, and thus to furnish a conspectus of the most ancient phase of Aryan civilization that can be realized by direct evidence. If properly and thoroughly treated this matter would, I felt sure, yield a book of genuine value, a comprehensive work on Vedic antiqui- ties ; for it would include all the information that can be extracted from Vedic literature on such topics as agriculture, astronomy, burial, caste, clothing, crime, diseases, economic conditions, food and drink, gambling, kingship, law and justice, marriage, morality, occupations, polyandry and polygamy, the position of women, usury, village communities, war, wedding ceremonies, widow burning, witchcraft, and many others. The proper names would embrace not only persons, tribes, and peoples, but also mountains, rivers, and countries. The geo- graphical distribution of the Vedic population would thus also be presented. From the historical data amplified in this way I proposed, however, to exclude matter belonging to the domain of religion, which it seemed better to relegate to a separate work. At the same time it soon became clear that certain aspects of religious activity inseparably connected with the social and political life viii PREFACE of the age would have to be admitted, such as the functions of the main priests and some festivals or ritual practices. Again, certain names of perhaps purely mythological figures might have to be mentioned. The evidence is occasionally insufficient to show whether a name represents an actual historical person- age : a demon or a mythical hero or priest may be meant. An undoubted demon may even have to be included, such as the one that is supposed to cause eclipses, because he belongs to the domain of primitive astronomy. Chronological Limits. — The period which the book was intended to embrace had been decided at the outset as that of the Vedas and Brahmanas. The upper limit here is the date of the oldest hymns of the Rigveda. That date is uncertain, but my conviction (set forth in my History of Sanskrit Literature, pp. 11-12) that it is not much earlier than 1200 B.C. still remains unshaken. It does not appear to me to be in the slightest degree invalidated by Professor Hugo Winckler's discoveries at Bo- ghaz-koi, in Asia Minor, in the year 1907. That scholar has deciphered, in an inscription of about 1400 B.C. found there, the names of certain deities as mi-it-rat uru-w-na, in-da-ra, and na- ga-at-ti-ia, which correspond to those of the important Vedic gods Mitra, Varuna, Indra, and Nasatya. Three inferences may be drawn from the occurrence of these names. They may have been derived from Vedic India ; in that case the Vedic religion must have flourished in India considerably before 1400 B.C., even though the hymns that have come down to us may not have been composed before that date. But that these names should have travelled all the way from India to Asia Minor is a hypothesis so highly improbable that it may be dismissed. Secondly, the names may belong to the early Iranian period after the Iranians had separated from the Indians, but before their language had reached the phonetic stage of the Avesta. This seems the most probable theory, both chronologically and geographically. It implies only that the Indian branch had separated from the Iranian, not that it had already entered PRE FA CE ix India. Lastly, the names, being common to the Iranian and Indian languages, might be assigned to the I ndo- Iranian period when the two branches were still one people living in Iran. This theory would still allow two centuries for separation, migration to India, and the commencement of Vedic literature in the north-west of India. The lower limit of the Vedic period is the epoch of the rise and spread of Buddhism, or, roughly, 500 B.C. The Brahmana literature to be exploited was assumed to be undoubtedly anterior to that date. The boundary line would, however, to some extent have to be overstepped by drawing on the Sutras for evidence where the Vedas and Brahmanas fail. But though the Sutras are roughly contemporaneous with the first three centuries of Buddhism, they are practically an epitome of the practices of the Brahmana period, and are thus often of great value in illustration or corroboration of the facts of that period. They are also important as representing the Brahminical evidence for those three centuries, especially as it is somewhat uncertain how far even the earliest Buddhist literary sources go back in an authentic form to the three centuries following the death of Buddha. Names and practices not referred to before the Sutras were, however, to be mentioned only incidentally if at all : the few cases to the contrary that actually occur are not real exceptions, because they are derived from Vedic verses quoted in Sutras, or from Brahmana parts of Sutras such as Baudhayana. Method Pursued. — Such was the scope of the work on which I finally decided before it was begun, and the plan has been adhered to in its execution as regards the contents. The manner in which those contents were to be presented was the next question to be settled and acted upon. Though both Dr. Keith and myself are familiar with the literature of the Vedic period from which the facts collected in these two volumes are drawn, and the mutual check exercised by two workers sifting the same material acts as a safeguard, it is x PREFACE nevertheless not always possible to exclude the risk of error or unconscious bias in estimating evidence often obscure and doubtful. I have, therefore, throughout attached great im- portance to stating not only the evidence of the texts them- selves from a first-hand knowledge, but also to setting forth fully the opinions of other authorities when the interpretation is uncertain. The Sanskrit scholar will thus be enabled to test without difficulty the correctness of the conclusions drawn directly from the original sources, while others will be protected from having to rely exclusively on what may possibly be one- sided views. Articles have often been illustrated by adducing parallels from the institutions of cognate Aryan nations, as that on 'Caste' (treated under Varna, ii. 427-471). I have further endeavoured to utilize, chiefly in the notes, knowledge gained from a first-hand study of the archaeological remains and of the modern conditions of India. Such knowledge, acquired during my tour in 1907-08, I have found to be of great value to me both as a student and as a teacher. Arrangement. — The matter contained in these volumes is treated not in chapters, but in articles disposed in alphabetical order. That order was practically necessary when proper names only were to be included; when subjects were sub- sequently added to the plan, it still remained the most con- venient method of arrangement. As all articles appear under Sanskrit words, the order which the latter follow is naturally that of the Sanskrit alphabet. This arrangement need, how- ever, occasion no inconvenience to those users of the book who are unfamiliar with Sanskrit, because all the information they want can be found by reference to the full English Index at the end of Vol. ii. The Sanskrit Index, which contains, in addition to the terms representing the subjects treated, all incidental Sanskrit words occurring in the articles, is of course arranged in the Sanskrit order. For the purpose of obviating any possible inconvenience, the sequence of the Sanskrit alphabet is given on the last page of this preface. With the same end in view I PREFACE xi have given translations or explanations of all Sanskrit words and expressions, because the latter, though generally clear to Sanskrit scholars, would be unintelligible to others. Compound Sanskrit words have been divided into their component parts by the use of hyphens. In the case of obscure or irregularly formed Sanskrit words, I have sometimes added etymological explana- tions, which may be useful even to the Sanskrit scholar. I have long had a rooted objection to crowding the letter- press of a book with parentheses containing a string of references or incidental explanations, because these distract the attention of the reader and interfere with his grasping the argument rapidly. I have accordingly in the present work (as in several previous ones) cleared the text of such obstructive matter, relegating references and minor explanations, illustrations, or discussions, to the notes. The sole exceptions are short references consisting of figures only, and occurring in articles of two or three lines in length. Thus, in the article * Kausarava ' (i. 194), the figures (viii. 28) are added in parentheses at the end of the line. To have made a footnote out of these figures alone would have been a pedantic and an absurd application of the general principle. The notes are placed in two columns, because this arrange- ment enables the reader to find them more rapidly than any other. They come at the end of, and immediately below, each article. It is only when the article is a long one extending beyond the first page that the notes do not all occupy this position. Those referring to each page are then placed at the foot of that page, and only those referring to the last page come at the end of the article (cf,9 e.g., 1. Aksa). The headlines are so arranged as to help the reader in finding what he wants quickly, as well as to convey the maximum of information. A glance at the inner corners at the top will show the alphabetical range of the articles occurring in any two pages, the one indicating the first word on the left page, the other the last word on the right page. The rest of the xii PREFACE headline of each page supplies a summary of the contents oi that page. I have never been able to find any rational ex- planation why the title of the book held in one's hand should be printed at the top of at least half, sometimes of all, the pages it contains. How this practice can possibly assist the reader is hard to understand. Typographical Details.— Every Sanskrit word used as the title of an article is printed in thick type for the purpose of catching the eye of the reader more readily. Every such word mentioned in another article is on its first occurrence there similarly printed. This is both a simpler and a clearer way of referring to a word used in another place than the employ- ment of parentheses and additional words or abbreviations, like * see ' or ' c/.,' which tend to distract the attention of the reader (see, e.g., Agastya). Both Sanskrit names (including titles of books) and ordinary Sanskrit terms used as English words are printed in Roman type, but then always with a capital (e.g., Purohita). Italic type is employed for Sanskrit words quoted as such, for expressions from other languages such as Latin or French, for the titles of all except Sanskrit books (e.g., Olden- berg, Buddha), and even of Sanskrit books when a particular edition is intended (thus Roth, Nirukta, but Yaska, Nirukta). English words are italicized only when in long articles the titles of subdivisions are given. All these uses of italics will be found exemplified in the articles 2. Aksa and 3. Aksa. As regards numerals, Roman figures are employed to indicate the main divisions of a work, the subordinate parts being expressed by Arabic figures. Thus ' Rigveda, ii. 3, 5, ' means 1 book 2, hymn 3, verse 5.' The volume, on the other hand, is referred to by an Arabic numeral, the following figure indicating the page. Thus * Max Miiller, Rgveda, 2, 135 ' means * volume 2 of Max Muller's edition of the Rigveda, page 135-' I have avoided abbreviating the titles of books or journals even when they occur often, or are mentioned in the notes PREFACE only. Contracted titles are as a rule intelligible to the general reader only by reference to an explanatory list appearing at the beginning or the end of a book. When a work is written consecutively, such an abbreviation can be looked up on its first occurrence, and as it is usually met with again at short intervals its explanation will be remembered. But in a book arranged in dictionary form, the occurrence of abridged titles becomes irksome to the reader because he meets them at any part of the book he opens, and often many at the same time ; he will probably therefore be continually consulting the ex- planatory list. Hence I have only admitted the contractions 1 Rv.' for Rigveda and ' Av.' for Atharvaveda, as these texts are constantly referred to, often several times in the same article. In some works, such as the Encyclopedia of Indo- Aryan Research,. excessively contracted titles, frequently assuming the appear- ance of algebraic symbols, become necessary owing to the great mass of bibliographical references required. In the present work such economy of space was in no way called for. If, however, the book had been intended for the use of Sanskrit scholars only, I should certainly have shortened many titles here given in full, for there are numerous formulaic abbrevia- tions that are familiar to all specialists. Transliteration. — The system here followed is that which has been adopted by the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, and is generally employed elsewhere also. The chief difficulties caused to the non-scholar by this method of reproducing Sanskrit words are due, on the one hand, to the inadequacy of the Roman alphabet, which necessitates the use of diacritical marks, and, on the other, to the conventional use of two consonants in English, in certain cases, to represent a single sound, as ch, sh, ph, and th. The letter s here is the equivalent of sh in * shun ' ; s is somewhat thinner in pro- nunciation, like the ss in ' session ' ; m resembles the n in the French ' bon ' ; and h the German ch in * ach.' The palatal c is to be sounded like the initial ch in Churchill; ch has an xiv PREFACE aspirate sound like that of the ch in the middle of the same word ; ph and th are also aspirates, as in the English * up-hill ■ and * ant-hill ' respectively. The vowels must all be pro- nounced as in Italian : short when unmarked (except e and 0, which are always long), long when they have a horizontal stroke above ; thus i is sounded as in ' pin,' 1 like ee in ' seen.' The vowel r may be pronounced like ri in ' risk.' The Map. — In order that the reader may be enabled to visualize in a general way the territory known to and occupied by the Vedic tribes, I have prefixed to the first volume a map of Vedic India. Here the home of the Indo-Aryans of the earliest period — that of the Rigveda — is the territory drained by the Indus river system, lying between the 35th and 28th parallel of northern latitude and between yo° and 780 eastern longitude, and corresponding roughly to the North -West Frontier Province and the Panjab of the present day. The eastern limit was probably the Yamuna, though the Ganges was already known. In the subsequent Vedic period — that of the later Vedas and of the Brahmanas — the Indo-Aryan settlers gradually occupied the whole of the Ganges Valley down to the delta of that river. But the home of the fully developed culture of the Brahmanas lay in the territory ex- tending in a south-easterly direction from longitude 740 to 850, between the confluence of the Sarasvati and Drsadvati in the west and that of the Sadanira and Ganges on the east, and embracing roughly the south-eastern portion of the Panjab and the United Provinces of to-day. East of longitude 850 lay, to the north and south of the Ganges, the imperfectly Brahminized country corresponding to the modern Tirhut and Bihar, where Buddhism arose at the end of the Vedic period. I ought to warn readers against placing too much reliance on the details of this map, because it is largely conjectural owing to the lack of precise geographical statement in the texts. The student, when using it, should always refer to the evidence furnished by the articles under each name that appears PREFACE xv on the map. The identification of many of the Vedic rivers with those of modern India is certain ; but even here the exact channels in which they flowed in ancient times is doubtful. Thus the Indus, some of the Panjab rivers, and the old Sarasvati have been shown by Raverty, in an article in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1892, to have changed their courses considerably, even within historical times. It must be remembered that all the rivers of Vedic India traversed the alluvial plains of the north, and were, therefore, unlike the rivers of the Deccan, which flow in rocky beds, liable to constant fluctuations in their channels. Again, the Vedic tribes are nearly always mentioned so vaguely in the texts that they can only be approximately located by the rivers with which they are connected, or by the way in which their names are asso- ciated or grouped. Many such names had to be omitted altogether in the map because of the total lack of evidence for their localization. Some help may be obtained from the geographical position in the post- Vedic period of tribes men- tioned in Vedic literature. But this evidence is apt to be doubtful, because the Vedic period was largely one of migra- tion, and various tribes may then have occupied localities much farther north or west than those in which they were later permanently settled. The general evidence of the map, however uncertain many of the details may be, leaves no room for doubt as to the route by which the Aryans entered India, or as to the direction of the successive stages of the migration by which they eventually spread their civilization over the whole of the peninsula. Conclusion. — The first volume was ready for issue more than a year ago, but to publish it without the indexes, which would necessarily have to appear at the end of the second volume, seemed to me to be perfectly useless. I therefore preferred to wait till the whole book could be brought out in a complete form. As both Dr. Keith and myself have each read one proof and nearly always two revises of every sheet before it went to / XVI PREFACE press, all but trivial errors and misprints ought to have been eliminated. I hope, however, that these two volumes will prove to be not only correct in form, but also valuable in matter, after our joint efforts to bring together and present their contents in a convenient and trustworthy manner. A. A. MACDONELL. Oxford, July 18, 1912. Order of the Sanskrit Alphabet. a a i 1 u u r r 1 ; e ai o au ; k kh g gh, h ; c ch j jh n ; t th d dh n; t th d dh n ; p ph b bh m ; y r 1 v; £ s s h. VEDIG INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS. Am6u. — i. Name of a protege- of the Asvins in the Rigveda.1 2. Dhanamjayya, pupil of Amavasya Sandilyayana, according to the Vamsa Brahmana.2 1 viii. 5, 26. Cf. Ludwig, Transla- 129, suggests that he may be identical tion of the Rigveda, 3, 160 ; Hopkins, with Khela. Journal of the American Oriental Society, 2 Indische Studien, 4, 373. 17, 89 ; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, Amhasas-pati. — This is the name of the intercalary month in the Vajasaneyi Samhita (vii. 30; xxii. 31). See Masa. Akra. — In several passages of the Rigveda1 this word means, according to Geldner,2 ' horse.' Roth3 suggests that ' riding horse ' is the precise sense. Cf. Asva. 3 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 118. Cf. Max Mttller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 414. 1 i- 143,7; 189.7; I"- *, 12; iv. 6, 3 x. 77, 2. 2 Vedische Studien, i, 168, 169. i. Aksa, ' axle,' is a part of a chariot often referred to in the Rigveda1 and later. It was apparently2 fastened to the body of the chariot (Kosa) by straps (aksd-nah, lit. ' tied to the axle,' though this word is also3 rendered 'horse'). The heating of the axle and the danger of its breaking were known.4 The part of the axle round which the nave of the wheel revolved was called Ani, ' pin.' 1 i. 30, 14 ; 166, 9 ; iii. 53, 17 ; vi. 24, 3 ; x. 89, 4, etc. 2 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 246. VOL. I. 3 Rv. x. 53, 7. Cf. Roth, St. Peters- burg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Rv. i. 164, 13. I 2 DICE: THE MATERIAL— THE NUMBER [Aksa 2. Aksa. — This word occurs frequently, from the Rigveda onwards, both in the singular and plural, meaning ' die ' and ' dice.' Dicing, along with horse-racing, was one of the main amusements of the Vedic Indian ; but, despite the frequent mention of the game in the literature, there is considerable difficulty in obtaining any clear picture of the mode in which it was played. (i) The Material. — The dice appear normally to have been made of Vibhidaka nuts. Such dice are alluded to in both the Rigveda1 and the Atharvaveda,2 hence being called 'brown' (babhru), and ' born on a windy spot.' 3 In the ritual game of dice at the Agnyadheya and the Rajasuya ceremonies the material of the dice is not specified, but it is possible that occasionally gold imitations of Vibhidaka nuts were used.4 There is no clear trace in the Vedic literature of the later use of cowries as dice.5 (2) The Number. — In the Rigveda6 the dicer is described as ' leader of a great horde ' (sendnir mahato ganasya), and in another passage 7 the number is given as tri-paiicdsah, an expres- sion which has been variously interpreted. Ludwig,8 Weber,9 and Zimmer10 render it as fifteen, which is grammatically hardly possible. Roth11 and Grassmann12 render it as ' con- sisting of fifty-three.' Liiders13 takes it as 'consisting of one hundred and fifty,' but he points out that this may be merely a vague expression for a large number. For a small number Zimmer 14 cites a reference in the Rigveda 15 to one who fears 1 him who holds four ' (caturas cid dadamdndt), but the sense of that passage is dependent on the view taken of the method of playing the game. (3) The Method of Play. — In several passages of the later 1 vii. 86, 6 ; x. 34, 1. 2 Av. Paipp. xx. 4, 6. 3 Rv. x. 34, 5 ; Av. vii. 114, 7 ; Rv. x. 34, 1. 4 Sayana on Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 6, 12 ; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 4, 4, 6. 5 Sayana, loc. cit., and on Rv. i. 41, 9 ; Mahidhara on Vajasaneyi Samhita, x. 28. * x. 34, 12. 8 See his translation. 9 Uber das Rajasuya, 72. 10 Altindisches Leben, 284. 11 Following Sayana on Rv. x. 34, 8 12 In his translation. 13 Das Wurfelspiel im alien Indien, 25. 14 Op. cit., 283. 15 i- 41, 9. Aksa ] DICE: THE METHOD OF PLAY Samhitas and Brahmanas lists are given of expressions con- nected with dicing. The names are Krta, Treta, Dvapara, Askanda, and Abhibhu in the Taittirlya Samhita.16 In the Vajasaneyi Samhita,17 among the victims at the Purusamedha, the kitava is offered to the Aksaraja, the adinava-darsa to the Krta, the hatpin to the Treta, the adhi-kalpin to the Dvapara, the sabhd-sthdrm to the Askanda. The lists in the parallel version of the Taittirlya Brahmana are kitava, sabhdvin, adinava- darsa, bahih-sad, and sabha-sthdnu,18 and Aksaraja, Krta, Treta, Dvapara, and Kali. From the Satapatha Brahmana19 it appears that another name of Kali was Abhibhu, and the parallel lists in the Taittirlya and Vajasaneyi Samhitas suggest that Abhibhu and Aksaraja are identical, though both appear in the late Taittirlya Brahmana list. The names of some of these throws go back even to the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda. Kali occurs in the latter,20 and Liiders21 shows that in a considerable number of passages in the former Krta means a ' throw ' (not ' a stake '22 or ' what is won m), and this sense is clearly found in the Atharvaveda.24 Moreover, that there were more throws (ayah) than one is proved by a passage in the Rigveda,25 when the gods are compared to throws as giving or destroying wealth. The nature of the throws is obscure. The St. Petersburg Dictionary conjectures that the names given above were applied either to dice marked 4, 3, 2, or I, or to the sides of the dice so marked, and the latter interpretation is supported by some late commentators.26 But there is no evidence for the former interpretation, and, as regards the latter, the shape of the Vibhldaka nuts,27 used as dice, forbids any side being properly on the top. Light is thrown on the expressions by the descrip- ](> iv. 3, 3, : XXX. 2. " xxx. 18. 18 iii. 4, 1, 16. These must be persons conversant with dicing, but the exact sense of the names is unknown. 19 v. 4, 4, 6. 20 vii. 114, 1. 21 Op. cit., 43 et seq. 22 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 23 Grassmann's Dictionary, s.v. 24 vii. 52. See Rv. x. 42, 9 (krtam vicinoti) ; 43 , 5 ; x. 102, 2 ; v. 60, 1 ; be. 97, 58 ; i. 132, I ; x. 34, 6 ; i. IOO, 9 ; viii. 19, 10. 25 x. 116, 9. 26 Anandagiri on Chandogya Upani- sad, iv. 1. 4; Nilakantha on Maha- bharata, iv. 50, 24. 27 Liiders, op. cit., 18. I — 2 DICE : THE METHOD OF PLA Y [ Aksa tion of a ritual game28 at the Agnyadheya and at the Rajasuya ceremonies. The details are not certain,29 but it is clear that the game consisted in securing even numbers of dice, usually a number divisible by four, the Krta, the other three throws then being the Treta, when three remained over after division by four ; the Dvapara, when two was the remainder ; and the Kali, when one remained. If five were the dividing number, then the throw which showed no remainder was Kali, the Krta was that when four was left, and so on. The dice had no numerals marked on them, the only question being what was the total number of the dice themselves. There is no reason to doubt that the game as played in the Rigveda was based on the same principle, though the details must remain doubtful. The number of dice used was certainly large,30 and the reference to throwing fours,31 and losing by one, points to the use of the Krta as the winning throw. The Atharvaveda,32 on the other hand, possibly knew of the Kali as the winning throw. In one respect the ordinary game must have differed from the ritual game. In the latter the players merely pick out the number of dice required — no doubt to avoid ominous errors, such as must have happened if a real game had been played. In the secular game the dice were thrown,33 perhaps on the principle suggested by Luders:34 the one throwing a certain number on the place of playing, and the other then throwing a number to make up with those already thrown a multiple of four or five. This theory, at any rate, accounts for the later stress laid on the power of computation in a player, as in the Nala. No board appears to have been used, but a depression on which 28 Baudhayana Srauta Sutra, ii. 8 ; 9 ; Apastamba Srauta Sutra, v. 19, 4 ; 20, I, with Rudradatta's note, for the Agnyadheya. Apastamba, xviii. 18, 16 et seq., describes the Rajasuya game, and cf. Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 4, 6 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 10, 5 ; §ata- patha Brahmana, v. 4, 4, 6 ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 7, 5 et seq. For Krta as four, see Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 3, 2, 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 5, II, 1. 29 See Caland, Zeitschrift der Deut- schen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 62, 123 et seq. 30 Rv. x. 34, 8. 31 Rv. i. 41, 9. In x. 34, 2, the loss is ascribed to aksasya ekaparasya, which confirms the explanation of Dvapara given in Panini, ii. 1, 10. 32 vii. 114, 1. 33 Rv. x. 34, 1. 8. 9 ; Av. iv. 38, 3. 34 Op. cit. 56. Aksata ] DICE: THE METHOD OF PLAY the dice were thrown (adhi-devana, devana35 irina36), was made in the ground. No dice box was used, but reference is made to a case for keeping dice in (aksa-vapana37). The throw was called graha38 or earlier grclbha.39 The stake is called vij.40 Serious losses could be made at dicing : in the Rigveda a dicer laments the loss of all his property, including his wife.41 Liiders42 finds a different form of the game referred to in the Chandogya Upanisad.43 35 Adhidevana in A v. v. 31, 6 ; vi. 70, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 6, 11 ; iv. 4, 6, etc. ; devana in Rv. x. 43, 5. The falling of the dice on the ground is referred to in Av. vii. 114, 2. 36 Rv. x. 34, 1. 37 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 1, 11. 38 Av. iv. 38, 1 et seq. ; cf. vii. 114, 5. 39 Rv. viii. 81, 1 ; ix. 106, 3. 40 Rv. i. 92, 10; ii. 12, 5; laksa in ii. 12, 4, and often dhana. So Liiders, op. cit., 10, n. 5; 62, n. 1. Roth and Zimmer, op. cit., 286, render ' he makes the dice secretly disappear' (i. 92, 10). 41 Rv. x. 34, 2. For cheating at play cf. Rv. v, 85, 8 ; vii. 86, 6 ; 104 14 ; Av. vi. 118. 42 Op. cit., 61. 43 iv. 1, 4; 6. According to Nila- kantha on Harivamsa, ii. 61, 39, the stake was divided into ten parts, and the Kali then took one, the Dvapara three, the Treta six, and the Krta all ten. This explanation seems harsh. Cf. Roth, Gurupujakaumudi, 1-4 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 283-287 ; Liiders, Das Wurfelspiel im alten Indien ; Caland, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 62, 123 et seq.; Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 823 et seq. 3. Aksa. — In the Chandogya Upanisad (vii. 3, 1) this word seems to denote the nut of the Vibhidaka (Terminalia bellerica). Aksata or Aksita. — In one passage of the Atharvaveda,1 dealing with the Jayanya, mention is made of a remedy for sores designated both Aksita and Suksata, or, according to the reading of the Kausika Sutra, Aksata and Suksata, while Sayana has Aksita and Suksita. Bloomfield2 renders ' not caused by cutting ' and ' caused by cutting.' Formerly3 he suggested 'tumour' or 'boil.' Whitney4 thinks that two varieties of Jayanya are meant. Ludwig5 reads with Sayana aksita, which he renders by ' not firmly established ' in the invalid. Zimmer6 finds in it a disease Ksata. 1 vii. 76, 4. 2 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 17, 562. 3 Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, ex vii. et seq. 4 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 442. 5 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 500. 6 Altindisches Leben, 377. THE SAGE AG A STY A [ Ak§avapam Aksa-vapana. See Aksa. Aksu. — The word occurs in two passages of the Atharvaveda1 and one of the Rigveda.2 Roth3 renders it by 'net,' while Bohtlingk4 suggests ' axle of a car.' Geldner5 sees in it a stake or pole used with a fishermen's net (Jala),6 the pole of a wagon,7 and the pole of a house, whether vertical or horizontal, he leaves uncertain (see Vamsa).8 Bloomfield9 takes it as a covering of wickerwork stretched across a beam and sloping down to both sides— like a thatched roof, and this best explains the epithet * thousand-eyed ' (i.e., with countless holes) ascribed to it. In the other Atharvaveda passage10 he accepts the sense 1 net,' and doubts if the word in the Rigveda is not an adjective (a-ksu) as it is taken by Sayana. See also Grha. 1 viii. 8, 18 (ahsujalabhyam) ; ix. 3, il 2 i. 180, 5. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v, 4 Dictionary, s.v. 5 Vedische Studien, 1, 136. 6 Av. viii. 8, 18. 7 Av. i. 180, 5. 8 ix. 3, 18. 8 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 598. 10 Av. viii. 8, 18. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 153, 265 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 506, 526 ; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 179. Agasti. — This form of Agastya's name occurs once in the Atharvaveda,1 where he appears as a favourite of Mitra and Varuna. 1 iv. 9, 3. Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 127, n. 5. Agfastya. — This is the name of a sage, of mythical character, who plays a great part in the later literature. He was a Mana,1 and therefore is called Manya2 and son of Mana, and only once is there a reference3 to the legend prevalent in later times that he was a son of Mitra and Varuna. His greatest feat was the reconciliation of Indra and the Maruts after Indra had been annoyed at his proposing to give the Maruts an offering to the exclusion of Indra. This feat is the subject of three hymns of the Rigveda,4 and is often referred 1 Rv. vii. 33, 10 (Agastya), 13 (Mana). 2 Rv. i. 165, 15 = 166, 15 = 167, n = 168, 10 ; 165, 14 ; 177, 5 ; 184, 4 (Manya) ; i. 189, 8 ; 117, 11 (Manasya sunu). 3 Rv. vii. 33, 13. Cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 138 et seq. 4 Rv. i. 165 ; 170 ; 171. Agara ] THE SAGE AG A STY A to in the Brahmanas,5 though the exact details and significance of the legend are variously treated by Oldenberg,6 Sieg,7 Hertel,8 and von Schroeder.9 He also appears in a strange dialogue with Lopamudra. in the Rigveda,10 which appears to show him as an ascetic who finally yields to temptation. Von Schroeder11 regards it as a ritual drama of vegetation magic. In another passage of the Rigveda12 he appears as helping in the Asvins' gift of a leg to Vispala. Sayana holds that he was the Purohita of Khela, and Sieg13 accepts this view, while Pischel14 thinks that Khela is a deity, Vivasvant. Geldner15 shows from the Rigveda16 that Agastya, as brother of Vasistha — both being miraculous sons of Mitra and Varuna — introduces Vasistha to the Trtsus. There are two other references to Agastya in the Rigveda, the one17 including him in a long list of persons, the other alluding to his sister's sons (nadbhyah),18 apparently Bandhu, etc. In the Atharvaveda19 he appears as connected with witchcraft, and in a long list of sages.20 In the Maitrayani Samhita21 cows, with a peculiar mark on their ears (vistya-kamyah), are associated with him. 5 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 5, 2 ; Taittirlya Brahmana, ii. 7, 11, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 1, 8 ; Kathaka Samhita, x. 11 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxi. 1:4, 5 ; Aitareya Brahmana, v. 16 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, xxvi. 9. 6 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 39, 60 et seq. 7 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 108-119. 8 Vienna Oriental Journal, 18, 152-154. 9 Mysterium und Mimus im Rigveda, 91 et seq. 10 i. 179. Cf. Sieg, op. cit., 120-126; Oldenberg, op. cit., 66-68. 11 Op. cit., 156-172. 12 i. 117, 11 ; cf. i. 116, 15. 13 Op. cit., 128. 14 Vedische Studien, 1, 171 -173. 15 Vedische Studien, 2, 138, 143, 16 Rv; vii^}3, 10. 13. • )fj) 17 viij 5, 26. Sieg, 129, suggests that this refers to the Khela legend. 18 x. 60, 6. 19 ii. 32, 3 ; iv. 37, 1. Perhaps for this reason the Rigveda Anukramani ascribes to him (Rv. i. 191) a magic hymn. 20 xviii. 3, 15. 21 iv. 2, 9. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 117; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 106-129 ; Macdonell, Brhad- devata, 2, 136 et seq. ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 221 ; Rgveda-Noten, 1, Agara. — This rare word is found as 'house' in the Kausitaki Upanisad.1 1 ii. 15. Cf. agara, ' chamber ' (?), n Av. iv. 36, 3 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 407. Agara occurs also in Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, i. 7, 21. CREMATION AND BURIAL [ Agnidagdha Agni-dagrdha. — This epithet ('burnt with fire')1 applies to the dead who were burned on the funeral pyre. This is one of the two normal methods of disposing of the dead, the other being burial (an-agnidagdhdh, ' not burnt with fire ').2 The Atharvaveda3 adds two further modes of disposal to those — viz., casting out (paroptcih), and the exposure of the dead (uddhitdh). The exact sense of these expressions is doubtful. Zimmer4 considers that the former is a parallel to the Iranian practice of casting out the dead to be devoured by beasts, and that the latter refers to the old who are exposed when helpless.5 Whitney6 refers the latter expression to the exposure of the dead body on a raised platform of some sort. Burial was clearly not rare in the Rigvedic period : a whole hymn7 describes the ritual attending it. The dead man was buried apparently in full attire, with his bow in his hand, and probably at one time his wife was immolated to accompany him, in accordance with a practice common among savage tribes. But in the Vedic period both customs appear in a modified form : the son takes the bow from the hand of the dead man, and the widow is led away from her dead husband by his brother or other nearest kinsman. A stone is set between the dead and the living to separate them. In the Atharvaveda,8 but not in the Rigveda, a coffin (vrksa) is alluded to. In both Samhitas9 occur other allusions to the ' house of earth' (bhumi-grha). To remove the apparent discrepancy between burning and burial, by assuming that the references to burial are to the burial of the burned bones, as does Oldenberg,10 is unnecessary and improbable, as burning and burial subsisted side by side in Greece for many years. Burning was, however, equally usual, and it grew steadily in frequency, for in the Chandogya Upanisad11 the adornment 1 Rv. x. 15, 14 ; Taittiriya Brah- mana, iii. 1, 1, 7 ; dagdhah, Av. xviii. 2, 34- 2 Rv., loc. cit.; = nikhatah, Av. xviii. 2,34. 3 Loc. cit. 4 Altindisches Leben, 402. 5 Rv. viii. 51, 2. 6 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 841. 7 x. 18. The interpretation of v. 8 is a famous crux, see Patni. 8 xviii. 2, 25 ; 3, 70. 9 Rv. vii. 89, 1 ; Av. v. 30, 14 ; xviii. 2, 52. 10 Religion des Veda, 571. 11 viii. 8, 5. \ Agnigala J CREMATION of the body of the dead with curd (Amiksa), clothes, and ornaments, in order to win the next world, is referred to as something erroneous and wrong, and in the funeral Mantras of the Vajasaneyi Samhita12 only burning seems to be contemplated ; the verses which refer to burial here really alluding to the burial of the ashes in the burying-ground (smasdna).18 The body was wrapped in fat,14 as we learn from the funeral hymn in the Rigveda, a goat being apparently burned with it,15 to act as a guide on the way to the next world. According to the Atharvaveda16 a draft-ox was burned presumably for the dead to ride with in the next world. It was expected that the dead would revive with his whole body and all his limbs (sarva-taniih sdhgak),17 although it is also said18 that the eye goes to the sun, the breath to the wind, and so forth. Before burial or burning, the corpse was washed,19 a clog (kudi) being tied to the foot to prevent the deceased returning to earth.20 1-3, as intended for 12 xxxv. Cf. also Kausika Sutra, 80 et seq. , which treats the Atharvaveda hymns, xviii. burning only. 13 Av. v. 31, Samhita, v. 2, 14 Rv. x. 16, 1, 18 ; Taittiriya ii,3- 0 ; x 8, 5; 4 x. 10, 7. 15 Rv. x. 16, 4. But aja may mean 'the unborn part,' as Weber prefers to take it, Proceedings of the Berlin Academy, 1895, 847. 16 xii. 2, 48. 17 Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 6, 1, 1 ; xi. 1, 8, 6 ; xii. 8, 3, 31. Cf. Av. xi. 3, 32. This fact probably explains the use of iesah in Rv. x. 16, 5. The dead enjoy sexual pleasures in the next world ; see Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 307, n. 462. 18 Rv. x. 16, 3. 19 Av. v. 19, 14. 20 Av. v. 19, 12 ; see Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 98 ; Bloomfield, American Journal of Philology, 12, 416. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 401- 407 ; Roth, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 8, 468 et seq. ; Siebenzig Lieder , 150 et seq. ; Olden- berg, Religion des Veda, 570 et seq. ; Caland, Die altindischen Todten- und Bestattungsgebrduche ; von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 40-42 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythology, 3, 413- 423 ; Rituallitteratnr, 87 et seq.; Mac- donell, Vedic Mythology, 165, 166 ; Pro- ceedings of the Berlin Academy, 1895, 815 et seq. Ag*ni-bhu KaSyapa is mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana1 as a pupil of Indrabhu Kasyapa. 1 Indische Studien, 4, 374. AgTii-£ala. — This term, which designates part of the sacrificial io CONSTELLATION AGHA [Agha apparatus,1 is applied in the Atharvaveda2 to a part of an ordinary house, presumably the central hall where the fire- place was. 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 18. I Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva- 2 ix. 3, 7. I veda, $g8; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 154. Ag\ha. — In the wedding hymn of the Rigveda1 it is said that cows are slain in the Aghas, and the wedding takes place at the Arjunis (dual). The Atharvaveda2 has the ordinary Magfhas instead. It is impossible to resist the conclusion that the read- ing of the Rigveda was deliberately altered because of the con- nection of the slaughter of kine with sin (agha) — possibly, too, with a further desire to emphasize the contrast with aghnya, a name for 'cow.' Moreover, in the Taittirlya Brahmana3 occurs the formula ' Svaha to the Maghas, Svaha to the Anaghas.' See also Naksatra. 1 x. 85, 13. 2 xiv. 1, 13. 3 iii. 1, 4, 8. Cf. Weber, Naxatra, 2, 364 ; Pro- ceedings of the Berlin Academy, 1894, 804 ; Jacobi, Festgruss an Roth, 69 ; Winternitz, Das altindische Hochzeits- rituell, 32 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 742 ; Thibaut, Indian Antiquary, 24, 95. AgfhaSva. — The name of a serpent in the Atharvaveda.1 1 x. 4, io. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 95. A-grhnya. — See Mamsa. Anka. — The Taittirlya Samhita1 and Brahmana2 refer to two Ahkas and two Nyankas as parts of a chariot. The meaning of these terms is quite obscure. The commentators refer them to the sides or wheels. Zimmer3 compares the Greek avTvyss* and thinks that the Arikau were the upper border of the body of the chariot (ko£a, vandhura), and the Nyahkau the lower rims for greater security. Oldenberg5 confesses that the exact sense is impossible to make out, but considers that the terms at once refer to parts of the chariot and to divinities, while Bohtlingk6 takes the term as referring to divinities alone. 4 Iliad, v. 728. Cf. Smith's Dic- tionary of Antiquities, I, 578. 6 Sacred Books of the East, 29, 364, on Paraskara Grhya Sutra, iii. 14, 6. 6 Dictionary, s.v. 1 1. 7, 7, 2. 2 ii. 7, 8, 1. Cf. Paficavimsa Brah- mana, i. 7, 5. 3 Altindisches Leben, 251, 252. Arigustha ] THE ANGAS—THE ANGIRASES ii Anga. — The name occurs only once in the Atharvaveda1 in connection with the Gandharis, Mujavants, and Magadhas, as distinct peoples. They appear also in the Gopatha Brahmana2 in the compound name A nga-magadhdk. As in later times they were settled on the Sone and Ganges,3 their earlier seat was presumably there also. See also Vanga. 1 V. 22, 14. 2 ii. 9. 3 Cf Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 35; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 446, 449 ; Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 852, inclines to regard them as a non-Aryan people that came over-sea to Eastern India. There is nothing in the Vedic litera- ture to throw light on this hypothesis. Ahg*a Vairocana. — He is included in the list of anointed kings in the Aitareya Brahmana.1 His Purohita was Udamaya, an Atreya. 1 viii. 22. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlcindischen Gesellschaft, 42, 214. Ahgraravaksayana. — A word of doubtful meaning found in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 It is rendered 'tongs' by Max Miiller and Bohtlingk in their translations. The St. Petersburg Dictionary explains it as * a vessel in which coals are extinguished,' and Monier-Williams as ' an instrument for extinguishing coals.' The smaller St. Petersburg Dictionary renders the word ' coal-shovel or tongs.' Cf. Ulmukava- ksayana. 1 iii. 9, 18. Ahgiras. — The Angirases appear in the Rigveda1 as semi- mythical beings, and no really historical character can be assigned even to those passages2 which recognize a father of the race, Angiras. Later, however, there were definite families of Angirases, to whose ritual practices {ay ana, dviratra) references are made.3 1 Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, ii. 156-169. 2 Rv. i. 45, 3; 139, 9 ; iii. 31, 7, etc. ; Chandogya Upanisad, i, 2, 10. 3 Av. xviii. 4, 8, but this may be mythical; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xx. 11, 1 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 4, 1. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, 142, 143. Ahg'ustha. — As a measure of size this word appears in the Kathaka Upanisad (iv. 12 ; vi. 17). 12 GOAT—SCORPION— BOA-CONSTRICTOR [ Acyut A-cyut. — He acted as Pratihartr at the Sattra celebrated by the Vibhindukiyas and described in the Jaiminiya Brahmana.1 1 iii. 233. See Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 38. Aja, Aja. — This is the ordinary name for goat in the Rigveda1 and the later literature. The goat is also called Basta, Chaga, Chagfala. Goats and sheep (ajdvayah) are very frequently mentioned together.2 The female goat is spoken of as pro- ducing two or three kids,3 and goat's milk is well known.4 The goat as representative of Pusan plays an important part in the ritual of burial.5 The occupation of a goatherd (ajapdla) was a recognized one, being distinguished from that of a cow- herd and of a shepherd.6 3 Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, 10, 1. 4 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 1, 6, 1 ; v. 1, 7, 4. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 364, n. 4. 6 Rv. x. 16, 4, etc. Cf. p. 9. 6 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 11 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 9, 1. 1 Aja in Rv. x. 16, 4; i. 162, 2. 4 ; Av. ix. 5, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 9, etc. ; aja in Rv. viii. 70, 15 ; Av. vi. 71, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii., 56, etc. 2 Rv. x. 90, 10 ; Av. viii. 7, 25 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 43, etc. AJa* — The Ajas are named in one verse of the Rigveda1 as having been defeated by the Tptsus under Sudas. They are there mentioned with the Yaksus and SigTUS, and Zimmer2 conjectures that they formed part of a confederacy under Bheda against Sudas. The name has been regarded as a sign of totemism,3 but this is very uncertain, and it is impossible to say if they were or were not Aryans. 1 vii. 18, 19. 2 A Itindisches Leben, 127. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 173. 3 Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, 153 ; Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1907, 929 ; Aitareya Aranyaka, 200, 21 ; Risley, Peoples of India, 83 et seq. Ajakava. — This name of a poisonous scorpion occurs once in the Rigveda.1 1 vii. 50, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 99. Aja-g*ara ('goat-swallower ') occurs in the Atharvaveda1 and in the list of animals at the AsSvamedha,2 or horse sacrifice, as the 1 xi. 2, 25 ; xx. 129, 17- I Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 19 ; Vaja- 2 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 14, 1 ; | saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 38. Ajnatayaksjma ] NAMES 13. 1 4 xxv. 15, in the form of Ajagava, with which cf. Ajakava. name of the boa-constrictor. Elsewhere3 it is called Vahasa. It denotes a person at the snake feast in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.4 3 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 34. Aja-midha. — The Ajamldhas, or descendants of Ajamidha, are referred to in a hymn of the Rigveda.1 Ludwig2 and Oldenberg3 deduce from the use of this patronymic that Ajamidha was the seer of that hymn. 3 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlan- dischen Gescllschaft, 42, 215. 135- ' Aja-grngi. — This plant ('goat's horn'), equated by the com- mentator with Visanin (the Odina pinnata), is celebrated as a demon-destroyer in the Atharvaveda.1 Its other name is Aratakl.2 Weber3 suggests that it is the Prosopis spicigera or Mimosa suma. 1 iv. 44, 6. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 123, 1 iv. 37. 2 iv. 37, 6. 3 Indische Studien, Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 408, 409 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 144. Cf. 68 ; Caland, Altindisches Zauberritual, 89. Ajata-6atru. — He is mentioned as a King of KasI (Kasya) in the Brhadaranyaka1 and Kausitaki2 Upanisads, where he in- structs the proud Brahmana Balaki as to the real nature of the self. He is not to be identified with the Ajatasattu of the Buddhist texts.3 1 ii. i, 1. Hoernle, Osteology, 106; Keith, Zeit- 2 iv. 1. schvift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen 3 Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 213 ; Gesellschaft, 62, 138. Ajnata-yaksma, the ' unknown sickness,' is mentioned in the Rigveda,1 Atharvaveda,2 and Kathaka Samhita.3 It is referred to in connection with Rajayaksma. Grohmann4 thinks that the two are different forms of disease, hypertrophy and atrophy, the purpose of the spell in the Rigveda being thus the removal of all disease. From the Atharvaveda5 he deduces its identity with Balasa. Zimmer,6 however, points out that this 1 x. 161, i=Av. iii. 11, I, 2 vi. 127, 3. 3 xiii. 16. 4 Indische Studien, 9, 400. 8 vi. 127, 3. 6 Altindisches Leben, 377, 378. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 342 ; Atharvaveda, 60 ; Jolly, Medicin (in Biihler's Encyclopaedia), 89. 14 GOAT-SKIN— NAMES [ Ajina conclusion is unjustified, leaving the disease unidentified, which seems to accord with its name. Ajina. — This word denotes generally the skin of an animal —e.g., a gazelle,1 as well as that of a goat (Aja).2 The use of skins as clothing is shown by the adjective * clothed in skins - (ajina-vasin) in the Satapatha Brahmana,3 and the furrier's trade is mentioned in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.4 The Maruts also wear deer-skins,5 and the wild ascetics (muni) of a late Rigveda hymn 6 seem to be clad in skins (Mala). (ajina 24 1 Av. v. 21, 7. a Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, i, 21. 3 iii. 9, 1, 12. 4 xxx. 15 (ajina-samdha) ; Taittiriya 13, Brahmana, lit. samdhaya). 8 Rv. i. 166, 10. 6 x. 136, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 262. Ajira. — He was Subrahmanya priest at the snake festival of the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xxv. 15. See Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35. Ajigrarta Sauyavasa. — This is the name given to the father of Sunahgepa in the famous legend of the Aitareya Brahmana,1 perhaps invented for the occasion, as Weber2 suggests. 1 vn. 15 ; 17- Sutra, xv. 19. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta 2 Indische Studien, 1, 460; Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. A-jyeyata. See Brahmana. Anlcin Mauna. — He is mentioned as an authority on ritual, and contemporary with Jabala and Citra Gaugrayani or Gau6ra, in the Kausitaki Brahmana.1 1 xxiii. 5. Anu. — This is the designation in the Vajasaneyi Samhita1 and the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad2 of a cultivated grain, apparently the Panicum miliaceum. 1 xviii. 12. 2 vi. 3, 13 (Kanva), where see Dviveda's note. Atithi (' guest'). — A hymn of the Atharvaveda1 celebrates in detail the merits of hospitality. The guest should be fed before 1 ix. 6. Atidhanvan Saunaka ] HO SPIT A LITY—A TITHIG VA i5 the host eats, water should be offered to him, and so forth. The Taittirlya Upanisad2 also lays stress on hospitality, using the expression ' one whose deity is his guest ' (atithi-deva). In the Aitareya Aranyaka3 it is said that only the good are deemed worthy of receiving hospitality. The guest-offering forms a regular part of the ritual,4 and cows were regularly slain in honour of guests.5 2 i. 11, 2. 5 Cf, Bloomfield, American Journal of 3 i. 1, 1. Philology, 17,426; Hillebrandt, Ritual- 4 Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 3, 2, 1. litteratur, 79. Atithi-gra. — This name occurs frequently in the Rigveda, apparently applying, in nearly all cases, to the same king, otherwise called Divodasa. The identity of the two persons has been denied by Bergaigne,1 but is certainly proved by a number of passages, when the two names occur together,2 in connection with the defeat of Sambara. In other passages3 Atithigva is said to have assisted Indra in slaying Parnaya and Karanja. Sometimes he is only vaguely referred to, while once5 he is mentioned as an enemy of Turvasa and Yadu. Again 6 Atithigva is coupled with Ayu and Kutsa as defeated by Turvayana. A different Atithigva appears to be referred to in a Danastuti 7 (' Praise of Gifts '), where his son, Indrota, is mentioned. Roth8 distinguishes three Atithigvas — the Atithigva Divodasa, the enemy of Parnaya and Karanja, and the enemy of Turvayana. But the various passages can be reconciled, especially if it is admitted that Atithigva Divodasa was already an ancient hero in the earliest hymns, and was becoming almost mythical. 14; 130, 7 1 Religion Vedique, 2, 342 et seq. 2 Rv. i. 51, 6 ; ii2, iv. 26, 3 ; vi. 47, 22. 3 Rv. i. 53, 8 ; x. 48, 8. 4 Rv. vi. 26, 3. 5 Rv. vii. 19, 8. There is no ground for assuming the reference here to be to a later Atithigva. 6 Rv. i. 53, 10 ; ii. 14, 7 ; vi. 18, 13 ; viii. 53, 2. 7 Rv. viii. 68, 16. 17. 8 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 123 ; Bloomfield, American Journal of Philology, 17, 426, who renders the name ' presenting cows to guests.' Ati-dhanvan Saunaka. — He is mentioned as a teacher in the Chandogya Upanisad x and the Vamsa Brahmana.2 1. 9- 3- 2 Indische Studien, 4, 384. 1 6 A TKA —NA ME S [ Atrnada A-trnada. — This term (' not eating grass ') was applied, ac- cording to the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, to a newborn calf.1 1 i. 5, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 268. i. Atka. — This word occurs frequently in the Rigveda, but its sense is doubtful. Roth, Grassmann, Ludwig, Zimmer,1 and others render it as * garment ' in several passages,2 when the expressions ' put on ' (vyci or prati munc) or * put off' (munc) are used of it, and when it is said to be ' woven ' (vyuta) 3 or ' well- fitting ' (surabhi).* On the other hand, Pischel5 denies that this sense occurs, and otherwise explains the passages. He takes the term to mean ' axe ' in four places.6 1 Altindisches Leben, 262. ■ 2 i. 95, 7 1 "• 35- J4 > iv- l8» 5 • v. 55. 6; 74, 5; vi. 29, 3 ; viii. 41, 7; ix. 101, 14; 107, 13; Samaveda, ii. 1193. 3 Rv. i. 122, 2. 4 Rv. vi. 29, 3 ; x. 123, 7. 5 Vedische Studien, 2, 193-204. 6 Rv. v. 55, 6 ; vi. 33, 3 ; x. 49, 3 ; 99, 9. Cf. Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 94, n. 1. 2. Atka. — In two passages of the Rigveda1 this word is regarded as a proper name by Roth, Grassmann, and Ludwig. But Zimmer2 explains it in these passages as the * armour of a warrior as a whole,' and Pischel8 thinks that in both cases an ' axe ' is meant. 1 x. 49, 3 ; 99, 9. 3 Vedische Studien, 2, 195. 2 Altindisches Leben, 262, 297. Aty-amhas Aruni. — According to the Taittirlya Brahmana (iii. 10, 9, 3-5), this teacher sent a pupil to question Plaksa Dayyampati as to the Savitra (a form of Agni). For this impertinence his pupil was severely rebuked. Aty-arati Janam-tapi^ though not a prince, was taught the Rajasuya by Vasistha Satyahavya, and thereupon conquered the earth. When Vasistha reminded him of his indebtedness, and claimed a great reward, the warrior replied irascibly that he intended to conquer the Uttara Kurus, and that Vasistha would then become King of the Earth, Atyarati himself being his general (send-pati). Vasistha replied that as no mortal man could conquer the Uttara Kurus he was cheated of his reward. Atharvan] THE ATRIS 17 He consequently procured Atyarati's defeat and death at the hands of Amitratapana Susmina Saibya.1 1 Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 23. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 214. Atri. — Neither Atri himself nor the Atris can claim any historical reality,1 beyond the fact that Mandala V. of the Rigveda is attributed, no doubt correctly, to the family of the Atris.2 The Atris as a family probably stood in close relations with the Priyamedhas3 and Kanvas,4 perhaps also with the Gotamas5 and Kaksivatas.6 The mention of both the Parusni and the Yamuna in one hymn7 of the fifth Mandala seems to justify the presumption that the family was spread over a wide extent of territory. 1 For Atri in the Rigveda, see Mac- 4 Cf. Rv. i. 118, 7; v. 41, 4; donell, Vedic Mythology, 145. Cf. also ' x. 150, 5. Av. ii. 32, 3 ; iv. 29, 3; Mantra Bran- 5 Cf. Rv. i. 183, 5. mana, ii. 7, 1 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, 6 Cf. Rv. x. 143, 1. iv. 36, etc. ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, 7 Rv. v. 52, 9. 17. Cf. Ludwig, ii. 2, 4. Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 128, 2 Cf Rv. v. 39, 5 ; 67, 5 ; Kausitaki 142 ; Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, Brahmana, xxiv. 3 ; Aitareya Aranyaka, ; 469 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutsche ,1 ii. 2, 1. ( Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 42, 212- 3 Cf. Rv. i. 45, 3 ; 139, 9-; viii. 5, 1 215 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 25; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 22. 3, 310. Athari. — This word occurs only in the Rigveda,1 and the sense is doubtful. Roth,2 followed by most interpreters, renders it ' point of a lance,1 but Pischel3 thinks that it means 'an elephant.' 1 iv. 6, 8. 3 Vedische Studien, 1, 99. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Atharvan. — The name in the singular denotes the head of a semi-divine family of mythical priests,1 of whom nothing his- torical can be said. In the plural the family as a whole is meant. In a few places an actual family seems to be referred to. Thus, for instance, they are mentioned as recipients of gifts in the Danastuti2 (' Praise of Gifts '), of ASvattha's 1 See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, 141. In the Vamsa of the Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, ii. 6, 3, Atharvan VOL. I. Daiva is characteristically the pupil of Mrtyu. 2 Rv. vi. 47, 24. i8 NAMES OF THE ATHARVAVEDA \ Atharvanalj. generosity ; their use of milk mingled with honey in the ritual is referred to ;3 and a cow that miscarries (ava-tokd) from accident is dedicated to the Atharvans, according to the Taittirlya Brahmana.4 vaveda, xxxv. et seq., who (p. xxxviii) takes avatoka as a woman, and the Atharvans as the hymns ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 174 et seq. Rv. ix. 11. 2. Cf. Vajasaneyi Sam- * 111. 4, 11, 1. hita, xxx. 15. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- Atharvanah. — This expression1 is used with Angirasah, to denote the Atharvaveda. The compound Atharvangirasah is employed in the same sense. 1 Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 12, 9, 1 ; j Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 3, 5 Paiicavimsa Brahmana, xvi. 10, 10 ; \ et seq. Atharvangirasah. — This is the collective name of the Athar- vaveda in several passages1 of the later Brahmanas. It occurs once in the Atharvaveda itself,2 while the term Atharvaveda is not found before the Sutra period.3 The compound seems, according to Bloomfield,4 to denote the two elements which make up the Atharvaveda. The former part refers to the aus- picious practices of the Veda (bhesajdni) ;5 the latter to its hostile witchcraft, the ydtu6 or abhi-cdra.7 This theory is supported by the names of the two mythic personages Ghora Angirasa and Bhisaj Atharvana, as well as by the connection of Atharvanah and Atharvanani with healing (bhesaja) in the Pancavim^a Brahmana.8 Moreover, the term bhesaja ('remedies') designates in the Atharvaveda9 that Veda itself, while in the Satapatha Brahmana10 ydtu (' sorcery ') conveys the same meaning. The evidence, however, being by no means convincing, it remains probable that there existed no clear differentiation between the two sages as responsible for the Atharvaveda as a whole. Hymns of the 1 Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 12, 8, 2 ; Taittirlya Aranyaka, ii. 9 ; 10 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, xi. 5, 6, 7 ; Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, ii. 4, 10 ; iv. 1, 2 ; 5,11; Chandogya Upanisad, iii. 4, 1.2; Taittirlya Upanisad, ii. 3, 1. 2 x. 7, 20. 3 Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 2, 9, etc. 4 Journal of the A merican Oriental Society, 11, 387 et seq. Atharvaveda, xviii. et seq. 5 Av. xi. 6, 14. 6 Satapatha Brahmana, x. 5, 2, 20. 7 Kausika Sutra, 3, 19. 8 xii. 9, 10 ; xvi. io, 10. 9 x. 6, 14. 10 x. 5, 2, 20. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 177. Adhiraja ] VERMIN-DICE-BOARD— OVERLORD 19 A-drsta. — ' The unseen ' is a term used in the Rigveda1 and the Atharvaveda2 to designate a species of vermin. The sun is also described as ' the slayer of the unseen ' (adrsta-han) ,3 and as a counterpart a ' seen ' (drsta) is mentioned.4 In one passage5 the epithets 'seen' and 'unseen' are applied to the worm (Krmi), their use being no doubt due to the widespread theory of diseases being due to worms, whether discernable by examination or not.6 1 Rv. i. 191, 4 = Av. vi. 52, 2. 2 vi. 52, 3. 3 Rv. i. 191, 9 = Av. vi. 52, Av. v. 23, 6. 4 Av. ii. 31, 2 ; viii. 8, 15. 5 Av. v. 23, 6. 7. 6 Kuhn, Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Sprachforschung, 13, l^etseq.; Bloom- field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 313- 315; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98. Adma-sad. — This expression {lit. ' sitting at the meal '), found several times in the Rigveda,1 is usually rendered ' guest at the feast,' but Geldner2 adduces reasons to show that it means ' a fly,' so called because of its settling on food. 1 i. 124, 4; vi. 30, 3; vii. 83, 7; I 2 Vedische Studien, 2, 179, 180; but viii. 44, 29 ; adma-sadvan, vi. 4, 4. | cf. Oldenberg, Vedaforschung, 90. Adri. — Zimmer1 deduces from the use of this word (' rock,' ' stone ') in a passage of the Rigveda,2 that sling-stones were used in Vedic fighting. But the passage is mythical, referring to Indra's aid, and cannot be used with any certainty as evidence for human war. More probably it merely denotes Indra's bolt. See also A£ani. 1 Altindisches Leben, 301. Cf. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2 i- 51, 3- Adhi-devana. — The place where the dice were thrown is thus designated in the Atharvaveda1 and the Satapatha Brahmana,2 according to Liiders.3 Roth,4 followed by Whitney, takes it to mean ' gambling-board.' See Aksa. 1 v. 31, 6; vi. 70, 1. 3 Das Wilrfelspiel im alten Indien, 11- 13. 2 v. 4, 4, 20. 22, 23. I 4 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Adhi-raja. — The word occurs fairly often throughout the early literature,1 denoting ' overlord ' among kings or princes. 1 Rv. x. 128, 9 ; Av. vi. 98, 1 ; ix. 10, Samhita, viii. 17 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, 24; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 4, 14, 2; iii. 1, 2, 9 (adhirajan) ; Satapatha Brah- Maitrayanl Samhita, iv. 12, 3 ; Kathaka mana, v. 4, 2, 2 ; Nirukta, viii. 2. 20 SOMA PRESS— UPPER GARMENT [ Adhi§avana In no passage is it clear that a real over-king is meant, as the word raj an may mean king or merely prince, a person of royal blood. On the whole it seems most probable that the word connotes no more than ' king ' as opposed to \ prince.' Adhi-savana. — The two Adhisavanas1 are usually understood, as by Roth2 and Zimmer,3 to designate the two boards between which the Soma was pressed. Hillebrandt,4 however, shows from the ritual that the boards were not placed one over the other, but were placed one behind the other, the two serving as a foundation upon which the Soma was pressed by a stone. This theory seems to account best for the etymological sense of the name ' over-press,' as well as for the use of the word as an adjective (' used for pressing upon '). But according to the procedure as witnessed by Haug5 in the Deccan, the shoots of the plant are first placed on the skin, one of the boards being then laid over them and pounded with a stone. The shoots are then taken out and placed upon the board, the second board being then laid over them. 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 21 ; Av. v. 20, 10 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 9, 4, 1 ; 5, 3, 22 {adhisavane phalahe); Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 32 {adhisavaiiam carma, 'the skin upon which the pressing takes place ' ; adhisavane phalahe, ' the boards on which the pressing takes place,' etc.). 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Altindisches Leben, 277. 4 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 148 et seq. 5 See Haug, Aitareya Brahmana, 2, p. 488, n. 10. Adhi-vasa. — This word1 denotes the 'upper garment' of the Vedic Indian. Its exact nature is not described, but as the king in the ritual set forth in the Satapatha Brahmana2 puts on first an undergarment, then a garment, and finally an upper garment, it presumably denotes some sort of cloak or mantle. 1 Rv. i. 140, 9; 162, 16; x. 5, 4; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 5, 22 (prati- muiic, ' put on ') ; 4, 4, 3 {a-str, ' spread out '), etc. Cf. 268. 3, 5, 19 et seq. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, Adhyanda. — This is a plant mentioned with many others in the Satapatha Brahmana (xiii. 8, 1, 16). Anas] DRAFT OX— WAGON 21 Adhri-gn. — This is the name of a man twice referred to in the Rigveda1 as a protege of the Asvins and of Indra respectively. 1 i. 112, 20 ; viii. 12, 2. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society , 17, 90. ftt.x&.io fci&o f j , 1 1 1 - r / it ■ n Adhvaryu. — In one passage of the Rigveda1 Hillebrandt2 thinks that the five Adhvaryus who are mentioned do not designate actual priests, but refer to the five planets which move about in the heavens like the Adhvaryu priests on the sacrificial ground. See also Graha. 1 iii. 7, 7. 2 Vedische Mythologie, 3, 423. An-ag-ni-dagdha, ' not burnt with fire.' See Agni-dagrdha, 1 burnt with fire.' Anad-vah (lit. * cart-drawer'). — This is the common1 name of oxen as employed for drawing carts (Anas). Such oxen were normally castrated,2 though not always. Female draft cattle were also used (anaduhi), but rarely.3 See also Go. Rv. x. 59, 10; 85, 10; iii. 53, 18; 3 Av. iv. 11 ; Satapatha Brahmana, Av. iii. 11, 5 ; iv. 11, 1, etc. ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 14 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 1, 4, 17, etc. 2 Cf. Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 1, 226. 5 (anadvan sanclah). v. 3.4, II. 13. Cf. Weber, Indiscke Stitdien, 13, 151, n. ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, Anas. — This is the term1 used to designate the draft wagon, as opposed to the chariot (ratha) for war or sport, with which it is sometimes expressly contrasted,2 though Indra is once said to be ' seated in a wagon ' (anar-viS)3 instead of on a chariot. Though Usas, Goddess of Dawn, sometimes rides on a chariot {ratha), the wagon is her characteristic vehicle.4 Of its con- struction we know little. The bridal wagon on which Surya, the daughter of the Sun, was borne in the marriage hymn in the Rigveda had a covering (Chadis).6 The axle-box (Kha) is also 1 Rv. iv. 30, 10 ; x. 85, 10 ; 86, I 2 Rv. iii. 33, 9. 18, etc. ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 3 Rv. i. 121, 7. 2, 5, etc. ; Chandogya Upanisad, vii. | 4 Rv. ii. 15, 6 ; iv. 30, 11 ; viii. 91, 15, 1; Kausitaki Upanisad, iii. 8, | 7 ; x. 73, 6 ; 138,5- etc. I 5 Rv. x. 85, 10. 22 THE ANU TRIBE [Anas 9 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, 47. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 246 Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 4. mentioned.6 In the Atharvaveda7 Vipatha appears to denote a rough vehicle used for bad tracks. The wagon was usually drawn by oxen (Anadvah), as in wedding processions.8 The wagon of Dawn is described as drawn by ruddy cows or bulls.9 6 Rv. viii. 91, 7; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, i. 3. 7 xv. 2, 1. 8 Rv. x. 85, 11. Anas. See Dasyu. Anitabha in the Rigveda1 is taken by Max M tiller2 to denote some river. 1 v. 53, 9. 2 Sacred Boohs of the East, 32, 323 ; but cf. Rasa. Ami, Anava. — Grassmann and Roth1 see in these words designations of people foreign to the Aryans. But it is clear2 that they denote a special people, the Anus, who are mentioned with the Yadus, Turvasas, Druhyus, and Purus,3 with the Druhyus,4 and with the Turvasas, Yadus, and Druhyus.5 It is also a fair conclusion from their mention in a passage of the Rigveda6 that they dwelt on the Parusni. The inference that the Bhrgus were connected with this tribe is much more doubtful,7 for it rests solely on the fact that in one place8 the Bhrgus and Druhyus are mentioned together, and not Anus and Druhyus. Anava is used as an epithet of Agni,9 but also in the sense of ' Anu prince,'10 in one case in conjunction with Turvasa.11 1 St. Petersburg Dictionary. 2 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 125. 3 Rv. i. 108, 8. 4 Rv. vii. 18, 14. 5 viii. io, 5. 6 Rv. viii. 74, 15, compared with vii. 18, 14. 7 Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 221, n.i. 8 Rv. vii. 18, 4. 9 Rv. viii. 74, 4. Cf. Rv. v. 31, 4, where the Anus prepare the chariot of the Asvins. 10 Rv. vii. 18, 13. 11 viii. 4, 1. Apparently as prince also in vi. 62, 9. Cf. Kurunga. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 205 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 153 ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 154. Anu-ksattr. — This word occurs in the list of victims at the Purusamedha,1 and means, according to Mahldhara,2 ' an attendant on the door-keeper,' and, according to Say ana, 'an attendant on the charioteer ' (sdrathi). See also Ksattr. 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 1 1 ; 73 ; I a On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. Taittiriya Brahmana, hi. 4, 9, 1. | * On Taittiriya Brahmana, loc. cit. Ldhra ] NAMES— BRAHMIN PUPIL 23 Anu-cara. — This is a general expression1 for an ' attendant (the feminine being Anucarl),2 but it is not often used. 27 (apparently slave girls are meant, 400 being enumerated). 1 Vajasaneyi Sambita, xxx. 13 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 7, I. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, Anu-mati. See Masa. Anu-radha. See Naksatra. Anu-vaktr Satya Satya-klrta is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminlya Brahmana Upanisad (i. 5, 4). Anuvya-khyana is a species of writing referred to in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 Sankara interprets it as ' explana- tion of the Mantras.' As the term, in the plural, follows Sutras, this interpretation is reasonable. Sieg,2 however, equates the word with Anvakhyana, ' supplementary narrative.' 1 ii. 4, 10 ; iv. 1, 2 ; 5, 11. 2 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 34. Anu-sasana in the plural denotes in the Satapatha Brahmana (xi. 5, 6, 8) some form of literature ; according to Sayana, the Vedangas. Anu-£ikha is the name of the Potr at the snake festival in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xxv. 15. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35. Ante-vasin, 'dwelling near,' is the epithet of the Brahma- carin who lives in the house of his teacher. The expression does not occur before the late Brahmana period.1 Secrecy is often enjoined on others than Antevasins.2 1 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 5, 17; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 3, 7 ; Chandogya Upanisad, iii. n, 5 ; iv. 10, 1 ; Taittirlya Upanisad, i. 3, 3 ; 11, 1. 2 Aitareya Aranyaka, iii. 2, 6 ; Sahkh- ayana Aranyaka, viii. 1 1 . Andhra is the name of a people, and is mentioned with the Pundras, Sabaras, Pulindas, and Mutibas, as being the outcasts resulting from the refusal of the fifty eldest sons of Visvamitra to accept his adoption of Sunahsepa.1 It may fairly be deduced 1 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 18; Sankh- thern '), but the former is obviously ayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 26, where correct. The Sankhayana omits fhe instead of uddntyah (' beyond the Pulindas, and has Mucipas. borders ') the reading is udaiicah (' nor- 24 CUCKOO— SCROFULA [ Anyatafcplak§a from this statement that these people were recognized as non- Aryan, as the Andhras certainly seem to have been.2 2 Vincent Smith, Zeitschrift der Deut- schen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 56, 657 et seq. , who places them originally in Eastern India between the Krsna and Godavari rivers ; cf. Rapson, Catalogue of Indian Coins, xv., xvi. ; Bhandarkar, Bombay Gazetteer, I. ii. 138. Anyatah-plaksa ('with wave -leafed fig-trees on one side only ') is the name of a lake in Kuruksetra according to the Satapatha Brahmana,1 where it occurs in the story of Puru- ravas and Urva£l. Pischel2 places it somewhere in Sirmor. 1 xi. 5, i, 4. 2 Vedische Studien, 2, 217. Anya-vapa ('sowing for others'). — The cuckoo is so called1 from its habit of depositing its eggs in the nests of other birds. 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 37 ; Maitrayani Sarphita, iii. 14, 18. Anva-khyana. — From the literal translation ('after-story') the meaning of ' supplementary narrative ' seems to follow. In two1 of its three occurrences in the Satapatha Brahmana this sense is hardly felt, the expression being used to indicate a subse- quent portion of the book itself. But in the third2 passage it is distinguished from the Itihasa (' story ') proper, and there must mean ' supplementary narrative.' Cf. Anuvyakhyana. 1 vi. 5, 2, 22 ; 6, 4, 7 (the reference I 2 xi. 1, 6, 9. is to vi. 6, 4, 8). I Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 34. Apa-cit. — This word occurs several times in the Atharvaveda.1 It is held by Roth,2 Zimmer,3 and others to denote an insect whose sting produced swellings, etc. (glau). But Bloomfield4 shows that the disease, scrofulous swellings, is what is really meant, as is shown by the rendering (ganda-mald, ' inflammation of the glands of the neck ') of Kesava and Sayana, and by the parallelism of the later disease, apacl, the derivation being from apa and ci, '.to pick off.' 1 vi. 25, 1 ; 83, 1 ; vii. 75, 1 ; 77, 1. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Altindisches Leben, 97. So also Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, , 342, 500. 4 American Journal of Philology, 11, 320 et seq.; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 503, 504. Cf. Jolly, Medicin, 89 ; Whitney, Translation of the Athar- vaveda, 343. ipamarga ] Apa-Sraya. >LANT See UpaSraya. Apa-skambha. — The word occurs only in one passage of the Atharvaveda, where the tip of it is mentioned as poisoned. Roth1 suggests that the fastening of the arrow-point to the shaft is meant. Whitney2 inclines to this version, but suggests corruption of text. Zimmer3 follows Roth. Ludwig4 renders the word by 'barb.' Bloomfield5 thinks it means 'tearing (arrow),' a sense deduced from the etymology. 1 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. The passage is Av. iv. 6, 4. 2 Translation of the Atharvaveda, *53> 3 Altindisches Leben, 300. 4 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 512. 5 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 375. Apacyas. — The kings of the ' Westerners ' are referred to in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 14) in connection with those of the Nicyas. Apana. — The word appears repeatedly in the Atharvaveda,1 and later as one of the vital breaths (Prana), usually with Prana, and often with one or more of the other three. Its original sense2 appears to have been 'inspiration.' Its con- nection with the lower part of the body (nabhi, 'navel'), which is found already in the Aitareya Upanisad,3 is not unnatural. 1 Av. ii. 28, 3 ; v. 30, 12, etc. ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xiii. 19 ; 24, etc. 2 See Caland, Zeitschrift der Deut- schen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, lv. 261 ; 56, 556-558, correcting Ewing, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 22, 249 et seq. 3 Aitareya Upanisad, i. 4, etc. Cf. Deussen, Philosophy of the U pant- shads, 263 et seq. Apa-marga. — A plant {A chyranthes aspera) used frequently1 in witchcraft practices, and for medical purposes, especially against Ksetriya. It is described in the Atharvaveda2 as ' revertive ' (punah-sara), either, as Roth3 and Zimmer4 think, because of its having reverted leaves (a view also accepted by Whitney5), 1 Atharvaveda, iv. 17, 6 ; 18, 7 ; 19, 4 ; vii. 65, 2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxxv. 11 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 1,8; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 4, 14 ; xiii. 8, 4, 4. 2 iv. 17, 2. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Altindisches Leben, 67. 5 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 180. 26 BRAKE— BARB— CAKE [ Apalamba or because, as Bloomfield6 holds, it wards off a spell by causing it to recoil on its user. 6 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 394. Cf. I Oriental Society, 15, 160, 161; Weber, Bloomfield, Journal of the American I Indische Studien, 18, 94. Apa-lamba. — By this word1 is denoted a brake or drag, let down (from lamb, ' hang down ') to check the speed of a wagon. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 4, 13. I Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Cf. Caland and Henry, L'Agnistoma, 50 ; | Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 79. Apastha. — This word occurs twice in the Atharvaveda,1 denoting the barb of an arrow. 1 iv. 6, 5 ; v. 18, 7 (satdpastha, ' hun- ] Leben, 300; Bloomfield, Hymns of the dred-barbed'). Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches \ Atharvaveda, 375. Api-garvara. See Ahan. Api. — Ludwig1 finds an Api whose sons are described as not performing sacrifice (a-yajna-sdc) and as breakers of the law of Mitra-Varuna in the Rigveda.2 Roth3 and Grassmann take the expression used (apyah putrah) as referring to the sons of the waters. 1 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 158, I 2 vi. 67, 9. 159. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., apya. Apupa is the general word from the Rigveda1 onwards for a cake, which might be mixed with ghee (ghrtavant),2 or be made of rice (vrihi),s or of barley (yava).4 In the Chandogya Upanisad5 there is a difference of interpretation. Max Miiller renders it as ' hive,' Bohtlingk as ' honeycomb,' Little6 as ' cake.' 2 Rv. x. 45, 9. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 2, 3, 12. 13. 4 Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 2, 5, 19 5 iii. 1, 1. 6 Grammatical Index, s.v. Apnavana appears only twice in the Rigveda1 as an ancient sage, coupled with the Bhrgus, to whose family Ludwig2 con jectures him to have belonged. 1 iv. 7, 1 ; viii.#l, 4. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 128. : Abhipratarin Kaksaseni ] INTERNAL DISEASE 27 A-prati-ratha (' he who has no match in fight ') is the name of an obviously invented Rsi, to whom is ascribed by the Aitareya Brahmana1 and Satapatha Brahmana2 the composition of a Rigveda hymn 3 celebrating Indra as the invincible warrior. 1 viii. 10. 2 ix. 2, 3, 1. 5. 3 x. 103. Apva. — A disease affecting the stomach,1 possibly dysentery, as suggested by Zimmer,2 on the ground that the disease is invoked to confound the enemy.3 Weber4 considers that it is diarrhoea induced by fear, as often in the Epic.5 This view is supported by Bloomfield,6 and was apparently that of Yaska.7 1 Av. ix. 8, 9. 2 Altindisches Leben, 389. 3 Rv. x. 103, i2 = Av. iii. 2, 5 = Samaveda, ii. i2ii=Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, xvii. 44. 4 Indische Studien, 9, 482 ; 17, 184. 5 Indische Studien, 17, 184. 6 Hymns of the A tharvaveda, 327. 7 Nirukta, ix. 33. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 86, 87. Apsas. — This word usually refers to the body, meaning 'front part.'1 In one passage of the Rigveda,2 however, the adjective ' with a long front part ' (dirghdpsas) is applied to the chariot (Ratha). 1 See Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, I 2 i. 122, 15. Cf. Roth, St. Peters- 308-313 ; 2, 245> 246. I burg Dictionary, s.v. Abhi-krosaka designates one of the victims in the Purusa- medha, meaning, perhaps, 'herald.' The commentator Mahi- dhara1 renders it as ' reviler ' (nindaka). 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 20. Cf Anukrosaka, Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 15, 1. Abhi-jit. See Naksatra. Abhi-pitva. See Ahan. Abhi-pratarin Kaksa-seni is mentioned in the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana,1 the Chandogya Upanisad,2 and the Pancavimsa Brahmana,3 as engaged in discussions on philo- sophy. The Jaiminlya Brahmana4 further reports that his sons divided the property amongst themselves while he was yet alive. He was a Kuru and a prince. 1 i. 59, 1 ; iii. 1, 21 ; 2, 2. 13. 4 iii. 156 (Journal of the American 2 iv. 3, 5. Oriental Society, 26, 61). 3 x. 5, 7 ; xiv. 1, 12. 15. 28 ROYAL CONSECRATION [ AbhipraSnin Abhi-praSnin. — This term occurs after Pragnin, and followed by PraSnavivaka in the list of victims for the Purusamedha given in the Taittiriya Brahmana1 and the Vajasaneyi Samhita.2 The commentators, Sayana and Mahldhara, see in it merely a reference to an inquisitive man. But there can be little doubt that the term must have had a legal reference of some sort — perhaps indicating the defendant as opposed to plaintiff and judge. 1 iii. 4, 6, i. xxx. io. Abhi-sri (* admixture '). — This word1 designates the milk used to mingle with the Soma juice before it was offered. 1 Rv. ix. 79, 5; 86, 27. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 227; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, i. 211. Abhi-savani. — Zimmer1 renders the expression in the Atharvaveda2 as a pressing instrument, but it appears to be merely an adjective, (waters) * used in pressing.'3 1 Altindisches Leben, 277. 3 Cf. Whitney's Translation of Av. 2 ix. 6, 16. I ix. 6, 16. Abhi-seka ('besprinkling'). — The Vedic king was conse- crated after his election with an elaborate ritual, which is fully described in the Taittiriya,1 Pancavimsa,2 Satapatha,3 and Aitareya Brahmanas,4 and for which the Mantras are given in the Samhitas.6 The consecration took place by sprinkling with water (abhisecaniya dpah).6 Only kings could be consecrated, the people not being worthy of it (anabhisecaniyah).7 The sprinkler (abhisektr) is mentioned in the list of victims at the Purusamedha.8 The Abhiseka is an essential part of the Rajasuya, or sacrifice of royal inauguration, being the second of its component members. 7 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 2, 17. 8 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 12 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 8, 1. 9 Cf. Hillebrandt, Rituallitteratur , 143-147 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 41, xxvi ; Weber, tjber den Rajasuya. 1 i- 7. 5. 2 xviii. 8 et seq. 3 v. 3, 3 et seq. 4 viii. 5 et seq. 5 Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 11 ; Kath- aka Samhita, xv. 6 ; Maitrayani Sam- hita, ii. 6 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, x. 1-4. 6 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 5, 10-15, Abhyavartin Cayamana ] REINS— NAMES 29 Abhisu is a common Vedic word1 denoting the 'reins' or bridle ' of the chariot horses. The use of the plural is due to the fact that two or four horses, possibly five (dasabhTsu ' ten- bridled'),2 were yoked to the car. 1 Rv. i. 38, 12 ; v. 44, 4; vi. 75, 6; patha Brahmana, v. 4, 3, 14 (where it vni. 33, 11 ; Av. vi. 137, 2 ; vm. 8, 22; Vajasaneyi Saiphita, xxxiv. 6 ; Sata- = rastnayah, ' rems ), etc. 2 Rv. x. 94, 7. Abhy-agni Aitasayana. — This man was, according to the Aitareya Brahmana,1 unfortunate enough to quarrel with his father, Aitasa. The result was that he and his progeny were called the worst of the Aurvas. In the version of the Kausitaki Brahmana,2 the Aitasayana Ajaneyas take the place of the Abhyagnis and the BhrgfUS of the Aurvas, the latter being probably a branch of the former family. 1 vi. 33. 2 xxx. 5. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 173. Abhya-vartin Cayamana appears in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') in the Rigveda,1 and as conqueror of the Vrcivants under the leader Varasikha. It is probable, though not abso- lutely certain, that he is identical with the Srnjaya Daivavata, mentioned in the same hymn2 as having the TurvaSas and Vrcivants defeated for him by Indra. In this case he would be prince (samrdj) of the Synjayas. Daivavata is mentioned elsewhere3 as a worshipper of Agni. Abhyavartin is also referred to as a Parthava. Ludwig4 and Hillebrandt5 maintained that he is thus a Parthian, the latter using the evidence of the two places mentioned in the descrip- tion6 of Daivavata' s victories, Hariyuplya and Yavyavati, as proofs for the western position of Abhyavartin's people in Arachosia, in Iran. But Zimmer7 is probably right in holding that the name Parthava merely means ' a descendant of Prthu,' and that its similarity to the Iranian Parthians is only on a par with the numerous other points of identity between the Indian and Iranian cultures. 1 vi. 27, 8. 5. n. 1. Cf. Grierson, Journal of the Royal 2 vi. 27, 7. Asiatic Society, 1908, 604 et seq. 3 iv. 15, 4. 6 Rv. vi. 27, 5. 6. 4 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 198 7 Altindisches Leben, 133 et seq., 433 ; et seq. Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, 362. 5 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 105 ; 3, 268, 3o BROTHERLESS GIRLS— SPADE— OLD MAIDS [ AbhrataraljL A-bhratarah (' brotherless ')• — The lot of girls without brothers is referred to in the Rigveda1 as unsatisfactory — apparently they became prostitutes. The Nirukta2 expressly forbids marriage with a brotherless maiden, probably because of the risk of her being made a putrikd (' adoptive daughter ') by her father — that is, any son of hers being counted as belonging to her father's, instead of to her husband's, family. See Ayogu. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 259 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 328. 1 i. 124, 7 ; iv. 5, 5. Cf. Av. i. 17, 1. 2 iii. 5 (abhrdtrl). Abhri (' spade ') is a Vedic word x of frequent occurrence. Various possible materials and forms are enumerated in the Satapatha Brahmana.2 It may be made of bamboo or of the wood of Vikankata or Udumbara. It may be a span or a cubit in size. It is hollow, and either one or both edges are sharp. From this it would appear that the handle was made of some wood, but the head of some metal. 1 Av. iv out with 7, 5. 6 (abhri-khdte is ' dug a spade,' not 'prepared ground ' with Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.) ; x. 4, 14 ; hiranya- yibhir abhribhih, ' with golden spades ') ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, v. 22 ; xi. 10 ; xxxvii. 1 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xvi. 6 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 3, 2, 15, etc. 2 vi. 3, 1, 30 et seq. Amatra was a vessel into which the Soma, after being pressed, was poured,1 and out of which the libation to the god was made.2 1 Rv. ii. 14, 1 ; v. 51, 4 ; vi. 42, 2, etc. 2 Rv. x. 29, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 278; Oldenberg, Rgveda Noten, 1, 61. Amala. — This plant 1 is probably the Emblica officinalis, or Myrobalan tree ; also called Amalaka, or Amalaka.2 1 Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, i. 38, 6. ■ The reading in Chandogya Upani- sad, vii. 3, 1, give a° or a°. is vamalake, which may Ama-jur is an epithet1 denoting maidens 'who grow old at home ' without finding husbands, or, as they are elsewhere called, ' who sit with their father ' (pitr-sad). A well-known example of such was Ghosa.2 1 Rv. ii. 17, 7; viii. 21, 15; I 2 Rv. i. 117, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altin- x 37, 3. I disches Leben, 305. Ayas] IRON, BRONZE AND COPPER 31 Ama-vasya Sandilyayana is mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana1 as the teacher of Amsu Dhanamjayya. 1 Indische Studien, iv. 373. Amitra - tapana Susmina Saibya is the name of him who killed Atyarati Janamtapi, according to the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 23). A-mula ('without root ') is the name in the Atharvaveda1 of a plant (Methonica superba), which was used for poisoning arrows. Bloomfield,2 however, renders it as 'movable property.' 1 v. 31 4. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, | Atharvaveda, 279, accepts 'rootless 18, 286 ; Whitney, Translation of the | (plant).' 2 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 457. Ambarisa is mentioned as a Varsagira in the Rigveda 1 along with Rjraiva, Sahadeva, Suradhas, and Bhayamana. 1 i. 100. 17. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 140. Ambastha. See Ambasthya. Aya. See Aksa. Ayas. — The exact metal denoted by this word when used by itself, as always in the Rigveda,1 is uncertain. As favouring the sense of * bronze ' rather than that of ' iron ' may perhaps be cited with Zimmer 2 the fact that Agni is called ayo-damstra, 1 with teeth of Ayas,'3 with reference to the colour of his flames, and that the car-seat of Mitra and Varuna is called ayah-sthilna* * with pillars of Ayas ' at the setting of the sun.5 Moreover, in the Vajasaneyi Samhita,6 Ayas is enumerated in a list of six metals : gold (hiranya), Ayas, Syama, Loha, lead (sisa), tin (trapu). Here $yama (' swarthy ') and loha (' red ') must mean ' iron ' and ' copper ' respectively ; ayas would therefore seem to mean 'bronze.' In many passages in the Atharvaveda7 and 1 Rv. i. 57, 3 ; 163, 9 ; iv. 2, 17; the same verse it is said to be ' of vi. 3. 5- golden appearance at the flush of 2 Altindisches Leben, 52. dawn.' 3 Rv. i. 88, 5 ; x. 87, 2. 6 xviii. 13. 4 Rv. v. 62, 8 {cf. 7). 7 xi. 3, 1. 7 ; MaitrayanI Samhita, 5 But this is not convincing as in iv. 2, 9. 32 IRON, BRONZE AND COPPER [ Ayastlmna other books, the Ayas is divided into two species — the sydma (' iron ') and the lohita (' copper' or ' bronze '). In the Satapatha Brahmana8 a distinction is drawn between Ayas and lohayasa, which may either be a distinction between iron and copper as understood by Eggeling,9 or between copper and bronze as held by Schrader.10 In one passage of the Atharvaveda,11 the sense of iron seems certain. Possibly, too, the arrow of the Rigveda,12 which had a tip of Ayas (yasyd ayo mukham), was pointed with iron. Copper, however, is conceivable, and bronze quite likely. Iron is called fydma ayas or sydma alone.13 See also Karsnayasa. Copper is Lohayasa or Lohitayasa. The smelting (dhmd ' to blow ') of the metal is frequently referred to. The Satapatha Brahmana u states that if ' well smelted ' (bahu-dhmdtam) it is like gold, referring evidently to bronze. A heater of Ayas is mentioned in the Vajasaneyi Samhita,15 and bowls of Ayas are also spoken of.16 8 v. 4, I, 2. 9 Sacred Books of the East, 41, 90. 10 Prehistoric Antiquities, 189. 11 v. 28, 1. 12 vi. 75, 15. 13 Av. ix. 5, 4. 14 vi. 1, 3, 5. Cf. vi. i, 1, 13 ; v. 1, 14 ; xii. 7, 1, 7 ; 2, 10, etc. 15 xxx. 14 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 10, 1. 16 Av. viii. 10, 22 ; MaitrayanI Sam- hita, iv. 2, 13. Aya-sthuna. — He was Grhapati (' householder,' the sacrificer at sacrificial sessions) of those whose Adhvaryu was Saulva- yana, and taught the latter the proper mode of using certain spoons. Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 4, 2, 17 et seq. Ayasya Angirasa. — This sage appears to be mentioned in two passages of the Rigveda,1 and the AnukramanI ascribes to him several hymns of the Rigveda (ix. 44-46; x. 67; 68). In the Brahmana tradition he was Udga.tr at the Rajasuya or Royal Inauguration Sacrifice, at which Sunahsepa was to have been slain, and his Udgitha (Samaveda chant) is referred to elsewhere.3 He is also referred to several times as a ritual 1 x. 67, 1 ; 108, 8. Perhaps x. 92, 15 also refers to him, but not i. 62, 7; x. 138, 4. 2 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 16. 3 Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana, ii. 7, 2. 6 ; 8. 3. Cf. Chandogya Upanisad, i. 2, 12. Aranya ] UNCULTIVATED LAND 33 authority.4 In the Vamsas, or Genealogies of the Brhadaran- yaka Upanisad,5 he is named as the pupil of Abhuti Tvastra. 4 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiv. 3, 22 ; Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- xvi. 12, 4; xi. 8, 10; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i. 3, 8. 19. 24 ; Kausltaki Brahmana, xxx. 6. 5 ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3 (in both recensions). veda, 3, 136 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologies 2, 159 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 255, n. ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 3, 204. Ayogu is a word of quite doubtful meaning, found in the list of victims in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.1 It may, like the late dyogava, denote a member of a mixed caste (theoretically a descendant of a Sudra by a Vaisya wife).2 Weber3 rendered it as ' unchaste woman.'4 Zimmer thinks it denotes a brotherless maiden who is exposed to the dangers of prostitution (cf. dyogava). 1 xxx. 5 ; Taithriya Brahmana, hi. 4, 1, 1. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Indische Streifen, 1, 76, n. b. In the Zeitschvift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 18, 277, he thought it re- ferred to dicing (ayas). Risley, Peoples of India, 250, regards the Ayogavas as a functional caste of carpenters (cf. Manu, x. 48). 4 Altindisches Leben, 328. Ara. See Ratha. Aratu. — A plant1 (Colosanthes Indica) from the wood of which the axle of a chariot was sometimes made.2 1 Av. xx. 131, 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62, 2 Rv. viii. 46, 27. 247. Aranya. — This term denotes the uncultivated land — not necessarily forest land — beyond the village. It is contrasted with home (amcl),1 and with the plough land (krsi),2 being spoken of as apart (tiras) from men.3 It is also contrasted with the Grama,4 and it is the place where thieves live.5 The character of the forest is described in a hymn of the Rigveda6 to the forest spirit (Aranyani). The dead are carried there for burial,7 and hermits live there.8 Forest fires were common.9 1 Rv. vi. 24, 10. 2 Av. ii. 4, 5. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 6, 2, 20. 4 Av. xii. 1, 56; Rv. i. 163, 11 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 45 ; xx. 17. 5 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 3, 5 ; xiii. 2, 4, 4. VOL. I. 6 x. 146. 7 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, v. 11. 8 Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 5, 3. 9 Rv. i. 65, 4 ; 94, 10. 11 ; ii. 14, 2 ; x. 92, 1 ; 142, 4 ; Av. vii. 50, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 48, 142. 3 34 CUBIT— OAR [ Aratni Aratni. — This word, which primarily means ' elbow,' occurs frequently from the Rigveda1 onwards as denoting a measure of length (' ell ' or ' cubit '), the distance from the elbow to the tip of the hand. The exact length nowhere appears from the early texts. 1 Rv. viii. 80, 8; Av. xix. 57, 6; I Brahmana, vi. 3, 1, 33, etc. Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 5 ; Satapatha | Rv. viii. 80, 8, see also Aji. For A-rajanah, * not princes,' is a term used to describe persons in two passages of the Satapatha Brahmana,1 and in the Aitareya Brahmana.2 Weber3 also finds them mentioned in the Atharvaveda,4 and thinks that they — Sutas (' charioteers ') and Gramanis (' troop-leaders ') there referred to — were called thus because, while not themselves princes, they assisted in the con- secration of princes. 1 111. 4, 1, 7. 8 ; xin. 4, 2, 17. 2 viii. 23. 3 Indische Studien, 17, 199. 4 iii. 5, 7, where he emends rajanah to a-rajanah (see Whitney's note on the passage). Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 333; Weber, Uber den Rajasuya, 22 et seq. Arataki is a plant mentioned once in the Atharvaveda,1 and apparently identical with the AjaSrhgi. Cf. also Aratu. 1 iv. 37, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 68; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 408. Arada Datreya Saunaka. — He is mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana1 as the pupil of Drti Aindrota Saunaka. 1 Indische Studien, 4, 384. Aritra denotes the ' oar ' by which boats were propelled. The Rigveda1 and the Vajasaneyi Samhita2 speak of a vessel with a hundred oars, and a boat (nau) is said to be ' propelled by oars' (aritra-para?ia).s In two passages of the Rigveda4 the term, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, denotes a part of a chariot. The rower of a boat is called aritr.5 See Nau. 1 i. 116, 5. 2 xxi. 7. 8 Rv. x. 101, 2. Cf. Satapatha Brah- mana, iv. 2, 5, 10. 4 i. 46, 8 ; dasaritra, ii. 18, 1. 5 Rv. ii. 42, 1 ; ix. 95, 2. Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches 256. Leben, Arundhatl ] MEDICINAL PLANT 35 Arim-dama Sana-sruta is mentioned as a Maharaja in the Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 34. Arim-ejaya is mentioned as one who served as Adhvaryu at the snake feast celebrated in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xxv. 15. See Weber, Indische Studien, 1. 35. Aruna Ata was Achavaka at the snake feast in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xxv. 15). Aruna Aupave§i Gautama is the full style1 of a teacher, who is repeatedly referred to in the later Samhitas2 and Brahmanas,3 and whose son was the famous Uddalaka Aruni. He was a pupil of Upavesa,4 and a contemporary of the prince A§vapati, by whom he was instructed. Cf. Aruna. 3 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 5, 3 (in both recensions). 4 Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, 1, 2. Cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 146, 1 Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 9, 2; 4, 5, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 4, 10 ; iii. 6, 4. 6 ; 7, 4 ; 8, 6 ; 10, 5 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxvi. 10. 2 Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 1, 5, 11 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 2, 2, 20; xi. 4, 1, 4^3,2.^^ u A i. Arundhatl is the name of a plant celebrated in several passages of the Atharvaveda1 as possessing healing properties in case of wounds, as a febrifuge, and as inducing cows to give milk. The plant was a climber which attached itself to trees like the Plaksa, ASvattha, Nyagrodha, and Parna.2 It was of golden colour (hirariya-varna), and had a hairy stem {lomasa- vaksana).8 It was also called Silaci, and the Laksa appears to have been a product of it.4 1 iv. 12, 1 ; v. 5, 5. 9 ; vi. 59, 1. 2 ; viii. 7, 6; xix. 38, 1. 2 Av. v. 5, 5. 3 Av. v. 5, 7 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 174 ; Bloomfield, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- schaft, 48, 574. 4 Cf. Whitney's note on Av. iv. 12 ; Bloomfield, Atharvaveda, 61. 2. Arundhatl, as the name of a star, is often referred to in the Sutra literature, but only once in a late Aranyaka.1 1 Taittiriya Aranyaka, iii. 9, 2. 3—2 36 THE SEER ARCANANAS [ Arka Arka, as the name of the tree Colotropis gigantea, is perhaps found in one obscure passage of the Atharvaveda.1 1 vi. 72, 1, where see Whitney's note. Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Argala. — The word which is usual later to denote the wooden pin of a door is found in the Sankhayana Aranyaka (ii. 16) in the compound argalesike to denote the pin and bar of the door of a cow-pen. Cf. Isika. Argala Kahodi is mentioned in the Kathaka Samhita (xxv. 7) as a teacher. The name may, however, be Aryala, as suggested in the St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., and as read by v. Schroeder in his edition. The Kapisthala (xxxix. 5) has Ayala. See below. Areant is possibly, as Ludwig1 thinks, the name of the author of a hymn of the Rigveda2; but the word may be merely the ordinary participle ' praising.' 1 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 133. Arcananas. — In one passage of the Rigveda1 the gods Mitra- Varuna are besought to protect Arcananas. He is also in- voked with Syavasva and several other ancestors enumerated in the Atharvaveda.2 He appears as father of Syavasva in the Paricavim^a Brahmana.3 The later tradition makes him play a part in the legend of his son's wedding, which Sieg4 endeavours to show is known to the Rigveda. 1 v. 64, 7. 2 xviii. 3, 15. 3 viii. 5, 9. Area. See Brahmana. 4 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 50 et seq. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 127; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 354. Arjuni is, in the Rigveda,1 the name of the Naksatra (' lunar mansion '), elsewhere2 called Phalgunl. It occurs in the marriage hymn, with Agha for Magna, and, like that word, is apparently a deliberate modification. 1 x. 85, 13. 2 Av. xiv. 1, 13. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 1, 11, 2. Aryamnab. Pantha ] 37 Arbuda is mentioned as Gravastut priest at the snake festival described in the Paficavimsa Brahmana.1 He is ob- viously the same mythical figure as Arbuda Kadraveya, a seer spoken of in the Aitareya2 and Kausitaki Brahmanas3 as a maker of Mantras. 1 xxv. 15. 6 XXIX. I. xiii. 4, 3, 9. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, Arya. — This word is not common in the older literature, in places where the quantity of the first vowel is fixed as short, except in a mere adjectival sense. Geldner,1 indeed, contends that no other sense is anywhere needed ; but Roth2 and Zimmer3 agree in thinking that in several passages of the Vajasaneyi Samhita4 the word has the same sense as Arya, and this appears probable. Whether it is necessary to ascribe this sense to the word in the compound arya-patnl5 applied to the waters set free by Indra, is more doubtful. The commentator, Mahidhara,6 suggests that the word means a VaiSya, not an Arya generally. This view is supported by the explanation in the Satapatha Brahmana7 of one of the passages of the Vajasaneyi Samhita.8 But though the use of Arya to denote a Vaisya became common later, it is not clear that it was original. 1 Vedische Studien, 3, 96. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Altindisches Leben, 214, 215. 4 xiv. 30 ; xx. 17 ; xxiii. 21 ; xxvi. 2. Cf. also Kathaka Samhita, xxxviii. 5 ; Taittirlya Samhita, vii. 4, 19, 3. In Atharvaveda, xix. 32, 8, an analogous form occurs, as contrasted with brah- mana, raj any a, and indra; but even there Whitney renders it as 'Aryan.' Cf. xix. 62, 1 ; Rv. viii. 94, 3 ; Pischel, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 40, 125. 5 Rv. vii. 6, 5 ; x. 43, 8. 6 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii. 30. 7 xiii. 2, 9, 8. Contrast Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 4, 4 et seq., where Arya appears to be taken in the wider sense. 8 xxiii. 30. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 212 ; Weber, Indische Studien, x. 6 ; Oldenberg, Rgveda- Noten, 1, 126, 363. Aryamnah Pantha, ' Aryaman's Way,' an expression which occurs in the Brahmanas,1 denotes, according to Weber,2 ' the milky way,' but, according to Hillebrandt,3 ' the ecliptic' 1 Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 6, 6; Paucavimsa Brahmana, xxv. 12, 3 ; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 1, 2. 2 Uber den Rajasuya, 48, 2. 3 Vedische Mythologie, 3, 79, 80. 38 DISEASES— BOTTLE-GOURD [ Aryala Aryala. — Those at whose snake feast the Grhapati was Aryala, and the Hotr was Aruni are mentioned in the Paficavimsa Brahmana (xxiii. i, 5). See also Argala. Arvant. See ASva. Arsas is the name of a disease mentioned in the Vajasaneyi Samhita1 with consumption and other ailments. It appears to designate ' haemorrhoids,' as in the later medical literature. 1 xii. 98. I 398 ; Roth, St. Petersburg Dic- Cf Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, I tionary, s.v. Alaja designates some kind of bird — one of the victims in che Asvamedha,1 or Horse Sacrifice. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 4, n, 1; I Kathaka Samhita, xxi. 4; Vajasaneyi 5, 20, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 18 ; | Samhita, xxiv. 34. Alaji is the name of a disease in the Atharvaveda.1 The later alajl denotes an eye-disease — a discharge at the junction of the cornea and the sclerotica. 1 ix. 8, 20. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 390; St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Alamma Parijanata is mentioned in the Paricavimsa Brah- mana (xiii. 4, 11 ; 10, 8) as a sage. Alasala. — This word occurring only in one passage of the Atharvaveda (vi. 16, 4) is said to denote a grain-creeper. Alandu. — This is the reading in the text of the Atharvaveda1 of the name of a species of worm. Bloomfield2 shows reason to adopt the reading Algandu as the correct form of the word. 1 ii. 31, 2. 2 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 315. Alabu. — The bottle-gourd {Lagenaria vulgaris). Vessels made of it are referred to in the Atharvaveda.1 1 viii. 10, 29. 30; xx. 132, 1. 2. Cf. alapu in Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 2, 13. Alayya is a word occurring in an obscure verse of the Rigveda,1 and appearing to be a proper name. Hillebrandt,2 however, amends the text so as to remove the name. The St. Petersburg Dictionary suggests that it refers to Indra. Pischel3 holds that 3 Zeitschrift der Deutschen M or gen- 1 ix. 67, 20. 2 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 418. landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 701. Avata ] A LIN A TRIBE— A VARA PLANT— WELL 39 it is the name of a person whose axe was stolen, and for whom the hymn was written as a spell for the recovery of the axe. Aliklava is a kind of carrion bird mentioned in the Athar- vaveda.1 1 xi. 2, 2 ; 9, 9. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 88. Alina is the name of a people mentioned once only in the Rigveda.1 Roth2 thought that the Alinas were allies — possibly a subdivision — of the Trtsus. Ludwig3 more probably thinks that they were defeated by Sudas, together with the Pakthas, Bhalanas, Sivas, and Visanins, with whom they are mentioned, at the Parusni ; and Zimmer4 suggests that they lived to the north-east of Kafiristan. 1 vii. 18, 7. 2 Zur Litter atur und Geschichte des Weda, 95 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 126. 3 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 207. 4 Op. cit., 431. The land is men- tioned by Hiouen Thsang. Alikayu Vacas-patya is twice mentioned as an authority in the Kausltaki Brahmana (xxvi. 5 ; xxviii. 4). Alpa-gayu is a kind of insect mentioned in the Atharvaveda.1 1 iv. 36, 9. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 408 ; "Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 210. Avaka is an aquatic plant (Blyxa octandra) frequently re- ferred to in the Atharvaveda as well as in the later Samhitas2 and Brahmanas.3 The Gandharvas are said to eat it.4 Its later name is saivala, and it is identical with the Sipala. 1 viii. 7, 9 ; 37, 8-10. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 6, 1, 1 ; v. 4, 2, 1 ; 4, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvii. 4 ; xxv. 1 ; MaitrayanI Samhita, ii. 10, 1. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 5, 1, 11 ; vm- 3. 2, 5 ; ix. 1, 2, 20. 22 ; xiii. 8, 3, 13. 4 Av. iv. 37, 8. 5 With which it is glossed in AsVal- ayana Grhya Sutra, ii. 8 ; iv. 4. Cf. Bloomfield, Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, October, 1890, xli.-xliii.; American Journal of Philology, 11, 349 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 71. Avata, a word occurring several times in the Rigveda,1 denotes a well, artificially made (khan ' to dig ') in contrast with a spring 1 i- 55, 8; 85, 10. 11 ; 116, 9. 22; 130, 2; iv. 17, 16; 50, 3; viii. 49, 6; 62, 6; 72, 10. 12 ; x. 25, 5. 7. Cf. Nirukta, v. 26. 4 ; IOI> 40 WELLS— SHEEP [ Avatsara (utsa), though the latter expression is also applied to an artificial well. Such wells were covered by the makers,2 and are described as unfailing (a-ksita) and full of water.3 The water was raised by a wheel (cakra) of stone, to which was fastened a strap (varatra), with a pail (kosa)* attached to it. When raised it was poured {sine) into buckets (ahava) of wood.5 Sometimes those wells appear to have been used for irrigation purposes, the water being led off into broad channels (sdrrni susird).6 2 Rv. i. 55, 8. I ku-cakra in Rv. x. 102, 11, is another 3 Rv. x. 101, 6, etc. j name for the wheel, but cf. St. Peters- 4 Amsatra-kosam, Rv. x. 101, 7, is best j burg Dictionary, s.v . thus rendered. For the stone wheel j 5 Rv. x. 101, 6. 7. {aimacakra) which was above (ucca- j 6 Rv. viii. 69, 12. Cf. Zimmer, cakra), seeRv.x. 101, 7 ; viii. 72, 10. For | Altindisches Leben, 156, 157; Geldner, the varatra, see Rv. x. 101, 6. Perhaps j Vedische Studien, 2, 14. Avatsara is mentioned as a seer in the Rigveda,1 as a priest in the Aitareya Brahmana,2 and as Prasravana (or Prasravana), son of Prasravana, in the Kausitaki Brahmana.3 A hymn of the Rigveda4 is incorrectly ascribed to him in the Anukramani. 1 v. 44, 10. 2 ii. 24. 8 xiii. 3. 4 ix. 58. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of A-vadhyata. See Brahmana. the Rigveda, 3, 138 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 188 ; 2, 315 ; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 62 et seq. Avasa in the adjective an-avasa in the Rigveda1 may mean < drag.' 1 vi. 66, 7. Cf. Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 372. Ava-skava. — A kind of worm, mentioned along with others in the Atharvaveda.1 1 ii. 31, 4. Cf. Whitney, ad loc. ; I Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 90; Bloom- Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 201; | field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 316. Avata. See Vata. Avi. — ' Sheep ' are repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda, and later, often in conjunction with goats (aja). The wolf (vrka) was their great enemy,1 and they were tended by shepherds.2 1 Av. v. 8, 4; Rv. viii. 34, 3 ; 66, 8. I h; Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 1, 5, 2 ; 2 Avi-pala, Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. I avipa, Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 9, 1. ASmagandha ] SHEEP 41 Sheep as well as kine were captured from the enemy.3 The Soma sieve was made of sheep's wool, and is repeatedly referred to (avi, mesl, avya, avyaya).4 Considerable herds mast have existed, as Rjrasva is said5 to have slain one hundred rams, and in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') 6 a hundred sheep are mentioned as a gift. The (mesa,7 vrmi8) ram was sometimes castrated (petva).9 The main use of sheep was their wool; hence the expression 'woolly' (tlrnavatl)10 is employed to designate a sheep. In the Vajasaneyi Samhita11 the ram is described as ' woolly,' and as ' the skin of beasts, quadruped and biped,' with reference to the use of its wool as clothing for men and shelter for animals. Pusan is said12 to weave raiment from the wool of sheep. Normally the sheep stayed out at pasture ; in an obscure passage of the Rigveda13 reference appears to be made to rams in stall. Gandhara14 ewes were famous for their wool. Pischel15 considers that the Parusnl16 was named from its richness in sheep, pants l7 denoting the ' flocks ' of wool. 10 Rv. viii. 67, 3. Cf. x. 75, 8; so ura, x. 95, 3. 3 Rv. viii. 86, 2. 4 Rv. ix. iog, 16 ; 36, 4, etc. See Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 203. 5 Rv. i. 116, 17. 6 Rv. viii. 67, 3. 7 Rv. i. 43, 6 ; 116, 16, etc. 8 Taittirlya Samhita, ii. 3, 7, 4, etc. 9 Rv. vii. 18, 17 ; Av. iv. 4, 8 ; Taittirlya Samhita, v. 5, 22, 1 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxix. 58 ; 59. 11 xm. 50. 12 Rv. x. 26, 6. 13 x. 106, 5. 14 Rv. i. 126, 7. 15 Vedische Studien, 2, 210. 16 Rv. iv. 22, 2 ; v. 52, 9. 17 Rv. ix. 15, 6; parvan, iv. 22, 2. Cf Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 229, 230 ; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 348. Agani. — Zimmer1 cites this word from the Rigveda2 as denoting a sling stone, and compares a similar use of AdrL3 In either case, however, the weapons are mythical, being used in descriptions of Indra's deeds. Schrader4 also cites asan in this sense, but no Vedic passage requires this sense. 1 Altindisches Leben, 301. I 3 i. 51, 3. 2 vi. 6, 5. Cf. 1, 121, 9. 4 Prehistoric Antiquities, 221. Agma-gandha (' rock - smell ') is a plant mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana,1 probably identical with the late asva- gandhd, 'horse-smell' (Physalis flexuosa). 1 xiii. 8, 1, 16, with Eggeling's note in the Sacred Books of the East, 44, 427. 42 HORSE [ A£va Vedic ),'the inner ' Asva is the commonest word for 'horse' in the Vedic literature. The horse is also called 'the runner' (atya), 'the swift' (arvant), 'the strong,' for pulling (vdjin), 'the runner' (sapti), and ' the speeding ' (haya). The mare is termed asva, atya, arvati, vadava, etc. Horses of various colour were known, dun (harita, hari), ruddy (aruna, arusa, pisaiiga, rohita), dark brown (syava), white (sveta), etc. A white horse with black ears is mentioned in the Atharvaveda as of special value.1 Horses were highly prized,2 and were not rare, as Roth3 thought, for as many as four hundred mares are mentioned in one Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ').4 They were on occasion ornamented with pearls and gold.5 Mares were preferred for drawing chariots because of their swiftness and sureness.6 They were also used for drawing carts, but were not ordinarily so employed.7 No mention is made of riding in battle, but for other purposes it was not unknown.8 Horses were often kept in stalls,9 and fed there.10 But they were also allowed to go out to grass,11 and were then hobbled.12 They were watered to cool them after racing.13 Their attendants 1 Av. v. 17, 15. 2 Rv. i. 83, 1 ; iv. 32, 17 ; v. 4, 11 ; viii. 78, 2, etc. 3 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 35, 686. 4 Rv. viii. 55, 3. Cf. v. 33, 8 ; vi. 47, 22-24; 63, 10; viii. 6, 47; 46, 22, and Hopkins, American Journal of Philology, 15, 157. 5 Rv. x. 68, 11. 6 Pischel, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 35, 712- 714 ; Vedische Studien, 1 , 10, 305. Cf ratho vadhuman, Rv. i. 126, 3 ; vii. 18, 22, vajinivan, vii. 69, 1. 7 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, 4, 35. 8 The Asvins ride, Rv. v. 61, 1-3. An aiva-sada is referred to in Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 13 ; Taittinya Brahmana, iii. 4, 7, 1 ; and riding is meant in Rv. i. 162, 17; 163, 9. Av. xi. 10, 24, is doubtful. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the I American Oriental Society, 13, 262 ; Lud- wig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 221. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 230, denies the use; but see p. 295, where it is admitted for ordinary purposes. 9 Cf. the epithet of richness, ' filling the stalls with horses' (asva-pastya), in Rv. ix. 86, 41, and see A v. vi. 77, 1 ; xix. 55, 1. 10 Av. loc. cit. 11 Zimmer, op. cit., 232, denies this, but it is the natural sense of the Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 41. 12 The expression for this is padbisa, Rv. i. 162, 14. 16 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 2, 13 ; Chandogya Upani- sad, v. 1, 12 ; Sankhayana Aranyaka, ix. 7. Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 234-236. ia Rv. ii. 13, 5 ; 34, 3 ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 11, 6; Pischel, op. cit., 1, 189, 190. A6vattha ] MULE— RELIGIOUS FIG-TREE 43 are frequently referred to (asva-pdla,u asva-pa,15 asva-pati).1Q Stallions were frequently castrated (vadhri).17 Besides reins (rasmayah), reference is made to halters (asvdbhidhdnl),18 and whips (asvdjani).19 See also Ratha. Horses from the Indus were of special value,20 as also horses from the Sarasvati. 14 Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 4, 5. 15 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 11 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 9, 1. 16 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 24 ; Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 13. 17 Rv. viii. 46, 30. 18 Av. iv. 36, 10; v. 14, 6; Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 35 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, vi. 3, 1, 26; xiii. 1, 2, 1. 19 Rv. v. 62, 7 ; vi. 75, 13 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxix. 50. 20 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 2, 13; Sankhayana Aranyaka, ix. 7 ; vdjinivatJ as epithet of Sindhu, Rv. x. 75, 8, of Sarasvati, i. 3, 10 ; ii. 41, 18 ; vi. 61, 3. 4; vii. 96, 3; Pischel, op. cit., i. 10. Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 230-232. Asva-tara, Asva-tari are respectively the masculine and feminine name of * mule.' These animals are mentioned frequently from the Atharvaveda1 onwards. They were known not to be fruitful,2 and were probably considered inferior to horses,3 but a mule-car was quite common.4 1 iv. 4, 8 ; viii. 8, 22 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 47 ; iv. 9 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 4, 1, 10, etc, ; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, i. 4, 4. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 1, 2. 3. Cf. Adbhuta Brahmana in Indische Studien, 1, 40. 3 As were asses, Taittiriya Samhita, v. 1, 2, 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 4, 4. 7- 4 Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 9 ; Chan- dogya Upanisad, iv. 2, 1 (in both pas- sages asvatari-ratha). Cf. Oertel, Trans- actions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 175. i. Asva-ttha (' horse-stand ') is one of India's greatest trees, the Ficus religiosa, later called pippala1 (now Peepal). Vessels made of the wood of the Asvattha are mentioned in the Rigveda,2 and the tree itself is constantly referred to later.3 Its hard wood formed the upper of the two pieces of wood used for kindling fire, the lower being of Sami.4 It planted its roots in shoots of other trees, especially the Khadira, and destroyed them ;5 hence it is called ' the destroyer ' (yaibddha). Its berries 1 The word pippala as a neuter occurs once in the Rv. (i. 164, 20) designating the berry of the Peepal-tree. 2 i- 135, 8; x. 97, 5. 3 Atharvaveda, iii. 6, 1 ; iv. 37, 4, etc. 4 Av. vi. 11, 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 1, 13. 5 Av. iii. 6. 44 NAMES OF PRINCES— REED [ Asvattha are referred to as sweet, and as eaten by birds.6 The gods are said to sit under it in the third heaven.7 It and Nyagrodha are styled the ' crested ones ' (sikha?idin) .8 6 Rv. i. 164, 20. 22. 7 Av. v. 4, 3. Cf. Chandogya Upani- sad, viii. 5, 3 ; Kausitaki Upanisad, i. 3. 8 Av. iv. 37, 4. Cf. Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 57, 58. 2. A£va-ttha. — This prince is celebrated in a Danastuti 1 as having given gifts to Payu. He is identified with Divodasa by Griffith,2 but it is impossible to be certain of this identifica- tion. 1 Rv. vi. 47, 24. 2 Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 611. The name is spelt Asvatha in the text, but that is merely the usual shortened spelling of the group tth. Asva-davan. — Ludwig1 finds a prince of this name in a passage of the Rigveda,2 where a gift of fifty horses is mentioned, but the word appears to be an epithet of Indra (' bestower of horses '). 1 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 274. 2 v. 18, 3. ASva-pati (' lord of horses ') is a name of a prince of the Kekayas, who instructed Pracinagala and other Brahmins.1 1 Chandogya Upanisad, v. 11, 4 ; Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, 1, 2. ASva-medha (' offering a horse-sacrifice ') is a prince men- tioned in a hymn of the Rigveda,1 which contains a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') of Tryaruna, and to which three verses have been added in praise of Asvamedha. See also ASvamedha. 1 v. 27, 4-6. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 275. ASva-yujau. See Naksatra. ASvala, the Hotr priest of Janaka, King of Videha, appears as an authority in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (iii. 1, 2. 10). A&va-vara, A£va-vala (' hair of a horse's tail '). — The former form occurs in the Maitrayani Samhita,1 the latter in the 1 iii. 7, 9- Astakarni] NAMES OF MEN 45 Kathaka 2 and Kapisthala Samhitas 3 and Satapatha Brahmana,4 denoting a species of reed (Saccharum spontaneum). edition of the Maitrayani Samhita, i., p. xv. " XXIV. 0. 3 xxxviii. 1. 4 iii. 4, 1, 7. Cf. Von Schroeder's A£va-sukti is the name of a seer to whom the Rigveda AnukramanI ascribes two hymns of the Rigveda.1 The Panca- vimsa Brahmana 2 knows a Saman of Asvasukti. 1 viii. 14 ; 15. I schrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen 2 xix. 4, 10. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeit- \ Gesellschaft, 42, 230, n. 4. Asvini. See Naksatra. Asadha Kai3in is the name of a man referred to in a corrupt and obscure passage of the Kathaka Samhita1 as connected with the defeat of the Pancalas by the Kuntis. 1 xxvi. 9 ; Kapisthala, xli. 7. See Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 471. Asadha Uttara Paraiarya is mentioned as a teacher in a Vamsa or Genealogy in the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 41, 1). Asadha. See Naksatra. Asadhi Saus>omateya was a man who is stated in the Satapatha Brahmana (vi. 2, 1, 37) to have died because the heads for the sacrifice in connection with the laying of the bricks of the fire-altar had been obtained in an improper manner. Astaka is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana l as one of the sons of Visvamitra. 1 vii. 17. Also in the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 26. Astaka. See Masa. Asta-karni is an expression which occurs in one passage of the Rigveda,1 and which Roth 2 was at first inclined to interpret 1 x. 62, 7. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s. v% 46 EAR-MARKED COW— GOAD [ A§tadam§tra Vairupa as a proper name. There can, however, be no doubt that it means a cow, not a man, as suggested by Grassmann. The exact reason why a cow should be so described is uncertain. Roth3 was later inclined to see in it the sense ' having pierced ears,' similar epithets being at a later period known to Panini 4 (bhinna-karna, chitrna - karna) . Grassmann's more obvious rendering, ' having the sign for (the number) 8 marked on the ear,' is supported by the similar epithets, ' having the mark of a lute on the ear ' (karkari-karnyah), ' having the mark of a sickle on the ear' (ddtra-karnyah), ' having the mark of a stake on the ear ' (sthund- kaniyah), ' having the ears bored ' (chidva-karnyah), and vistya- karnyah, given in the MaitrayanI Samhita.5 The simple mean- ing, ' with marked ears,' is, however, supported by the same passage of the MaitrayanI, where the verb aks occurs in the sense ' to mark.' In the Atharvaveda the mark used is the Mithuna, no doubt as a magical device to secure fertility. The marking of ears was apparently a regular practice. It is twice referred to in the Atharvaveda.6 The mark is termed laksman,7 and was made with a copper-knife 8 (lohita). The MaitrayanI Samhita9 forbids the use of an arrow-shaft (tejana), or of iron, but permits that of a stem of sugar-cane (iksu-kdnda) or copper. 3 Cf. Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v. 4 vi. 3, 115- 5 iv. 2, 9. 6 vi. 141, 1. 2 ; xii. 4, 6. 7 Av. vi. 141, 2 ; MaitrayanI Samhita, loc. cit. 8 Av., loc. cit. 9 Loc. cit. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 234, 348 ; Delbriick, Gurupujakaumudi, 48, 49; Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 466; Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- veda, 387. Asta-damstra Vairupa.— To him the Paficavimsa Brahmana (viii. 9, 21) ascribes two Samans. Astra is the plougher's * goad,' the badge of agriculture. It is mentioned several times in the Rigveda.1 1 iv. 57, 4; vi. 53, 9; 58, 2; astra-vin occurs in x. 102, 8. See also Kauslka Sutra, 80. Cf. Roscher, Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft, 1, 63; Hille- brandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 364, n. 8. Asamati Ratha-praustha. — The story of the quarrel between Asamati, the Iksvaku prince of the Rathaprostha family, and Asita] KING A SAM ATI— KNIFE— RIVER ASIKNI 47 his priests, the Gaupayanas, is found only in the later Brahmanas.1 It appears to be based on a misreading of the Rigveda,2 where asamdti is merely an adjective. The later story is that the king was induced to abandon his family priests by two Asuras, Kirata and Akuli, who by their magic com- passed the death of Subandhu, one of the brother priests, and that the others revived him by the use of the hymns (Rigveda, x. 57-60). 2 x. 60, 2. 5 ; Av. vi. 79, 1 . Cf. Bloom- field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 499; Max Miiller, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1866, 426-465; Bohtlingk's Dictionary, s.v. ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 48, n. 1. 1 Jaiminiya Brahmana, iii. 167 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 41 et seq.); Satyayanaka, cited in Sayana on Rv. x. 57, 1 ; 60, 7 ; Brhad- devata, vii. 83 et seq., with Macdonell's notes ; Paricavimsa Brahmana, xiii. 12,5. Asi usually denotes the sacrificial knife,1 but occasionally appears to mean a knife used in war.2 Mention is made of a sheath (vavri)3 to which a belt (vala)* was attached. The word asi-dhdrd5 also denotes 'sheath.' 1 Rv. i. 162, 20; x. 79, 6; 86, 18; Av. ix. 3, 9 ; x. 1, 20, etc. 2Av.xi.9,i. The use of the ' sword ' increases in the Epic period. See Hop- kins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 284. 3 Kathaka Samhita, xv. 4. 4 Ibid. ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 6, 5. 5 Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 139. Asikni ('black') is the name in the Rigveda1 of the river known later as Candra-bhaga, and to the Greeks as Akesines, now the Chenab in the Punjab. 1 viii. 20, 25 ; x. 75, 5 ; Nirukta, ix. 26. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leken, 12. i. Asita is a name of the ' black snake,' referred to in the later Samhitas.1 1 Av. iii. 27, 1 ; v. 13, 5. 6 ; vi. 56, 2, etc. ; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 10, 1 : Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 18 ; perhaps Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 37. 2. Asita. — (a) A mythical sage of this name figures as a magician in the Atharvaveda in conjunction with Gaya1 or with Jamadagrii.2 In the Satapatha Brahmana3 he appears as 1 Av. i. 14, 4. Av. vi. 137, 1. xm. 4, 3, 11. "-> 48 MA GIC— ARCHER— DA Y [ Asita Varsjagans Asita Dhanva,4 and as Daivala or Devala in the Paiicavims; Brahmana5 and Kathaka Samhita.6 4 Dhanvana in the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 2, 19. 6 xiv. 11, 18. 19, Cf. xv. 5, 27. 6 xxii. 11. Cf. Ludwig, Translatior of the Rigveda, 3, 132. (b) Asita Varsa-gana is a pupil of Harita Kasyapa according to the Vamsa or Genealogy in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 1 vi- 5 1 3 (Kanva = vi. 4, 33, Madhyandina). Asita-mrga is the designation in the Aitareya Brahmana1 of a family of the Ka£yapas who were excluded from a sacrifice by Janamejaya, but who took away the conduct of the offering from the Bhutaviras, whom the king employed. In the Jaiminiya Brahmana2 and the Sadvimsa Brahmana3 the Asita- mrgas are called ' sons of the Kasyapas,' and one is mentioned as Kusurubindu4 Auddalaki. 1 vii. 27. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 43, 345. 2 i. 75- -1.4. 4 Variously read as Asurbinda, Kusurbinda, Kusurubinda. Asura-vidya, ' the science of the Asuras,' the term used in the Sankhayana and Asvalayana1 Srauta Sutras as the equiva- lent of the term mdyd employed in the Satapatha Brahmana,2 clearly means ' magic,' as it is rendered by Professor Eggeling.3 1 x. 7. 2 xiii. 4, 3, 11. Cf Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, x. 61, 2. 21. 3 Sacred Books of the East, 44, 368. Astr, 'shooter,' is a term frequently used in the Rigveda1 and Atharvaveda2 for the archer who fought from the chariot. 1 i. 8, 4 ; 64, 10 ; ii. 42, 2, etc. 2 vi. 93, 1. 2 ; xi. 2, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 296. Ahan, 'day.' Like other peoples, the Indians used night as a general expression of time as well as day, but by no means predominantly.1 Night is also termed the dark (krsna), as 1 Rv. iv. 16, 19 ; viii. 26, 3 ; i. 70, 4. Cf. Av. x. 7, 42. Ahan ] DIVISIONS OF THE DAY 49 opposed to the light (arjuna), day.2 Aho-ratra3 is a regular term for ' day and night ' combined. The day itself is variously divided. In the Atharvaveda4 a division into ' the rising sun ' (udyan siiryah), ' the coming together of the cows' (sam-gava), 'midday' (madhyam-dina), 'afternoon' (aparahna), and 'sunset' (astam-yan) is found. In the Taittirlya Brahmana5 the same series appears with 'early' (pratar) and 'evening' (sayahna) substituted for the first and last members, while a shorter list gives pratar, samgava, say am. In the MaitrayanI Samhita6 there is the series ' dawn ' (usas), samgava, madhyamdina, and aparahna. The morning is also, according to Zimmer, called api-sarvara,7 as the time when the dark is just past. It is named svasara,8 as the time when the cows are feeding, before the first milking at the samgava, or when the birds are awakening.9 It is also called pra-pitva,10 according to Zimmer.11 But Geldner12 points out that that term refers to the late midday, which also is called api-sarvara, as bordering on the coming night, being the time when day is hastening to its close, as in a race. From another point of view, evening is called abhi-pitva,13 the time when all come to rest. Or again, morning and evening are denoted as the dawning of the sun (udita suryasya), or its setting (ni-mruc). The midday is regularly madhyam ahndm,14 madhye,15 or madhyamdina. Samgava16 is the forenoon, between the early morning (pratar) and midday (madhyamdina). The divisions of time less than the day are seldom precisely given. In the Satapatha Brahmana,17 however, a day and 2 Rv. vi. 9, i. 3 Rv. x. 190, 2 ; Av. xiii. 3, 8, etc. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii. 41, etc. 4 ix. 6, 45. 5 i- 5, 3, 1 ; 4, 9, 2. 6 iv. 2, 11. 7 Rv. iii. 9, 7 ; cf. Oldenberg, Rgveda- Noten, 1, 230. 8 Rv. ii. 34, 8 ; ix. 94, 2. 9 Rv- ii- 19, 2 ; 34, 5. 10 Rv. vii. 41, 4; viii. 1, 29. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 127 et seq., interprets paritakmyayam (Rv. i. 116, 15) similarly. 11 Altindisches Leben, 362. VOL. I. 12 Vedische Studien, 2, 155-179. 13 Rv. i. 126, 3 ; iv. 34, 5. 14 Rv. vii. 41, 4. 15 Rv. viii. 27, 20. 16 Cf. Rv. v. 76, 3 (samgave, pratar ahno, madhyamdine) ; Taittirlya Brah- mana, ii. 1, 1, 3 ; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, i. 12, 4 ; Aitareya Brah- mana, iii. 18, 14 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 112, 113. Zimmer, op. cit., 362, places it too early — before the cows are driven out. 17 xii. 3, 2, 5. Cf. Taittirlya Brah- mana, iii. 10, 1, 1 et seq. 5o DIVISIONS OF THE DAY [ Ahalya Maitreyl night make up 30 muhurtas ; 1 muhurta=i$ ksipra ; 1 ksipra = 15 etarhi ; 1 etarhi=i$ idani ; 1 iddni = i^ breathings; 1 breath- ing =1 spiration; 1 spiration = i twinkling (nimesa), etc. In the Sankhayana Aranyaka18 the series is dhvamsayo, nimesah, kdsthdh, kaldh, ksana, muhurtd, ahordtrdh. A thirtyfold division of day as well as of night is seen in one passage of the Rigveda19 by Zimmer, who compares the Babylonian sixty- fold division of the day and night. But the expression used — thirty Yojanas — is too vague and obscure — Bergaigne20 refers it to the firmament — to build any theory upon with safety. The longer divisions of time are regularly ' half month ' (ardha-mdsa) , ' month ' (rnasa), ' season ' (rtu), and ' year ' (samvatsara), which often21 occur in this sequence after ahordtrdni (* days and nights '). 18 vii. 20. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xiv. 78 et seq. ; Weber, Indische Streifen, i, 92-95. 19 Rv. i. 123, 8. 20 Religion Vedique, 3, 283 et seq. Cf. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. kratu. 21 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 15 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 12, 7 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxii. 28 ; Sankhayana Aranyaka, vii. 20 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 8, 9, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 361-363. Ahalya Maitreyl is practically a mythical name, the exist- ence of the lady whose story is alluded to in several Brahmanas1 being derived from the epithet of Indra, ' lover of Ahalya ' (ahalyayai jar a). 1 Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 4, 18 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 79 ; Sadvimsa Brahmana, i. 1. Ahi. — This word occurs frequently from the Rigveda1 onwards to denote * snake.' Reference is several times2 made to its casting its slough. Mention is also made of the serpent's peculiar movement,3 which earns for it the designation4 of 1 the toothed rope ' {datvati rajjuh). The poisonous character 1 vii. 104, 7, etc. The word sarpa, which is usual in the Atharvaveda, occurs only once (x. 16, 6) in the Rv. 2 Rv. ix. 86, 44; Av. i. 27; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 2, 6, 13; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 4, 10 ; Jaiminiya Brah- mana, i. 9 ; ii. 139 ; Kathaka Upanisad, ii. 6; 17. 3 Aitareya Aranyaka, v. 1, 4. 4 Av. iv. 3, 2. Akramana ] SNAKE 5i of its bite is spoken of,5 as well as the torpidity of the reptile in winter, when it creeps into the earth.6 The cast skin is used as an amulet against highwaymen.7 Mention is made of a mythical horse, Paidva, which the Asvins gave to Pedu as a protection against snakes,8 and which is invoked as a destroyer of serpents.9 The ichneumon (nakula) is regarded as their deadly enemy, and as immune against their poison through the use of a healing plant,10 while men kill them with sticks11 or strike off their heads.12 Many species of snakes are mentioned : see Agliasva, Ajagrara, Asita, Kahkaparvan, Karikrata, Kalmasagrlva, Kasarnila, Kumbhinasa, Tirascaraji, Taimata, Darvi, Da£o- nasi, Puskarasada, Prdaku, Lohitahi, Sarkota, Svitra, Sarpa. 5 Rv. vii. 104, 7; Av. x. 4, 4 et seq. 6, 56. (i Av. xii. 1, 46. 7 Av. i. 27. 8 Rv. i. 117-119. 9 Av. x. 4, 6. 10. 10 Av. vi. 139, 5; viii. 7, 23. 11 Av. x. 4, 9. 12 Av. vi. 67, 2. See Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 94, 95. Ahma Asvatthya was a sage {muni) who achieved immor- tality by knowledge of a certain rite {sdvitram)} 1 Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. io, 9, 10. The form of the first name is remark- able. The second may be compared with Asvattha. Akuli. — This mythical priest plays, together with Kirata, a part in the later tale of Asamati and the Gaupayanas. Aktaksya is mentioned as a teacher who had peculiar views on the fire ritual (agni-citi), which are rejected in the Satapatha Brahmana.1 1 vi. i, 2, 24. Cf. Levi, La Doctrine du Sacrifice, 140. A-kramana. — In the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana1 (i. 3) this word is used with the specific sense of * steps to climb trees.' 4—2 52 RAT— TALES [ Akhu Akhu. — The exact sense of this word is uncertain. Zimmer1 renders it 'mole,' while Roth2 prefers 'mouse' or 'rat.' It is frequently mentioned in the later Samhitas,3 and is known to the Rigveda,4 where, however, the word is regarded by Pischel5 as having acquired the secondary sense of ' thief.' This is denied by Hillebrandt.6 1 Altindisches Leben, 84, 85, followed by Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 142. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., followed by Whitney, -Translation of the Atharvaveda, 317, 318. 3 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 14, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 7 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, iii. 57 ; xxiv. 26 ; 28 ; Av. vi. 50, 1. 4 ix. 67, 30. 5 Vedische Studien, 2, 246 ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- schaft, 48, 701. 6 Zeitschrift, 48, 418 ; Vedainterpreta- tion, 7. A-khyana. — In the Aitareya Brahmana1 we hear of the Saunahsepa Akhyana, 'the story of Sunahgepa,' which is told by the Hotr priest at the Rajasuya (' royal inauguration '). The series of stories2 used at the Asvamedha ('horse sacrifice') during the year while the sacrificial horse is allowed to wander at its will is called the 'cyclic' (pari-plavam). The Aitareya Brahmana3 mentions also Akhyana-vids ('men versed in tales '), who tell the Sauparna legend, elsewhere4 known as a Vyakhyana. Yaska, in the Nirukta,5 frequently uses the term, sometimes in a pregnant sense as denoting the doctrine of the Aitihasikas or traditional interpreters of the Rigveda.6 1 vii. 18, 10. Cf. ^ankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 27. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 3, 2. 15- 3 iii. 25, 1. 4 Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 6, 2, 7. 5 v. 21 ; vii. 7. 6 xi. 19; 25. Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstojfe des Rgveda,, 16 et seq. A-khyayika. — This word occurs apparently but once in the Vedic literature, in the late Taittiriya Aranyaka,1 where its significance is doubtful. 1 i. 6, 3. Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstojfe des Rgveda, 20, n. 1. Agastya appears as a teacher in the Aitareya (iii. i, i) and Sarikhayana (vii. 2) Aranyakas. . Aji ] NAMES— CYMBAL— GOAD 53 Agrii-veSi Satri. — A prince of this name appears to be referred to in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') in the Rigveda.1 1 v- 34. 9- Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 155. AgTli-vesya. — Several teachers of this name are mentioned in the Vamsas or Genealogies of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. In the Madhyandina recension1 Agnivesya is a pupil of Saitava. In the Kanva recension he is a pupil of Sandilya and Anabhimlata in one Vamsa,2 and of Garg'ya in the second Vamsa.3 1 ii. 5, 21 ; iv. 5, 27. 2 ii. 6, 2. 3 iv. 6, 2. A-ghati is a musical instrument, the ' cymbal,' used to accompany dancing. It is known to the Rigveda1 and Atharvaveda.2 1 x. 146, 2. 2 iv. 37, 4 (agitata). Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 289. Ahgirasa is a title denoting a claim to be of the family of Angiras, borne by many sages and teachers, like Krsna, Ajigfarti, Cyavana, Ayasya, Samvarta, Sudhanvan, etc. Aja-ke£in is the name of a family in which, according to the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (i. 9, 3), Baka used violence against Indra. Ajani. — This word is used to denote a 'goad' in the Atharvaveda (iii. 25, 5). Ajata-satrava. See Bhadrasena. Aji is constantly used in the Rigveda1 and the later literature to express the sense of 'a race,' and only seldom denotes 'a battle.' Horse-racing was one of the favourite amusements of the Vedic Indian,2 the other being dicing 1 v- 37. 7; vi. 24, 6, etc. I Geldner, Vedische Studien, 1, 120; 2, 2 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 291 ; | 1 et seq. 54 RACING [Aji (Aksa). The racecourse, called Kastha3 or Aji4 itself, appears from the Atharvaveda5 to have been a quasi-circular one to a mark (karsman6) and back again. In the Rigveda the course is described as broad (urvi), and the distance as measured out (apdvrktd aratnayah).7 Prizes (dhana) were offered (dhd),8 and eagerly competed for. Other words for victory and the prize are kdra9 and bhara;10 and to 'run a race ' is described by the expressions djim aj, i, dhdv, sr.11 The person who instituted a race is referred to as dji-srt,12, and Indra is called dji-krt13 ('race-maker'), and dji-patiu ('lord of the race'). The swift steeds (vdjin, atya) used for the races were often washed and adorned.15 According to Pischel16 the name of one swift mare is preserved — viz., Vispala,17 whose broken leg was replaced by the Asvins in a race ; but the interpretation is very doubtful. Geldner18 has also found a comic picture of a horse-chariot race in the Mudgala hymn in the Rigveda, but Bloomfield19 has shown that that interpretation is un- sound. Pischel20 also seeks to show that races were run in honour cf gods, but the evidence for the theory is inadequate.21 3 Rv. viii. 80, 8 ; Av. ii. 14, 6. 4 Rv. iv. 24, 8 ; Av. xiii. 2, 4. 5 ii. 14, 6; xiii. 2 4. 6 Rv. ix. 36, 1 ; 74, 8. 7 The sense is doubtful in Rv. viii. 8o, 8. Zimmer suggests that it may mean ' the course is straight,' without twistings, for which idea cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 160, quoting the comparison of the courser's race with a bowstring (Rv. iii. 53, 24). It is also rendered ' the barriers are removed.' 8 Rv. i. 81, 3; 116, 15; vi. 45, 1 et seq. ; viii. 80, 8 ; ix. 53, 2 ; 109, 10. According to Geldner, Vedische Studien, 1, 120, n. 2, dhana is from dhan, ' start.' Cf. Pischel, ibid., 171. Cf. dhanasa, Rv. i. 112, 7. 10; ii. 10, 6; viii. 3, 15, etc. 9 Rv. v. 29, 8 ; ix. 14, 1. 10 Rv. v. 29, 8 ; ix. 16, 5, etc. 11 Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 25 ; iv. 27 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 3, 4 ; v. 1, 1, 3 ; 4, 1 ; vi. 1, 2, 12 ; vii. 1, 2, 1, etc. 12 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 5, 10. 28 ; xi. 1, 2, 13. 13 Rv. viii. 53, 6. 14 Ibid., 14. 15 Rv. ii. 34, 3 ; ix. 109, 10 ; x. 68, 11. 16 Vedische Studien, 1, 171 -173. Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 127 et seq. 17 Rv. i. 116, 15. Pischel finds here a race in honour of Vivasvant, but his equation of Khela and Vivasvant is denied even by Sieg, who accepts his theory of Vispala. 18 Vedische Studien, 2, 1 et seq. 19 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 541 et seq. Von Schroeder, Mysterium und Mimus im Rigveda, 346 et seq., follows Geldner. Cf. Winternitz, Vienna Oriental Journal, 23, 137- 20 Vedische Studien, 1, 172. 21 Sieg, op. cit., 128. Adambara ] SALVE— DRUM 55 A formal race, however, is a feature of the ritual of the Rajasuya or royal consecration.22 Satapatha Brahmana, 22 Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 15; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 9 ; Kathaka Samhita, xv. 8 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, x. 19 et seq. v. 4. 2; 3. Cf. Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 43. Ajigfarti. — See Sunah£epa, who bears this patronymic in the Aitareya Brahmana.1 He is called an Angirasa in the Kathaka Samhita.2 1 vii. 17. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 11, 2. 2 xix. 11. Ajya. See Ghrta. Aiijana. — A salve frequently referred to in the Atharvaveda,1 wrhich came from Mount Trikakubh2 in the Himalaya, and was used to anoint the eyes.3 The region of the Yamuna4 is also given as a possible place of origin, and the ointment is declared as potent to remove jaundice, Yaksma, Jayanya, and other diseases.5 A female ointment-maker is mentioned in the list of victims of the Purusamedha ('human sacrifice').6 1 iv. 9 ; vi. 102, 3 ; ix. 6, 11 ; xix. 44. 2 Av. iv. 9, 9. 10 ; xix. 44, 6. 3 Cf. Av. iv. 9, 1 (aksyam) ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 3. Hence the legend in the Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 1, 5; cf. i. 2, 1, 2 ; MaitrayanI Samhita, iii. 6, 3 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 1, 3,15; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iv. 3. 4 Av. iv. 9, 10. 5 Av. xix. 44, 1 et seq. 6 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 14 {ah- jarii-kari) ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 10, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 5, 69 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda 381 et seq. ; American Journal of Philology, 17, 405, 406 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 159. Atiki is the name of the wife of Usasti in the Chandogya Upanisad (i. 10, 1). Atnara. — Patronymic of Para. Adambara was a kind of ' drum.' A ' drummer ' {adambara- ghata) is mentioned in the list of victims at the Purusa-medha (' human sacrifice ') in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.1 1 xxx. 19. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, xiv. 4, 8, 1. 56 A XLE-PIN—DOOR-FRA ME—S WA N [ Ani Ani. — This word, which is found in the Rigveda,1 but rarely later,2 appears to be best taken with Roth3 and Zimmer4 as denoting the part of the axle of the chariot which is inserted into the nave of the wheel. Sayana renders it as lynch-pin, and this sense is accepted by Leumann,5 being apparently also found in the Nirukta.6 In one place in the Rigveda7 the word appears by synecdoche to denote the whole chariot, but the passage is, according to Geldner,8 completely obscure. 1 i. 35, 6 ; v. 43, 8. 2 In a Mantra in the Aitareya Aran- yaka, ii. 7. See Keith's edition, pp. 266, 267, and Vani. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Altindisches Leben, 247. 5 Etymologisches Worterbuch, 30. 6 vi. 32. 7 i. 63, fil Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 96. 8 Geldner, ibid. 141, n. 3. Andika (' bearing eggs ') is a term found in the Atharvaveda1 denoting an edible plant, apparently with fruit or leaves of egg shape (cinda), akin to the lotus. 1 iv. 34, 5 ; v. 17, 16. In the first passage the Paippalada version has paimdarlka in its place ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 207. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 70 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 138. Ata. — The framework of the door of a house appears to be denoted by the plural of this word in the Rigveda1 (though in all passages there it is used only by synecdoche of the doors of the sky), and in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.2 Zimmer3 compares the Latin antae, to which the word etymologically corresponds.4 1 i. 56, 5; 113, 14; iii. 43, 6; ix. 5, 5 (ataih). 2 xxix. 5 (ataih). Cf. atabhih in Durga on Nirukta, iv. 18. 3 Altindisches Leben, 154. 4 Brugmann, Grundriss, 1, 209 214. Ati, an aquatic bird. The Apsarases in the legend of Pururavas and Urvasi appear to him like Atis, probably swans.1 The birds appear also in the list of animals in the Asvamedha ('horse sacrifice'),2 where Mahidhara3 renders them as the 1 Rv. x. 95, 9. Cf. Satapatha Brah- mana, xi. 5, 1, 4. a Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 13, 1 ; Maltrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 18 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 34. 3 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. Atharvana ] NAMES 57 later Adi (Turdus ginginianus), and Sayana4 quotes a view, according to which the Ati was the Casa, or blue jay (Coracias indica). 4 On Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 89. Atithi-g-va.— Patronymic of Indrota. Atreya is the patronymic of a pupil of Manti in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 An Atreya appears as a Purohita of Anga in the Aitareya Brahmana.2 An Atreya was regularly the priest in certain rites,3 and an Atreyi occurs in an obscure passage in the Satapatha Brahmana.4 1 ii. 6, 3 iv. 6, 3 (in both ver- iv. 3, 4, 21 ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra sions). x. 2, 21 (sadasah purastat). 2 viii. 22. 4 i. 4, 5, 13. Cf. Roth, St. Peters- 3 Ibid., vii. 7 ; Satapatha Brahmana, burg Dictionary, s.v. Atreyi-putra is mentioned as a pupil of Gautamiputra in a Vamsa, or Genealogy, in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 5, 2, in both versions). Atharvana, a patronymic formed from the name of the mythic Atharvan, is found normally in the plural neuter as a designation of the hymns of the Atharvans. This use appears in the late nineteenth book of the Atharvaveda,1 and in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.2 In the singular the expression Atharvana (Veda), though not occurring till the Chandogya Upanisad,3 is earlier than the term ' Atharvaveda,' which is first found in the Sutras.4 In the Nidana Sutra5 Atharvanikas, or ' followers of the Atharvaveda,' appear. Specific but mainly mythical Atharvanas are Kabandha, Brhaddiva, Bhisaj, Dadhyahc, and Vicarin. 1 xix. 23, 1. * xii. 9, 10. 3 yii. 1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. 4 Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 2, 10, etc. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, xxv. ; Atharvaveda, 8 et seq. 58 MIRROR— A PAY A RIVER [ AdarSa A-darga, 'mirror,' is a term found only in the Upanisads1 and Aranyakas.2 1 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. i, 9; I 2 AitareyaAranyaka, iii. 2, 4; Sankh- iii. g, 15 ; Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 7, j ayana Aranyaka, viii. 7. 4; Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 2 ; 11. I Adara was a kind of plant which was prescribed as a substitute for Soma.1 It is identified in the Satapatha Brah- man a2 with Putika. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 5, 10, 4. I hita, xxiv. 3 ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, 2 xiv. 1, 2, 12. Cf. Kathaka Sam- I xxv. 12, 19. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 276. Ananda-ja Candhanayana is mentioned as a pupil of Samba in the Vamsa Brahmana.1 1 Indischc Studien, 4, 372. Anabhi-mlata is mentioned in a Vamsa, or Genealogy, in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a pupil of Anabhimlata. 1 ii. 6, 2 (not in the Madhyandina version). Anava. See Aim. Anuka. — Geldner1 thinks that in its solitary occurrence in the Rigveda2 this word means an ornament. Roth3 takes it adverbially, and so do Ludwig and Oldenberg. 1 Vedische Studien, 3, 94. 2 v. 33, 9. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Apaya is the name of a river mentioned once only in the Rigveda,1 when it occurs between the Drsadvati and the Sarasvati. Ludwig2 was inclined to identify it with the Apaga as a name for the Ganges, but Zimmer3 correctly places it near the Sarasvati, either as the small tributary which flows past Thanesar or the modern Indramati farther west, while Pischel4 assigns it to Kuruksetra, of which the Apaya is mentioned as a famous river in the Mahabharata.5 1 m. 23, 4. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 200. But cf. ibid., 4, 304. 3 Altindisches Leben, 18. 4 Vedische Studien, 2, 218. 5 Mahabharata, iii. 83, 68. Ambasthya ] MYROBALAN FRUIT— CURDS 59 Abayu is apparently the name of a plant in the Atharvaveda j1 the mustard plant2 may have been meant, but the sense is quite uncertain.3 1 vi. 16, i. 2 Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva- veda, 465, following the indication of the use of the hymn in the Kausika Sutra. 3 Whitney, Translation of the Athar- vaveda, 292 ; Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 72. Abhi-pratarina.— Patronymic of Vrddhadyumna. A bhuti Tvastra is mentioned in two Vamsas, or Genealogies, of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a pupil of Vigvarupa Tvastra, both teachers being no doubt equally mythical. 1 ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3 (in both recensions). Amalaka (neuter), a common word later, is found in the Chandogya Upanisad (vii. 3, 1), denoting the Myrobalan fruit. Cf. Amala. Amiksa designates a mess of clotted curds. It is not known to the Rigveda, but occurs in all the later Samhitas,1 Brah- manas,2 etc., and is associated with the Vaisya in the Taittiriya Aranyaka.3 1 Av. x. 9, 13 ; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5. 5. 4; m- 3- 9. 2; vi- 2, 5, 3; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 1, 9; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xix. 21 ; 23, etc. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 8, 1, 7. 9; iii. 3, 3, 2, etc. ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, ii. 8, 8 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 438 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 19, 99, 101) ; Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 8, 5, etc. 3 Loc. cit. Cf. Manava Srauta Sutra, ii. 2, 40. Amba denotes in the Taittiriya1 and Kathaka2 Samhitas a grain, called Namba in the Satapatha Brahmana.3 1 i. 8, 10, 1. xv. 5. v. 3. 3. Ambasthya is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 21) as a king, whose priest for the Rajasuya, or royal inauguration, was Narada. Presumably the name is local, meaning ' King of 6o AYU— WEAPONS [ Ayatana the Ambasthas,' as interpreted in the St. Petersburg Dictionary. Later the term Ambastha denotes ' a man of mingled Brahmana and Vaisya parentage by father and mother ' respectively. A-yatana. — The general sense of ' abode ' or ' home ' appears to be limited in one passage of the Chandogya Upanisad (vii. 24, 2) to the sense of ' holy place,' ' sanctuary,' which is found in the epic. Ayavasa is mentioned apparently as a king in a corrupt and unintelligible verse of the Rigveda.1 1 i. 122, 15. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 206; Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Ayu appears in the Rigveda1 with Kutsa and Atithigva as having been defeated, with Indra's aid, by Turvayana, who is believed by Pischel2 to have been King of the Pakthas. Possibly he is elsewhere3 referred to as victorious, by Indra's aid, over VeSa. Elsewhere he is quite mythical.4 3 Rv. x. 49, 5 ; but the word is possibly not a proper name. 4 Cf Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, 100, 1 i. 53, 10; ii. 14, 7; vi. 18,13 viii. 53, 2; Bergaigne, Religion VMique 1, 60. 2 Vedische Studien, 1, 71-75. 135. 140- Ayuta. See Ghrta. A-yudha, ' weapon,' in its widest sense covers the whole of a Ksatriya's warlike equipment, which in the Aitareya Brahmana1 is summed up as horse-chariot (asva-ratha), bow and arrows {isu-dhanva), and corselet (kavaca). As the bow and arrow (isu, dhanvan) were essential as the main weapons of the Vedic fighter, they are probably meant when Ayudha is used specifically of weapons, as often from the Rigveda2 onwards. The battle hymn in the Rigveda3 confirms this view, as it presents to us the warrior armed with bow and arrow on his chariot, and clad in armour (Varman), with a guard (Hastagfhna) on the left arm to avoid the friction of the bow-string. The corselet was not a single solid piece of metal, but consisted of many pieces fitted together (syida);4 it may 1 vii. 19, 2. 3 vi. 75. 2 i. 39, 2; 6i, 13; 92, 1; ii. 30, 9, 4 Rv. i. 31, 15. etc. ; Av. vi. 133, 2, etc. Aradhi ] WEAPONS— BEE— A WL 61 have been made either of metal plates or, as is more likely, of some stiff material plated with metal. In addition the warrior wore a helmet (Sipra). There is no trace of the use of a shield, nor is there any clear record of the employment of greaves or other guard for the feet.5 Skill in the use of weapons is referred to in the Rigveda.6 It is doubtful whether sling stones (Adri, Asani) were in ordinary use. The hook (ankusa)7 also is merely a divine weapon, and the axe (svadhiti,8 vast, parasu) does not occur in mortal combats. For the use of the spear see Rsti, Rambhini, Sakti, Saru ; of the sword, Asi, Krti. Neither weapon can be considered ordinary in warfare, nor was the club (Vajra) used. For the modes of warfare see Samgrama. 5 Grassmann saw greaves in vaturina pada in Rv. i. 133, 2, but this is most improbable. 6 i. 92, 1. Cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 183 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 295. 7 Rv. viii. 17, 10 ; x. 44, 9 ; 134, 6 ; Av. vi. 83, 3. Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5.87. 8 Rv. v. 32, 10 ; ix. 67, 30 ; x. 43, 9. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 298- 301 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 469-472 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 281 et seq. Ayograva.— Marutta Avi-ksita, the Ayogava king, is men- tioned as a sacrificer in the Satapatha Brahmana,1 where also a Gatha (' stanza ') celebrating his sacrifice is cited. Cf. Ayogti. 1 xiii. 5, 4, 6. Cf. Sankbayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 9, 14-16. Arangfara is one of the names of the bee found in the Rigveda.1 Other names are Sarah and Bhrng'a. 1 x. 106, 10. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 97. Ara, a word later1 known as an ' awl' or 'gimlet,' occurs in the Rigveda2 only to designate a weapon of Pusan, with whose pastoral character its later use for piercing leather is con- sistent. Cf. Vasi. 1 Hillebrandt, Vedische My thologie, 3, 365, n. 1. 2 vi. 53, 8. Aradhi. — Patronymic of Saujata. Cf Arada. 62 ARJlKA COUNTRY [ Aruna AupaveSi Aruna Aupa-ve£i. — So the manuscripts let us read the former word in the MaitrayanI Samhita, but this is doubtless an error for Aruna. Aruni is the patronymic normally referring to Uddalaka, son of Aruna Aupavesi. Uddalaka is probably also meant by Aruni Yasasvin, who occurs as a teacher of the Subrahmanya (a kind of recitation) in the Jaiminiya Brahmana.1 Arunis are referred to both in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana2 and in the Kathaka Samhita,3 as well as in the Aitareya Aranyaka.4 i ii. 80. 2 ii. 5, 1. Cf. Keith, Aitareya Aran- yaka, 204. 3 xiii. 12. 4 ii. 4. 1. Aruneya. — An epithet of £vetaketu, indicating his descent from Uddalaka Aruni and Aruna AupaveSL It is apparently confined to the Satapatha Brahmana1 and Chandogya Upani- sad,2 in which Svetaketu plays a great part. 1 x. 3, 4, 1; xi. 2, 7, 12; 5, 4, 18; 6, 2, 1 ; xii. 2, 1, 9; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 2, 1. 2 v. 3, 1 ; vi. 1, 1. _ A 5 Arksa. — Patronymic of Srutarvan and of ASvamedha. Arjika1 and Arjikiya2 (masc), Arjikiya3 (fern.). — The two masculine forms probably denote the people or land, while the feminine word designates the river of the land. Hillebrandt4 locates the country in or near Kasmir, as Arrian5 mentions Arsaces, brother of Abhisares, who presumably took his name from his people, and Abhisara bordered on Kasmir. Pischel6 accepts Arjika as designating a country, which he, however, thinks cannot be identified. But neither Roth7 nor Zimmer8 recognizes the word as a proper name. On the other hand, all authorities agree in regarding Arjikiya as the name of a 1 Singular : Rv. viii. 7, 29 ; ix. 113, 2. Plural : ix. 65, 23. 2 Rv. viii. 64, 11. 3 Rv. x. 75, 5. 4 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 126-137. 5 Anabasis, v. 29, 4. 6 Vedische Studien, 2, 209, 217. 7 St. Petersburg Dictionary. 8 Altindisches Leben, 12-14. Artava ] ARJIKIYA RIVER 63 river. Roth9 does so in one passage10 only, elsewhere seeing references to Soma vessels ; but it seems necessary to treat the word alike in all passages containing it. Zimmer does not locate the river, and Pischel denies the possibility of its identification. Hillebrandt thinks it may have been the Upper Indus, or the Vitasta (the Jhelum), or some other stream. Grassmann follows Yaska11 in identifying it with the the Vipas (Beas), but this is rendered improbable by the position of the name in the hymn in praise of rivers (nadi- stuti).12 Brunnhofer13 identifies it with the Arghesan, a tributary of the Arghanab. 9 Op. cit., s.v. susoma. " Rv. x.75, 5. 11 Nirukta, ix. 26. 12 Rv. x. 75. 13 Iran unci Turan, 52. Cf. Max Miiller, Sacred Boohs of the East, 32, 398 ; 399. Arjuneya. — In the Rigveda1 this name occurs as the patro- nymic of Kautsa. 1 i. 112, 23 ; iv. 26, 1 ; vii. 19, 2 ; viii. 1, 11. Artabhagi-putra is mentioned as a pupil of Saungi-putra in a Vamsa or Genealogy in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 Artabhaga is a patronymic of Jaratkarava in the same Upanisad.2 1 vi. 5, 2 (also in the Madhyandina version). 2 iii. 2, 1. 13. Artava. — This expression denotes a portion of the year consisting of more seasons than one. But it does not bear the exact sense of ' half-year,' as suggested by Zimmer.1 This is shown by the fact that it occurs regularly in the plural, not in the dual. In the Atharvaveda it occurs between seasons and years {hay ana),2, but also in the combinations, 'seasons, Artavas, months, years';3 * half-months, months, Artavas, seasons';4 1 Altindisches Leben, 374. 1 3 ^ IO) IO 2 "i- 10, 9. ^ xi. 7, 20. Cf. xv. 6, 6; 17, 6. 64 NOTCHED END OF BOW— ARYAN [ Artni ' seasons, Artavas, months, half-months, days and nights, day ';6 and in the Vajasaneyi Samhita ' months, seasons, Artavas, the year,'6 or simply with the seasons.7 5 xvi. 8, 18. 6 xxii. 28. 7 Av. v. 28, 2. 13; x. 6, 18; 7, 5; xi. 3, 17; 6, 17; Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 2, 6, 1. 3. Kausitaki Upanisad, i. 3, cited in this sense in the St. Petersburg Dictionary, is not so to be understood, as the word there is merely adjectival. Artni denotes the end of the bow to which the bow-string (jya) was attached.1 The string was not normally kept fastened to both ends of the bow, but when an arrow was to be shot it was strung taut.2 On the other hand, the legend of the death of Visnu, told in the later Samhitas3 and Brahmanas,4 expressly contemplates his leaning on his strung bow, which cleaves his head by the sudden springing apart of the two ends when the bow-string is gnawed through. 1 Rv. vi. 75, 4; Av. i. 1, 3; Maitra- yani Samhita, ii. 9, 2 ; Kathaka Sam- hita., xvii. 11 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 9, etc. a Rv. x. 166, 3. Cf. Av. vi. 42, 1. a Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 5, 9. 4 Pancavimsa Brahmana, vii. 5, 6 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiv. 1, 1, 7 et seq. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 297, 298; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 270. Arya is the normal designation in the Vedic literature from the Rigveda1 onwards of an Aryan, a member of the three upper classes, Brahmana, Ksatriya, or VaiSya, as the formal division is given in the Satapatha Brahmana.2 The Arya stands in opposition to the Dasa,3 but also to the Sudra. Sometimes4 the expression is restricted to the Vaisya caste, * Rv. i. 51, 8 ; 130, 8 ; 156, 5, etc. 2 iv. 1, 6 (Kanva recension). 3 Rv. i. 51, 8. 9; 103, 3; vi. 20, 10; 25, 2. 3, etc. (opposed to Dasa) ; Av. iv. 20, 4. 8 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 6, 6; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 30, etc. (opposed to Sudra). 4 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 205, 215, finds this use — understanding Arya as meant — in Atharvaveda, xix. 32, 8, and 62, 1, as well as in passages where Sudraryau is found. Lanman, in Whitney's Translation of the Athar- vaveda, 948, 1003, quotes his view with approval ; but Whitney's version leaves no doubt that he read and understood the text as Arya, the Aryan, not the Vaisya. For Whitney's view, Av. iv. 20, 4. 8 may be cited; and so Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., takes the passages. In Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 10, 8, Sudraryau must mean Sudra and VaiSya ; but the Padapatha takes it as Arya, and so does Zimmer. Arya ] ARYAN 65 the Brahmana and the Ksatriya receiving special designations ; but this use is not common, and it is often uncertain also whether Arya is not meant. The phrase Siidraryau6 is espe- cially ambiguous, but appears to have denoted originally the Sudra and the Aryan, for in the Mahavrata ceremony the fight between a Sudra and an Arya is represented in the Taittiriya Brahmana as one between a Brahmana and a Sudra, though the Sutra treats it as a fight between a Vaisya and a Sudra. The word Arya (fern. Arya or Ari) also occurs frequently used as an adjective to describe the Aryan classes (visah),6 or name (ndman),7 or caste (varna),8 or dwellings (dhdman) ;9 or again reference is made to the Aryan supremacy (vrata) 10 being extended over the land. Aryan foes (vrtra)11 are referred to beside Dasa foes, and there are many12 references to war of Aryan versus Aryan, as well as to war of Aryan against Dasa. From this it can be fairly deduced that even by the time of the Rigveda the Aryan communities had advanced far beyond the stage of simple conquest of the aborigines. In the later Samhitas and Brahmanas the wars alluded to seem mainly Aryan wars, no doubt in consequence of the fusion of Arya and Dasa into one community. Weber13 considers that the five peoples known to the Rigveda were the Aryans and the four peoples of the quarters (dis) of the earth, but this is doubtful. Aryan speech (vac)14 is specially referred to in the Aitareya and Sahkhayana Aranyakas. 5 See Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 9, 3, with Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xiii. 3, 7. 8 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxiv. 5 ; PaiicavmiSa Brahmana, v. 5, 17 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, i. 2, 6, 7 ; La.tya.yana Sutra, iv. 2, 5 ; Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra, xvii. 6, 2 ; Anupada Sutra, vii. 10. 6 Rv. i. 77 3; 96, 31 ; x. 11. 4; 43, 4, etc. » Rv. X. 49. 3- 8 Rv. iii • 34 9- Cf. Varna. 9 Rv. ix 63. 14. 10 Rv. X. 65, 11. So Agni and Indra are styled Aryan, as supporters of the Aryan people (Rv. vi. 60, 6). VOL. I 11 Rv. vi. 33, 3; vii. 83, 1; x. 69, 6. 12 Rv. i. 102, 5 ; iii. 32, 14 ; vi. 22, 10; 25, 2. 3; viii. 2, 4. 27; x. 38, 3; 83, 1 ; 102, 3, etc. 13 Indische Studien, 17, 288. Cf. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. krsti, and Pafica Janasah . 14 Aitareya Aranyaka, iii. 2, 5 ; Sahkhayana Aranyaka, viii. 9. Cf. Keith, Aitareya A~ranyaka, 196, 255; and Vac. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 207 et seq. ; Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 214 et seq. 66 NA MES—G UE ST-HO USE [ Arya Arya. See Malya. Arsti-sena. — Patronymic of Devapi.1 1 Rv. x. 98, 5. 6. 8 ; Nirukta, ii. 11 ; Brhaddevata, vii. 155. Ala appears to mean 'weed' in the Atharvaveda,1 and to form part of three other words,2 denoting, according to Sayana, grass-creepers (sasya-valli) — viz., Alasala, Silanjala.,3 and Nila- galasala. Whitney,4 however, does not think that the words can be given any determinate sense. 1 Av. vi. 16, 3. But Whitney takes the word as a verb, comparing v. 22, 6. 2 Av. vi. 16, 4. 3 Sayana reads Salanjala, and the manuscripts of the KauSika Sutra (vi. 16) , have Silanjala. But cf. Silaci. 4 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 292, 293. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 466. Alambayani-putra is mentioned in a Vamsa or Genealogy of the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 5, 2) as a pupil of Alambl-putra. In the Madhyandina recension (vi. 4, 32) the relation is reversed, for there he is teacher of Alambi-putra and pupil of Jayanti-putra. Alambl-putra is a pupil of Jayanti-putra according to a Vamsa in the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 5, 2), but of Alambayani-putra according to the Madhy- andina (vi. 4, 32). Aligi is the name of a kind of serpent in the Atharvaveda (v. 13, 7). Cf. Viligl. A-vasatha ('dwelling'). — The precise sense1 of this term appears to be a place for the reception of guests, especially Brahmanas and others on the occasion of feasts and sacrifices (somewhat like the modern meaning of Dharma-sala as a rest- house for pilgrims), a use derived from the more general sense of ' abode.' 2 1 Av. ix. 6, 5 (a hymn in praise of entertaining Brahmanas) ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 10, 6; iii. 7, 4, 6; Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 4, 4, 6 (where Eggeling renders the word as if meaning ' house ' merely) ; Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 1, 1, etc. Details are given in the Sutras — e.g., Apastamba Srauta Sutra, v. 9, 3 ; Dharma Sutra, ii. 9, 25, 4. 2 E.g., Aitareya Upanisad, iii. 12. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, ASu ] WOOL— SOMA ADMIXTURE 67 Avika (' coming from the sheep,' avi) is a term for * wool,' which occurs first in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (ii. 3, 6). Cf. Avi. Avi-ksita.— -Patronymic of Marutta,1 the Ayograva. 1 Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 21 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 6. A-6arIka appears to denote a disease in a hymn of the Atharvaveda1 celebrating the powers of the Jarigida plant. Zimmer2 thinks that it merely denotes the pain in the limbs accompanying fever. Whitney3 suggests taking the word as merely an epithet. 1 xix. 34, 10. - Altindisches Leben, 65, 391. 8 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 953- £/• Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 673. A-6ir (' admixture ') denotes the mixing, and more especially the milk mixed with the juice, of the Soma before it was offered to the gods. In this sense it is not rare from the Rigveda1 onwards. Not milk alone was employed for this purpose. The epithet * having three admixtures ' applied to Soma2 is explained by the other epithets, 'mixed with milk' (gavdsir), ' mixed with curds ' (dadhy-dsir), and ' mixed with grain ' (yavasir) — all referring to Soma. 1 i. 134, 6; iii. 53, 14; viii. 2, 10. 11, etc. ; Av. ii. 29, 1, etc. ; Nirukta, vi. 8; 32. 2 Rv. v. 27, 5 ; cf. viii. 2, 7. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, et seq. Cf. 209 ASi-visa, occurring only in the Aitareya Brahmana,1 is understood by Roth2 as designating a particular kind of snake, and perhaps means ' having poison (visa) in its fangs ' (dsi). 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. It is a common word in the Epic and later. Asu, the ' swift,' is frequently used without A3va to denote the chariot steed from the Rigveda1 onwards. 1 ii. 16, 3 ; 31, 2 ; 38, 3, etc. ; Av. ii. 14, 6; iv. 27, 1; xiii. 2, 2; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 10 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, v. 3, 3, 3, etc. 5—2 68 STAGES OF LIFE [ A£umga A£um-g,a in the Atharvaveda1 seems to denote some sort of animal. It is qualified by the word ' young' (sisuka), and Roth2 suggests that it may mean a bird ('swift-flying'), or that the expression denotes 'a foal going to its dam' (asu-ga). Sayana, however, reads the accompanying word as susuka, which he assumes to denote an animal. Bloomfield3 renders the two words ' a swift (dsumga) foal (sisuka),' thus agreeing with one of Roth's suggestions in sense, though not in the explanation of Asumga. 1 vi. 14, 3. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 464. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Athar- vaveda, 291. A-£rama (' resting-place ') does not occur in any Upanisad which can be regarded as pre-Buddhistic. Its earliest use as denoting the stages of a Hindu's life is found in the Svetasvatara Upanisad.1 In one passage2 of the Chandogya Upanisad reference is made only to the Brahmacarin and householder, to whom, as a reward for study, the procreation of children, the practice of Yoga, abstention from injury to living creatures, and sacrifices, freedom from transmigration are promised. In another place3 three states are contemplated, but not as con- secutive. The Brahmacarin may either become a householder or become an anchorite, or remain in his teacher's house all his life. Similarly, reference4 is made to the death of the anchorite in the forest, or the sacrifice in the village. In contrast with all three5 is the man who stands fast in Brahman (Brahma- samstha). In the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad6 the knower of the Atman is contrasted with those who (1) study, or (2) sacrifice and give alms, or (3) are anchorites, and in another place7 with those who sacrifice and make benefactions, and those who practice asceticism. This position of superiority to, and distinction from, the Asramas became later a fourth8 Asrama, 1 A tyasramin, Svetasvatara Upanisad, vi. 21 ; Maitrayani Upanisad, iv. 3, etc. 2 viii. 5. 3 h- 23, 1. 4 v. 10. 0 11. 23, 1. 6 iv. 2, 22. 7 iii. 8, 10. Cf. iii. 5. B ja.ba.la Upanisad, Upanisad, ii. 1, 7. 4. Cf. Mundaka I Asvasukti ] PATRONYMIC NAMES 69 the Grhastha, or householder, who was in the second stage, being required to pass not only into the stage of Vanaprastha, but also that of the Sannyasin (Bhiksu, Parivrajaka). The first stage, that of the Brahmacarin, was still obligatory, but was no longer allowed to remain a permanent one, as was originally possible. Cf. Deussen, Philosophy of the Upanishads, 60, 367 et seq. A-gresa, A-slesa. See Naksatra. Asva-g"hna. — This name occurs in one passage of the Rig- veda,1 in a very obscure hymn, where it appears to denote a prince who had made offerings to Indra, and who may, as Ludwig2 thinks, have been called Vitarana. 1 x. 61, 21. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 165. Asvatara ASvi, or ASvatarasvi. — These two expressions are used1 as patronymics of Budila, denoting, according to Sayana,2 that he was son of Asva, and descendant of Asvatara. 1 The first is found in Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 30 ; the second in Sata- patha Brahmana, iv. 6, 1, 9 ; x. 6, i, 1 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 15, 8 Chandogya Upanisad, v. 11, 1 ; 16, 1. 2 On Aitareya Brahmana, loc. cit. ASva-tthya.— Patronymic of Ahina.1 1 Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 10, 9, 10. Possibly to be read Asvathya. A£va-medha is the patronymic of an unnamed prince, who occurs in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') in the Rigveda (viii. 68, 15. 16). Asva-vala. — From this adjective (' made of horse-tail grass '), applied to a strew (prastara) in the Satapatha Brahmana (iii. 4, T> 17> 6, 3, 10), follows the existence of the Asvavala grass [Saccharum spontaneum). A6va-sukti is mentioned in Pancavimsa Brahmana (xix. 4, 2, et seq.) as an author of Samans (Soma chants) along with Gausukti. 7o DAY'S JOURNEY— KING ASANGA [ ASvina Asvina, or A£vlna, designates, in the Atharvaveda1 and two Brahmanas,2 the length of journey made in a day by a horseman (asvin). The exact distance is not defined. In the Atharva it appears to exceed five leagues, being mentioned immediately after a distance of three or five Yojanas ; in the Aitareya Brahmana the heavenly world is placed at a distance of a thousand Asvinas. 1 vi. 131, 3. 2 Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 17; I cavimsa Brahmana in Indische Studien, Pan- J 1, 34. Asadhi Sausromateya.— According to the Satapatha Brah- mana,1 he was ruined because the heads were put on at the Agniciti in a certain manner, and not correctly. 1 vi. 2, i, 37. Eggeling has Asadhi, but as it is a patronymic of Asadha, the form Asadhi seems correct. Astra seems in the Kathaka Samhita (xxxvii. 1) to denot< the ploughman's goad. Astri. — In the Rigveda1 the word seems to denote a fire- place. The evil bird is entreated not to settle there on the hearth. 1 x. 165, 3. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 347. Asangfa Playogi is a king who appears in a Danastuti ('Praise of Gifts') in the Rigveda1 as a generous patron. Owing, however, to the addition of a curious phallic verse to the hymn, and its early misunderstanding,2 a legend was invented that he lost his manhood and became a woman, but by the intercession of Medhyatithi was transformed into a man, much to the delight of his wife, SaSvati, whose existence is based on a misunderstanding of the phrase ' every woman ' (sasvati naff) in the added verse.3 Another misunderstanding 1 viii. i, 32. 33. 2 viii. 1, 34. See Hopkins, Religions of India, 150, n. 1 ; Brhaddevata, ii. 83 ; vi. 41, with Macdonell's notes. Dya- dviveda gives the tale at length in Vedic words taken from the Nighantu, a curious jeu d' esprit. See the extract from the Nitimaiijari given by Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 40, 41. 3 viii. 1, 34. Asandi ] SEAT of the Danastuti4 gives him a son Svanad-ratha, really a mere epithet, and makes him a descendant of Yadu. 4 viii. i, 31. 32. Cf. Ludwig, Trans- lation of the Rigveda, 3, 159 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 89; Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 2, 106, 107 ; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1. 354- A-sandi. — This is a generic term for a seat of some sort, occurring frequently in the later Samhitas1 and Brahmanas,2 but not in the Rigveda. In the Atharvaveda3 the settle brought for the Vratya is described at length. It had two feet, length- wise and cross-pieces, forward and cross-cords, showing that it was made of wood and also cording. It was also covered with a cushion (Astarana) and a pillow (Upabarhana), had a seat (Asada) and a support (Upa£raya). Similar seats are described in the Kausltaki Upanisad4 and the Jaiminiya Brahmana.5 The seat for the king at the royal consecration is described in very similar terms in the Aitareya Brahmana,6 where the height of the feet is placed at a span, and the lengthwise and cross-pieces are each to be a cubit, while the interwoven part (vivayana) is to be of Munja grass, and the seat of Udumbara wood. In another passage of the Atharvaveda7 Lanman seems to take the seat meant as a ' long reclining chair.' There also a cushion (Upadhana) and coverlet (Upavasana) are mentioned. The Satapatha Brahmana repeatedly describes the Asandi in terms showing that it was an elaborate seat. In one place8 it is said to be made of Khadira wood, perforated {vi-trnnd), and joined with straps (vardhra-yutd) like that of the Bharatas. At the Sautramani rite9 (an Indra sacrifice) the seat is of Udumbara wood, is knee-high, and of unlimited width and depth, and is covered with plaited reed-work. The 1 Av. xiv. 2, 65; xv. 3, 2 et seq.; 1, 397; Keith, Sahkhayana Aran Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 8, 5 ; Vaja- yaka, 19. saneyi Samhita, viii. 56 ; xix. 16 ; 86, 5 ii. 24. etc. 6 viii. 5 ; 6; 12. 2 Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 5 ; 6 ; 12 ; 7 xiv. 2, 65. See his note in Whit Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 4, 26; ney's Translation of the Atharvaveda v. 2, 1, 22 ; 4, 4, 1, etc. 765- 3 xv. 3, 2 et seq. 8 v. 4, 4, 1. 4 i. 5. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 9 xii. 8, 3, 4 et seq. 72 CITY OF ASANDlVANT— SEAT— NAMES [ Asandivant imperial seat10 is to be shoulder-high, of Udumbara wood, and wound all over with cords of Balvaja grass (Eleusina indica). Elsewhere11 the seat is a span high, a cubit in width and depth, of Udumbara wood, and covered with reed-grass cords, and daubed with clay. 10 xiv. i, 3, 8 et seq. ** vi. 7, 1, 12 et seq. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 155. Asandi-vant, ' possessing the throne,' is the title of the royal city of Janamejaya Pariksita, in which the horse, for his famous Asvamedha, was bound. The authorities both cite a Gatha for the fact, but they differ as to the priest who celebrated the rite. In the Satapatba Brahmana1 he is stated to have been Indrota Daivapa Saunaka, but in the Aitareya2 Tura Kavaseya. xiii. 5, 4, 2. I Sutra, xvi. 9, 1. viii. 21. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta | knows the name. Panini, viii. 2, 12, A-sada, ' seat,' occurs in the Atharvaveda1 as a description of part of the settle (Asandl) of. the Vratya. It seems best to regard it with Whitney2 as the seat proper; Aufrecht,3 Zimmer,4 and Roth5 render it as the * cushion for the seat,' but that is sufficiently described by the word Astarana. 1 xv. 3, «. 2 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 771. 3 Indische Studien, i, 131. 4 Altindisches Leben, 155. 5 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Asurayana is mentioned as a pupil of Traivani in the first two Vamsas1 (lists of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad in both recensions, but as a pupil of Asuri in the third Vamsa.2 1 ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3. 2 vi. 5, 2. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 434, n. Asuri occurs in the first two Vamsas1 (lists of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as a pupil of Bharadvaja and teacher of Aupaj andhani, but in the third2 as a pupil of Yajhavalkya and teacher of Asurayana. He appears as a 1 ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3. 2 vi. 5, 2, A-sthatr ] NAMES— COVERLET— CAR-FIGHTER 73 ritual authority in the first four books of the Satapatha Brah- mana,3 and as an authority on dogmatic, specially noted for his insistence on truth, in the last book.4 3 i. 6, 3, 26; ii. 1, 4, 27; 3, 1, 9; 4, i, 2; 6, I, 25. 33; 3, 17; iv. 5, 8, 14. 4 xiv. 1, 1, 33, and notes 1, 2. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 430 et seq., whose suggestion of the identity of this teacher and the founder of the Samkhya system is not, however, ac- ceptable. See Garbe, Samkhya Philo- sophic 29, 30. Asuri-vasin is a name of Praim-putra in a Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 5, 2, in both recensions). A-secana designates a vessel to hold liquids, such as meat juice (yusan)1 or ghee.2 Of its shape and make we know nothing. 1 Rv. i. 162, 13. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 1,9, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 271. A-starana denotes the coverlet of the settle (Asandl) of the Vratya.1 A tiger's skin serves as the coverlet of the king's seat in the royal consecration (Rajasuya).2 In the Kausltaki Upanisad3 the word used is Upastarana. 1 Av. xv. 3, 7. 2 Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 5. i. 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 155- Astra-budhna is the name of a man whom Indra is said in the Rigveda1 to have assisted. It is not clear whether Venya, who is mentioned in the same line, was his friend2 or his enemy,3 whom Indra saved or defeated for him. 1 x. 171, 3. 2 So Grassmann and Griffith in their translations. a So Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 167. A-sthatP. — The warrior in the chariot is once thus desig- nated (as ' standing on the car ') in the Rigveda.1 Normally he is named Rathin or Rathestha. 1 vi. 47, 26. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 296. 74 FLUX— OBSCENE VERSES— SUGAR-CANE [ Asrava A-srava (' discharge ') denotes a disease, thrice referred to in the Atharvaveda,1 the precise nature of which is uncertain. The Scholiast2 in one place interprets it as painful urination (mutrdtisara), while Lanman3 suggests diabetes. Bloomfield4 takes it to be diarrhoea, and Zimmer5 argues that as the remedy is called * wound healer ' (arus-srdna), the sense is ' the flux from unhealed wounds.' Whitney0 renders it 'flux,' and questions Bloomfield's rendering. Ludwig7 translates it vaguely by ' sick- ness ' and ' cold.' 1 i. 2, 4 ; ii. 3, 2 ; vi. 44, 2. 2 On Av. i. 2, 4. Cf. on ii. 3, 2. 3 In Whitney's Translation of the Atharvaveda, 3. 4 American Journal of Philology, 7, 467 ; Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, cxiii; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 233. 234. 5 Altindisches Leben, 392. 6 Op. cit., 3, 41. 7 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 507, 509- Ahanasya (' unchaste '). — This word in the plural (' lascivious verses') denotes a section (xx. 136) of the Kuntapa hymns oi the Atharvaveda, which are of an obscene character.1 1 Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 36; Kausitaki Brahmana, xxx. 7. Cf. Bloomfield, Atharvaveda, 99. A-hava denotes a pail or bucket, especially in conjunction with a well (Avata).1 1 Rv. i. 34, 8 ; vi. 7, 2 ; x. 101, 5 ; 112, 6 ; Nirukta, v. 26. Ahneya. — Patronymic of Sauca (Taittirlya Aranyaka, ii. 12). I. Iksu, the generic name for the sugar-cane, is first found in the Atharvaveda1 and the later Samhitas.2 Whether it grew wild, or was cultivated, does not appear from the references. 1 i. 34. 5- 2 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 7, 9 ; iv. 2, g(iksu-kanda). In Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxv. 1 ; Taittirlya Samhita, vii. 3, 16, 1 ; Kathaka Asvamedha, iii. 8, ' eyelash ' is meant. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 72; Roth, St. Petersburg Dic- tionary, s.v. Ita ] KING IKSVAKU Iksvaku. — In the Rigveda this name occurs but once,1 and in a doubtful context. It is clear, however, that it denotes a prince ; later interpretations make Asamati, whose name is read into the hymn, an Iksvaku prince.2 In the Atharvaveda3 also the name is found in only one passage, where it is uncertain whether a descendant of Iksvaku, or Iksvaku himself, is referred to ; in either case he seems to be regarded as an ancient hero. In the Pancavimsa Brahmana4 mention is made of Tryaruna Traidhatva Aiksvaka, who is identical with the Tryaruna Traivrsna of the Brhaddevata,5 and with Tryaruna Trasa- dasyu in the Rigveda.6 The connection of Trasadasyu with the Iksvakus is confirmed by the fact that Purukutsa was an Aiksvaka, according to the Satapatha Brahmana.7 Thus the Iksvaku line was originally a line of princes of the Piirus. Zimmer8 places them on the upper Indus, but they may well have been somewhat further east.9 Later Iksvaku is connected with Ayodhya. 1 x. 60, 4. 2 Cf. Jaiminiya Brahmana, iii. 167 ; Satyayanaka in Max Miiller, Rigveda, 4, c-cvii, 167; Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 42 ; Brhaddevata, vii. 85 et seq., with Macdonell's notes. 3 xiv. 39, 9. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 680; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 961. 4 xiii. 3, 12. 5 v. 14 et seq. 6 v. 27, 3. Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 68-75 ; Macdonell, Brhad- devata, 2, 170 ; Oldenberg, Vedic Hymns, 366 et seq. ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 133, 138 ; 4, 324. 7 xiii- 5. 4. 5- 8 Altindisches Leben, 104, 130. 9 Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 1 218; Geldner, ibid., 3, 152. i. Ita. — This word occurs twice in the Atharvaveda. In the first passage1 it seems to denote a bulrush of the sort that dies in a year; in the second2 it refers to the reed work of the house. 1 vi. 14, 3. Cf. iv. 19, 1 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 464. 2 ix. 3, 18. Cf. Pischel, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- schaft, 35, 718. 2. Ita appears as a Esi and a protege of Indra in one hymn of the Rigveda.1 Roth,2 however, thinks that the word is really part of a verb (it) meaning ' to err, wander ' (cp. at), and 1 x. 171, 1. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 76 LEGEND [ Itant Kavya that the name is a mere misunderstanding. It is already so regarded in the Anukramani, but not apparently in the Brhaddevata.3 3 viii. 73. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 133. Itant Kavya is the name of a sage, contemporary with Ke3in Darbhya, in the Kausitaki Brahmana.1 He is also mentioned as Idhant in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.2 1 vii. 4. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 293 ; 2, 308. 2 xiv. 9, 16. Itihasa, as a kind of literature, is repeatedly mentioned along with Purana in the later texts of the Vedic period. The earliest reference to both occurs in the late fifteenth book of the Atharvaveda.1 Itihasa then appears in the Satapatha Brahmana,2 the Jaimimya,3 Brhadaranyaka,4 and Chandogya Upanisads.5 In the latter it is expressly declared with Purana to make up the fifth Veda, while the Sarikhayana Srauta Sutra6 makes the Itihasa a Veda and the Purana a Veda. The Itihasa-veda and the Purana-veda appear also in the Gopatha Brahmana,7 while the Satapatha8 identifies the Itihasa as well as the Purana with the Veda. In one passage Anvakhyana and Itihasa are distinguished9 as different classes of works, but the exact point of distinction is obscure ; probably the former was supplementary. The Taittiriya Aranyaka10 mentions Itihasas and Puranas in the plural. There is nothing to show in the older literature what dis- tinction there was, if any, between Itihasa and Purana ; and the late literature,11 which has been elaborately examined by Sieg,12 yields no consistent result. Geldner13 has conjectured that there existed a single work, the Itihasa-purana, a collection 1 xv. 6, 4 et seq. 2 xiii. 4, 3, 12. 13, and as com- pounded in xi. 5, 6, 8 ; 7, 9. 3 i- 53- 4 ii. 4, 10 ; iv. 1,2; v. 11. 5 iii. 4, 1. 2 ; vii. 1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. * xvi. 2, 21. 27. 7 i. 10. 8 xiii. 4, 3, 12. 13. 9 xi. 1, 6, 9. Cf. p. 24. w 11. 9. 11 See Sayana's Introduction to the Rigveda, p. 12 (ed. Max Muller), and his commentary on Satapatha Brah- mana, xi. 5, 6, 8 ; Samkara on Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, ii. 4, 10. 12 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 31 et seq. 13 Vedische Studien, 1, 290. Cf. Sieg, op. cit., 33. Itihasa ] LEGEND 77 of the old legends of all sorts, heroic, cosmogonic, genealogical ; but though a work called Itihasa, and another called Purana, were probably known to Patanjali,14 the inaccuracy of Geldner's view is proved by the fact that Yaska shows no sign of having known any such work. To him the Itihasa may be a part of the Mantra literature itself,15 Aitihasikas being merely people who interpret the Rigveda by seeing in it legends where others see myths.16 The fact, however, that the use of the compound form is rare, and that Yaska regularly has Itihasa,17 not Itihasa-purana, is against the theory of there ever having been one work. The relation of Itihasa to Akhyana is also uncertain. Sieg18 considers that the words Itihasa and Purana referred to the great body of mythology, legendary history, and cosmogonic legend available to the Vedic poets, and roughly classed as a fifth Veda, though not definitely and finally fixed. Thus, Anvakhyanas, Anuvyakhyanas, and Vyakhyanas could arise, and separate Akhyanas could still exist outside the cycle, while an Akhyana could also be a part of the Itihasa-purana. He also suggests that the word Akhyana has special reference to the form of the narrative. Oldenberg,19 following Windisch,20 and followed by Geldner,21 Sieg, and others, has found in the Akhyana form a mixture of prose and verse, alternating as the narrative was concerned with the mere accessory parts of the tale, or with the chief points, at which the poetic form was naturally produced to correspond with the stress of the emotion. This theory has been severely criticized by Hertel22 and von Schroeder.23 These scholars, in accordance with older suggestions of Max Miiller24 and Levi,25 see in the 14 Varttika on Panini, iv. 2, 60 , and Mahabhasya (ed. Kielhorn), 2, 284. 18 Nirukta, iv. 6. 16 Ibid., ii. 16; xii. 1. 17 Ibid., ii. 10; 24; iv. 6; x. 26; xii. 10. 18 Op. cit., 31 et seq. VJ Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 37, 54 et seq. ; 39, 52 et seq. Cf. also Gottingische Gelehrte Anzcigen, 1908, 67 et seq. 20 V erhandlungen der dreiunddreissigsten Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmdnner in Gera (1879), 15 et seq. 21 Vedische Studien, 1, 284 ; 2, 1 et seq. 22 Vienna Oriental Journal, 18, 59 et seq. ; 23, 273 et seq. Cf. Winternitz, ibid., 23, 102 et seq. 23 Mysterium und Mimus im Rigveda, 3 et seq. 24 Sacred Books of the East, 32, 183. 25 Le Theatre indien, 303, 307. 78 NAMES [ Id-, Ida-, Idi so-called Akhyana hymns of the Rigveda, in which Oldenberg finds actual specimens of the supposed literary genus, though the prose has been lost, actual remains of ritual dramas. Elsewhere26 it has been suggested that the hymns in question are merely literary dialogues. 26 Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 200 et seq. Id-, Ida-, Idu- Vatsara. See Samvatsara. Indra-g"opa ('protected by Indra'), masc, is a designation of the cochineal insect in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (ii. 3, 6). Indra-dyumna Bhallaveya Vaiyaghra-padya is mentioned as a teacher who with others was unable to agree as to the nature of Agni Vaisvanara, and who was instructed by ASvapati Kaikeya.1 As Bhallaveya he is cited several times in the Satapatha Brahmana2 on ritual points. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, 1, 1 et seq. ; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 11, 1 et seq. 7 Z 2 i. 6, 1, 19; xiii. 5, 3, 4. Cf. ii. 4.6. ■ Indra-bhu Kagyapa is mentioned as a pupil of Mitrabhu Kagyapa in the Vamsa Brahmana.1 1 Indische Studien, 4, 374. i. Indrota is twice mentioned in the Rigveda1 in a Danastuti (' Praise of Liberality ') as a giver of gifts. In the second passage he has the epithet Atithigva, which shows conclusively that he was a son of Atithigva, as Ludwig2 holds, and not of Rksa, as Roth3 states. 1 viii. 68, 10 et seq. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 163. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2. Indrota Daivapa Saunaka is mentioned in the Sata- patha Brahmana1 as the priest who officiated at the horse 1 xiii. 5, 3, 5 ; 4,1; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 7, 7 ; 8, 27. Ibha ] RETAINERS 79 sacrifice of Janamejaya, although this honour is attributed in the Aitareya Brahmana2 to Tura Kavaseya. He also appears in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana3 as a pupil of Sruta, and is mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana.4 He cannot be connected in any way with Devapi, who occurs in the Rigveda.5 2 viii. 21. 3 iii. 40, 1. 4 Indische Studien, 4, 384, 385. 5 x. 98. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesell- scha/t, 42, 240. i. Ibha is a word of somewhat doubtful sense and inter- pretation. It is found only in the Samhitas,1 and especially in the Rigveda.2 According to Roth3 and Ludwig4 the sense is 'retainer,' and Zimmer5 thinks that it includes not only dependants and servants, but also the royal family and the youthful cadets of the chief families. In the opinion of Pischel and Geldner6 it denotes ' elephant.' This view is supported by the authority of the commentators Sayana7 and Mahidhara;8 the Nirukta,9 too, gives ' elephant ' as one of the senses of the word. Megasthenes10 and Nearchos11 tell us that elephants were a royal prerogative, and the derivative word Ibhya may thus be naturally explained as denoting merely ' rich ' (lit., 1 possessor of elephants ').12 1 Taittiriya Samhita, i. 2, 14, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiii. 9. 2 i. 84, 17; iv. 4, 1; ix. 57, 3, and perhaps vi. 20, 8. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 246, 247. 5 Altindisches Leben, 167. 6 Vedische Studien, 1, xv, xvi. 7 On Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit. 8 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. 9 vi. 12. It gives also the sense ' retainer,' and in Asoka's Edicts, No. 5, Biihler, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 37, 279, finds a VaiSya denoted by its Pali form. 10 A pud Strabo, 704. 11 Ibid., 705. 12 But it may equally well be ex- plained as ' rich ' from the other sense of the primary word : ' possessor of (many) retainers.' 2. Ibha in one passage of the Rigveda1 appears certainly to be intended as an abbreviation of the proper name Smadibha. 1 vi. 20, 8. Cf. Pischel and Geldner, Vedische Studien, 1, xvi ; Roth, St. Peters- burg Dictionary, s.v. ; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 380. Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 167, treats it as 'retinue,' as does Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 246, 247. 8o RETAINERS— HOLE IN THE GROUND [ Ibhya fe»\> Ibhya occurs once in the Rigveda1 in the plural, when a king is said to devour his Ibhyas as the fire the forest ; and twice in the Chandogya Upanisad,2 in one passage as the first member of a compound, and in the other as either a proper name or an adjective. Roth,3 Ludwig,4 and Zimmer5 interpret the word as ' retainers ' in the Rigveda, but in the Chandogya Upanisad Roth thinks it means 'rich.' Pischel and Geldner0 accept the sense in all passages. Bohtlingk in his trans- lation ol the Chandogya treats the word as simply a proper name, ' Ibhya's village ' (ibhya-grdma) and ' Ibhya.' 1 i- 65, 4. 2 i. 10, 1. 2. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Translation of the Rigveda, 247. 5 Altindisches Leben, 168. 6 Vedische Studien, 1, xvi. Cf. Say ana on Rigveda, loc. cit., dhaninah, and Samkara on Chandogya Upanisad, loc. cit., isvaro hastyaroho va; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 476. Cf. also Little, Grammatical Index, 35. Irina (neut.) occurs not rarely in the later Samhitas1 and Brahmanas2 in the sense of • a cleft in the ground,' usually natural (sva-krta). The same meaning is also, as Pischel3 shows, to be ascribed to it in three passages of the Rigveda,4 in one5 of which the hole is referred to as ' made by water ' (apd krtam). In another passage of the Rigveda6 the word refers to the place on which the dice are thrown. Hence Pischel7 concludes that the dicing-board must have been so called because it contained holes into which the dice had to be thrown if possible. Liiders,8 however, points out that this assumption is not necessary ; the dice (Aksa) were merely thrown on a space dug out, which could be called Irina, as being a hole in the ground, though not a natural one. This view is supported by the commentary of Sayana,9 as well as by Durga in his note on the Nirukta.10 1 Av. iv. 15, 12 ; Taittiriya Sarnhita, ii. 5. 1. 3; iii- 4- 8> 5i v- 2, 4, 3 ; Kathaka Sarnhita, ix. 16. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 3, 2 ; vii. 2, 1, 8. 3 Vedische Studien, 2, 222-225. 4 i. 186, 9; viii. 4, 3; 87, 1. 4. via. 4, 3. x. 34, 1. 9. 7 Op. cit., 2, 225. 8 Das Wiirfehpiel im alten Indien, 14. 9 On Rv., loc. cit. (a-sphara). 10 ix. 8 (dsphuraka-sthana). Isu ] REED GRASS— ARROW 81 Isa Syavasvi is mentioned in a Vamsa (' list of teachers ') of the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iv. 16, 1) as a pupil of Agastya. Isika, ' a stalk of reed grass,' occurs frequently from the Atharvaveda1 onwards, often as an emblem of fragility. In the Sankhayana Aranyaka2 it seems to denote the pin fixed in the bar of a pen to keep cattle in (argalestke, ' bolt and pin '). A basket (surpa) of Isika. is referred to in the Satapatha Brahmana.3 1 Av. vii. 56, 4 ; xii. 2, 54 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 3, 4, 16, etc. ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 9; ii. 134; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 24, 3 ; Kathaka Upanisad, ii. 6, 17, etc.; Nirukta, ix. 8. 2 ii. 16 {v. I. °ike). 3 i. 1, 4, 19. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 71 ; Oertel, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 19, 122, n. 3. Isu is the usual name for 'arrow' from the Rigveda1 onwards. Other names are Sarya, Sari, and Bana. In the hymn of the Rigveda,2 which gives a catalogue of armour, two kinds of arrows are distinctly referred to : the one is poisoned (dldkta), and has a head of horn (riiru-sirsni) ; the other is copper-, bronze-, or iron-headed (ayo-mukham). Poisoned (digdhd) arrows are also referred to in the Atharvaveda.3 The arrows were feathered.4 The parts of an arrow are enumerated in the Atharvaveda5 as the shaft {salya), the feather-socket (parna-dhi), the point (srhga), the neck of the point in which the shaft is fixed (kulmala), and the Apaskambha and Apastha, which are of more doubtful significance. In the Aitareya Brahmana6 the parts of an arrow are given as the point (anika), the salya, tejana, and the feathers (parnani), where salya and tejana must apparently mean the upper and lower parts of the shaft, since it is reasonable to suppose that the arrow is described as a whole consecutively. So in the Atharvaveda7 the arrow of Kama is described as having feathers, a shaft 1 ii. 24, 8 ; vin. 7, 4, etc. ; Av. 1. 13, 4, etc. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 3, etc.; Nirukta, ix. 18. 2 vi. 75. 15- 3 iv. 6, 7 ; v. 18, 8. 15 ; 31, 4. VOL. I. 4 Rv. x. v. 25, 1. 5 iv. 6. 18, 14; vi. 75, 11; Av. 0 1. 25. 7 Av. iii. 25, 2. 82 ARROW— QUIVER— CAR-POLE [ I§u Trikanda (salya), and a firm fastening (kulmala).8 The arrow was shot from the ear, and so is described in the Rigveda9 as ' having the ear for its place of birth.' As a measure of length, the Isu was five spans, say three feet.10 A regular profession of arrow-making existed (isu-krt,nisu-kara).12 8 See also Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 8, i. 2; Kathaka Samhita, xxv. 1. 9 Rv. vi. 75, 3 ; ii. 24, 8 (kania- yoni). 10 Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 5, 2, 10. 11 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 46. Cf. Rv. i. 184, 3. 12 Ibid., xxx. 7 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 3. I- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 300; Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 29, 286 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 275 et seq. ; 25, 337. Isu Tri-kanda is the name given in the Aitareya Brahmana1 to some constellation, perhaps Orion's girdle. It is mentioned with Mrga, Mrgavyadha, and Rohini. 1 iii. 33. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 205, n. Isu-dhi (' arrow-holder ') is the name of the quiver which was carried by every bowman. The word is common from the Rigveda1 onwards. No trace is to be found in Vedic literature of the later practice of carrying two quivers.2 According to Pischel,3 the curious expression isu-krt in the Rigveda4 means quiver. 1 i- 33- 3; vi. 75, 5; x. 95, 3; Av. ii. 33, 2 ; iv. 10, 6, etc.; Nirukta, ix. 13. 2 Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 274. Each quiver held from ten to twenty arrows. 3 Vedische Studien, i, 17. But see Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 182. 4 i- 184, 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 300. Isa denotes the ' pole of a chariot.' Normally the chariot had one pole (ekesah),1 but sometimes two poles are referred to.2 The word is often3 compounded with Yuga, ' yoke,' into which it was fastened (see Kha), and tied with ropes.4 Exactly how it was attached to the chariot we do not know.5 See also Ratha. 1 Rv. x. 135, 3; iii. 53, 17; viii. 5, 29 ; Av. viii. 8, 23. 2 Cf. Av. ii. 8, 4 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, i. 1, 2, 12 (isa-yugani, but in iii. 9. 4. 3 dual) ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, vii. 9, 14, etc. 3 Av., loc. cit., etc. 4 Rv. x. 60, 8. Cf. iii. 6, 6. 5 Van'i in Rv. i. 119, 5 is taken by Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 249, to refer to the front part of the chariot, but it seems simply to be ' voice. ' Ugradeva ] COOKING-POT— POLICEMAN— NAMES 83 u. Uksan. See Go. Uksanyayana is mentioned in a Danastuti (* Praise of Gifts ') in the Rigveda1 along with Harayana and Susaman. Ludwig2 thinks that all three are identical. Roth3 finds a reference to Uksan himself in the verb uksanyati4 and in the adjective uksanyu.5 1 Vlll. 25, 22. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 162, 276. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Rv. viii. 26, 9. 5 Rv. viii. 23, 16. Uksno-randhra Kavya is mentioned as a seer in the Pafica- vimsa Brahmana (xiii. 9, 19). 1 1 Cf. Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 397. Ukha is the regular word for a '.cooking pot,' usually mentioned in connexion with sacrifice, from the Rigveda1 onwards. It was made of clay (mrn-mayl) .2 See also Sthali. 1 i. 162, 13. 15; iii. 53, 22; Av. xii. 3, I a Vajasaneyi Samhita, xi. 59; Tait- 23; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 1, 6, 3, i tiriya Sarnhita, iv. 1, 5, 4. etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 253, 271. Ugra in one passage of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 seems to have a technical force, denoting ' man in authority,' or according to Max Miiller's rendering, 'policeman.' Roth2 compares a passage in the Rigveda,3 where, however, the word has simply the general sense of ' mighty man.' Bohtlingk,4 in his rendering of the Upanisad, treats the word as merely adjectival. 1 iv- 3» 37- 38- 3 vii- 38» 6. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 P. 66 (with pratyenasah). Ugra-deva is mentioned with Turvasa and Yadu in the Rigveda1 apparently as a powerful protector. The name occurs also in the Pancavimsa Brahmana2 and the Taittiriya Aranyaka,3 where he is styled Rajani and called a leper (kildsa). 1 i. 36, 18 (Ugradeva). - xiv. 3, 17 ; xxiii. 16, 11. :! v. 4, 12. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 147; Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., who suggests that in the Rv. passage the word should be taken adjectivally. 6—2 84 NAMES— UTTARA KURUS AND MADRAS [ Ugrasena Ugra-sena is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (xiii. 5, 4, 3), and in a Gatha there cited as being, with Bhimasena and &rutasena, a Pariksitiya and a brother of Janamejaya. The brothers were cleansed by the horse sacrifice from sin. Uccaih-sravas Kaupayeya appears in the Jaiminiya Upani- sad Brahmana (iii. 29, 1-3) as a king of the Kurus and as maternal uncle of Kesln. His connexion with the Kurus is borne out by the fact that Upamasravas was son of Kuru- 6ravana, the names being strikingly similar. Uc-chirsaka. — This word, occurring in the description of the couch (paryanka) in the Kausltaki Upanisad1 (i. 5), apparently denotes a cushion for the head. See also Asandi. 1 Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 403 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 155. Uttara Kuru.— The Uttara Kurus, who play a mythical part in the Epic and later literature, are still a historical people in the Aitareya Brahmana,1 where they are located beyond the Himalaya (parena Himavantam). In another passage,2 how- ever, the country of the Uttara Kurus is stated by Vasi§tha Satyahavya to be a land of the gods (deva-ksetra), but Janam- tapi Atyarati was anxious to conquer it, so that it is still not wholly mythical. It is reasonable to accept Zimmer's view that the northern Kurus were settled in Kasmir, especially as Kuruk§etra is the region where tribes advancing from Kasmir might naturally be found. Cf. Udicyas. 1 viii. 14. 2 viii. 23. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 165; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 101, 102; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 75, n. Uttara Madra is the name of a tribe mentioned with the Uttara Kurus in the Aitareya Brahmana1 as living beyond the Himalaya. Zimmer2 points out that in the Vamsa Brahmana3 Kamboja Aupamanyava is a pupil of Madrag-ara, and thence 1 viii. 14. 2 Altindisches Leben, 102. 3 Indische Studien, 4, 371, Udala ] NAMES— BUCKET 85 infers that Kambojas and Madras were not far distant in space. This conclusion is perfectly reasonable in view of the probable position of the Kambojas.4 4 See map in Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, p. 332. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 165. Ut-tana Ahgirasa is mentioned in the Taittirlya Brahmana1 as a quasi-mythical person who received all good things, and yet was not harmed, as he was really a form of the earth, according to Sayana's2 explanation. His name occurs also in the Kathaka Samhita,3 the Pancavimsa Brahmana,4 and the Taittirlya Aranyaka.5 1 ii. 3, 2, 5. Cf. ii. 2, 5, 3. I 3 ix. 9. *2 On Taittirlya Brahmana, ii. 3, I 4i.8,n. 2, 5. 5 iii. 10, 2. 3. Udag-ayana. See Surya. Ud-ahka Saulbayana. — His views on Brahman, which he identified with the vital airs (prana), are mentioned in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (iv. 1, 3). He would thus have been a contemporary of Janaka of Videha. He is also mentioned in the Taittirlya Samhita (vii. 5, 4, 2) as holding that the Dasaratra ceremony was the prosperity or best part of the Sattra (" sacrificial session '). Ud-aiicana. — This word, occurring only metaphorically in the Rigveda,1 means a ' pail ' or ' bucket ' in the Brahmanas.2 1 v. 44, 13 (dhiyam udahcanah, 'a very | 2 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 32; Sata- well of prayers'). | patha Brahmana, iv. 3, 5, 21. Udamaya Atreya is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 22) as Purohita, or domestic priest, of Ahg*a Vairocana. Udara Sandilya is mentioned as a teacher in the Chandogya Upanisad,1 and as a pupil of Atidhanvan Saunaka in the Vamsa Brahmana.2 1 i. 9, 3. 2 Indische Studien, 4, 384. Udala, a Vaisvamitra, is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xiv. 11, 33) as the seer of a Saman. 86 BOOTY— VITAL BREATHS— NORTHERNERS [ Udaja Ud-aja is the word used in the Maitrayani Samhita1 to denote the share of the booty of war taken by the king after a victory {samgramam jitva). This interpretation, which is that of Delbriick,2 is clearly correct, as against the older version, ' march out,' given by von Schroeder3 and accepted by Bohtlingk.4 The Udaja thus corresponds precisely with the Homeric 3, 4; xix. 31, 3. 7 1. no, 5. 8 viii. 91, 5. 9 Rv. iv. 38, 1, and vi. 20, 1 ; ii. 21, 1 ; iv. 38, 1. 10 viii. 21, 3. Cf. Ksetra. 7—2 IOO OWNERSHIP IN LAND [ Urvara connexion as children,11 and the conquest of fields (ksetrdni sam-ji) is often referred to in the Samhitas.12 Very probably, as suggested by Pischel,13 the ploughland was bounded by grass land (perhaps denoted by Khila, Khilya) which in all likelihood would be joint property on the analogy of property elsewhere. There is no trace in Vedic literature of communal property in the sense of ownership by a community of any sort,14 nor is there mention of communal cultivation. Individual property in land seems also presumed later on. In the Chandogya Upanisad15 the things given as examples of wealth include fields and houses (ayatandni). The Greek evidence16 also points to individual ownership. The precise nature of the ownership is of course not determined by the expression * individual ownership.' The legal relationship of the head of a family and its members is nowhere explained, and can only be conjectured (see Pitr). Very often a family may have lived together with undivided shares in the land. The rules about the inheritance of landed property do not occur before the Sutras.17 In the Satapatha Brahmana18 the giving of land as a fee to priests is mentioned, but with reproof: land was no doubt even then a very special kind of property, not lightly to be given away or parted with.19 land and its partition must have become inevitable. 18 xiii. 6, 2, 18 ; 7, 1, 13. 15. 19 It is significant that in the famous episode (Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 1, 9, 4) of Manu's division of his property, from which Nabhanedistha was ex- cluded, this exclusion is made good by the son's obtaining cattle (paiavah). It is clear that cattle, not land, was the real foundation of wealth, just as in Ireland, Italy {cf. pecunia), Greece, etc. Cattle could be, and were, used indi- vidually, but land was not open to a man's free disposal ; no doubt, at any rate, the consent of the family or the community might be required, but we are reduced to reliance on analogy in view of the silence of the texts. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 289; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 94-96 ; Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 48 et seq. 11 Rv. iv. 41, 6, etc. 12 Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 2, 8, 5; Kathaka Samhita, v. 2 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 12, 3. 13 Vedische Studien, 2, 204-207. 14 Cf. Baden Powell, Indian Village Community (1899) ; Zimmer, Altin- disches Lcben, 236; Mrs. Rhys Davids, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1901, 860. 15 vii. 24, 2. 16 Cf. Diodorus, ii. 40; Arrian, I ndica, n; Strabo, p. 703; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 87 et seq. Cf. ibid., 20, 22, 23. 17 Cf. Gautama Dharma Sutra, xviii. 5 et seq. ; Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, ii. 2, 3 ; Apastamba Dharma Sutra, ii. 6, 14. Of course, the rules probably go back to the earlier period, but how far it is impossible to say. With the settlement of the country, however, inheritance of Ulukya JanaSruteya ] CUCUMBER— GRA SS—TEA CHERS 101 On the relation of the owners of land to the king and others see Grama ; on its cultivation see Krsi. Urvaru, f., Urvaruka, n., ' cucumber.' The former1 of these words denotes the plant, the latter2 the fruit, but both are very rare. The passages all seem to refer to the fact that the stem of the plant becomes loosened when the fruit is ripe.3 The fruit is also called Urvaru in a Brahmana.4 1 Av. vi. 14, 2. 2 Rv. vii. 59, i2 = Av. xiv. 1, 17 = Maitrayani Samhita, i. 10, 4 = Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 6, 2 = Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, iii. 60. 19. 8 Sayana on Av. vi. 14, 2. 4 Pancavimsa Brahmana, ix. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 242. Ula is the name of some unknown wild animal, perhaps, as Whitney1 suggests, the ' jackal.' It is mentioned in the Atharvaveda2 and later Samhitas,3 but not definitely identified by the commentators. 1 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 669. 2 xii. 1, 49. 3 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 12, 1 (as ula) ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 13, 12 ; 14,2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv.31. Cf. ulala in Baudhayana Srauta Sutra, ii. 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 82. Ula Varsni-vrddha is mentioned as a teacher in the Kausitaki Brahmana (vii. 4). Ulapa1 is the name of a species of grass referred to in the Rigveda and the later Samhitas.2 1 x. 142, 3. 2 Av. vii. 66, 1. Adjectives derived from the word are ulapya (Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 45, etc.) and upolupa (Maitrayani Samhita, i. 7, 2). Ulukya Jana-sruteya is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (i. 6, 3). 102 O WL—MORTA R— FIRE BRA ND— TONGS [ Uluka Uluka is the ordinary word for ' owl ' from the Rigveda x onwards. The bird was noted for its cry,2 and was deemed the harbinger of ill-fortune (nairrta).3 Owls were offered at the horse sacrifice to the forest trees,4 no doubt because they roosted there. 1 x. 165, 4. 2 Rv. loc. cit. 3 Av. vi. 19, 2 ; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 18, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 38. 4 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 23 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 4. Ulukhala is the regular expression for ' mortar ' from the Rigveda1 onwards, occurring frequently also in the compound2 Ulukala-musala, ' mortar and pestle.' The exact construction of the vessel is quite unknown till we reach the Sutra period. 1 i. 28, 6; Av. x. 9, 26; xi. 3, 3; xii. 3, 13 ; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 2, 8, 7 ; vii. 2, 1, 3 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 4, 6, etc. 2 Av. ix. 6, 15 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 1, 22. Ulka regularly denotes a meteor from the Rigveda1 onwards. In the Brahmanas2 it also signifies a 'firebrand.' The much rarer form UlkusI3 has both senses. 1 iv. 4, 2; x. 68, 4; Av. xix. 9, £ Sadvimsa Brahmana, vi. 8, etc. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, 4, 19. 3 As 'meteor,' Av. v. 17, 4; Sata- patha Brahmana, xi. 2, 7, 21 ; as ' fire- brand,' ibid., iii. 9, 2, 9. Ulmuka is the common word in the Brahmanas1 for 'fire- brand,' from which a coal (angdra)2 could be taken. 1 Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 11 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, i. 8, 2, 1 ; ii. 1, 4, 28, etc. ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 76 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15. 239)- 2 Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 4, 3, 3 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 61, 1 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 23, 342). Ulmukavaksayana is an expression that occurs several times in the Satapatha Brahmana,1 signifying a ' means of extinguishing (ava-ksayana) a firebrand,' or possibly more pre- cisely ' tongs.' Compare Ahgaravaksayana. 1 iv. 6, 8, 7 ; v. 2, 4, 15 ; xi. 6, 3, 3 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 76. Cf. Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v. Usinara ] USANAS KAVYA—THE USINARA TRIBE 103 Usanas Kavya is an ancient seer, already a half-mythical figure in the Rigveda,1 where he is often mentioned, especially as associated with Kutsa and Indra. Later on2 he becomes the Purohita of the Asuras in their contests with the gods. A variant of his name is Kavi Usanas.3 He appears in the Brahmanas as a teacher also.4 1 i. 51, 10; 83, 5; I2i, 12; iv. 16, 2; ■ Rv. iv. 26, 1. vi. 20, 11 ; viii. 23, 17 ; ix. 87, 3; 97, 7; 4 Paiicavimsa Brahmana, xiv. 12, 5 ; x. 40, 7; probably also i. 130, 9; v. 31, : Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, ii. 7, 8 ; 34, 2 ; viii. 7, 26 ; x. 22, 6. Also in ' 2, 6. Av. iv. 29, 6. Cf. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, 2 Taittirlya Samhita, ii. 5, 8, 5; s.v. ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 167 et Paiicavimsa Brahmana, vii. 5, 20; seq.; Berg&igne, Religion Vedique, 2, 339^ Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xiv. 27, 1. | seq.; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 147. Usana occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana (iii. 4, 3, 13 ; iv. 2, 5, 15) as the name of a plant from which Soma was prepared. U£inara. — In the Aitareya Brahmana1 the Kuru-Pancalas are mentioned as dwelling together in the ' Middle Country ' with the Vasas and the Usinaras. In the Kausitaki Upanisad2 also the Usinaras are associated with the Kuru-Pancalas and Vasas, but in the Gopatha Brahmana3 the Usinaras and Vasas are re- garded as northerners. In the Rigveda4 the people is alluded to in one passage by reference to their queen, Usinarani. Zimmer5 thinks that the Usinaras earlier lived farther to the north-west, but for this there is no clear evidence. His theory is based merely on the fact that the Anukramani (Index) of the Rigveda ascribes one hymn6 to Sibi Ausinara, and that the Sibis were known to Alexander's followers as St/Sot,7 living between the Indus and the Akesines (Chenab). But this is in no way conclusive, as the Sibis, at any rate in Epic times,8 occupied the land to the north of Kuruksetra, and there is no reason whatever to show that in the Vedic period the Usinaras were farther west than the ' Middle Country.' 1 viii. 14. 6 Rv. x. 179. 2 iv. 1. See Keith, Sankhayana 1 7 Diodorus, xvii. 19. Aranyaka, 36. 8 See Pargiter's map, Journal of the 3 ii. 9. Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, p. 322. 4 x. 59, 10. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 213,419; 5 Altindisches Leben, 130. Hultzsch, Indian Antiquary, 34, 179. io4 CAMEL— TURBAN [ Usa Usa, 'salt ground,' occurs as a variant of Usa in the Maitrayam Samhita (i. 6, 3). Usasta Cakrayana is mentioned as a teacher in the Brhad- aranyaka (iii. % 1) and Chandogya (i. 10, 1 ; 11, 1) Upanisads, the name in the latter work appearing as Usasti. Usti, Ustra. — Both of these words, of which the former is quite rare,1 must have the same sense. Roth2 and Aufrecht3 hold that in the Rigveda4 and the Brahmanas5 the sense is * humped bull ' or ' buffalo,' but the former thinks that in the Vajasaneyi Samhita6 the sense is doubtful, and ' camel ' may be meant. Hopkins7 is decidedly of opinion that the sense in every case is ' camel.' The animal was used as a beast of burden yoked in fours.8 1 Perhaps in Rv. x. 106, 2 ; Tait- tiriya Samhita, v. 6, 21, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xv. 2. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Cited in Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 468. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 224. 4 i. 138, 2 ; viii. 5, 37 ; 6, 48 ; 46, 22. 31 ; Av. xx. 127, 2; 132, 13 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xiii. 50. 6 Satapatha Brahmana, 1, 2, 3, 9, etc. ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 8. 6 xxiv. 28. 39. 7 Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 83. 8 Av. xx. 127, 2; Rv. viii. 6, 48. Usnlsa denotes the ' turban ' worn by Vedic Indians, men and women1 alike. The Vratya's turban is expressly referred to in the Atharvaveda2 and the Pancavimsa Brahmana.3 A turban was also worn at the Vajapeya4 and the Rajasuya5 ceremonies by the king as a token of his position. 1 Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 1 ; Sata- j patha Brahmana, iii. 3, 2, 3 ; iv. 5, 2, 7 (used at the sacrifice to wrap the embryo in); xiv. 2, 1, 8 (Indrani's U§nlsa),etc.; Kathaka Samhita, xiii. 10. * xv. 2, 1. 3 xvii. 1, 14. Cf. xvi. 6, 13. 4 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 5, 23. 5 Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 4, 3. Usyala occurs once in the description of the couch or the bridal car in the Atharvaveda,1 where it seems to mean the four ' frame-pieces.' The form is doubtful : uspala is possible.2 1 xiv. 1, 60. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 155; 2 Whitney, Translation of the Athar- | Whitney, op. cit., 752. vaveda, 385. I Urnanabhi ] BULL AND COW— WOOL 105 Usra, m. ; Usra, f. ; Usrika, m. ; Usriya, m. ; Usriya, f. All these words denote a ' bull ' or a ' cow,' occurring frequently in the Rigveda,1 and sometimes later,2 but usually with some reference to the morning light. In some passages the sense is doubtful. See Go. 1 Usra, Rv. vi. 12, 4 ; usra, i. 3,8; viii. 75, 8 ; 96, 8 ; ix. 58, 2, etc. ; usrika, i. 190, 5; usriya, v. 58, 6 (with vrsabhah); ix. 74, 3; usriya, i. 153, 4; 180, 3 ; ii. 40, 2, etc. In ix. 70, 6, usriya is applied to a calf; and in j hide,' or perhaps in v. 28, 3, 'milk, ix. 68, 1 ; 93, 2, usriya means * milk.' 2 Usrau dhursahau, Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, iv. 33 ; usra, Av. xii. 3, 37; usriya, Av. i. 12, 1 ; usriya, Av. ix. 4, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxxv. 2. 3. In Av. v. 20, 1; 28, 3, it means 'cow- U. Urjayant Aupamanyava is mentioned in the Vamsa Brah- mana1 as a pupil of Bhanumant Aupamanyava. 1 Indische Studien, 4, 372. tjrjayanti is regarded by Ludwig1 in one passage of the Rigveda2 as the name of a fort, the stronghold of Narmara. The verse is, however, quite unintelligible.3 1 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 152. 2 ii. 13, 8. 3 Sayana makes Urjayanti a Pisaci ; Grassmann, the sun ; Roth, s.v. urjay, takes it adjectivally. Cf. Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 199. Urjavya, a word occurring only once in the Rigveda,1 is taken by Ludwig2 to be the name of a sacrificer. Roth,3 how- ever, regards the word as an adjective meaning * rich in strength,' and this is the more probable interpretation. 1 v. 41, 20. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 155. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Urna-nabhi,1 Urna-vabhi, Orna-vant are all names of the spider in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas in allusion to the insect's spinning threads of wool, as it were. 1 Urna-nabhi ('having wool in its navel '), Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 2, 5 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 23 ; urna-vabhi ('wool-spinner'), Kathaka Samhita, viii. 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiv. 5, 1, 23; urna-vant ('possessing wool'), Kausitaki Brahmana, xix. 3 (in a Mantra). io6 SPIDER- IND US—GA RNER [ Urna Urna, ' wool,' is very frequently mentioned from the Rigveda1 onwards. The Parusni country was famous for its wool,2 like Gandhara3 for its sheep. The term for the separate tufts was parvan4 or par us.5 ' Soft as wool ' (urna-mradas)6 is not a rare epithet. The sheep is called ' woolly' {urndvati).7 'Woollen thread ' (urna-siitra) is repeatedly referred to in the later Samhitas8 and the Brahmanas.9 The word urna was not restricted to the sense of sheep's wool,10 but might denote goat's hair also.11 1 iv. 22, 2 ; v. 52, 9 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 5, 1, 13; 7, 2, 10, etc. ; urnayu, 'woolly,' Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiii. 50 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xii. 11, 10. 2 Rv., loc. cit. ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 210. But cf. Max Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 315. 3 Rv. i. 126, 7. 4 Rv. iv. 22, 10. 5 Rv. ix. 15, 6. 6 Rv. v. 5, 4; x. 18, 10; Vajasa- neyi Samhita, ii. 2 ; iv. 10 ; xxi. 33, etc. 7 Rv. viii. 56, 3. 8 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 11, 9; Kathaka Samhita, xxxviii. 3 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xix. 80, etc. Cf. ur/ia-stukd, Aitareya Brahmana, i. 28 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxv. 3. 9 Taittirlya Brahmana, ii. 6, 4 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 7, 2, 11, etc. 10 Cf. anaujakir urnah (' wool not coming from the edaka,' a species of sheep) in Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 2, 15- 11 Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the A merican Oriental Society, 17, 83, n. Orna-vati. — In the hymn of the Rigveda1 which celebrates the rivers Ludwig2 finds a reference to an affluent of the Indus called Urnavati. This interpretation, however, seems certainly wrong. Roth3 renders the word merely as ' woolly,' and Zimmer4 rejects Ludwig's explanation on the ground that it throws the structure of the hymn into confusion. Pischel5 makes the word an epithet of the Indus, ' rich in sheep.' x. 75, »• Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 200. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Altindisches Leben, 429. 5 Vedische Studien, 2, 210. Urdara. — This word occurs once in the Rigveda,1 when reference is made to filling Indra with Soma as one fills an 11. 14, 11. Rk§aka ] BEAR— CONSTELLATION 107 Urdara with grain (Yava). Sayana renders it ' granary,' but Roth2 and Zimmer3 seem more correct in simply making it a measure for holding grain, or ' garner.' 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 AUindisches Leben, 238. Ola is a variant of Ula. Usa in the later Samhitas x and Brahmanas 2 denotes salt ground suited for cattle. Cf. Usa. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 2, 3, 2, etc. 1 2 Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 27; Sata- j patha Brahmana, v. 2, 1, 16, etc. R. i. Rksa, ' bear,' is found only once in the Rigveda,1 and seldom later,2 the animal having evidently been scarce in the regions occupied by the Vedic Indians. Not more frequent3 is the use of the word in the plural to denote the * seven bears,' later called the 'seven Rsis,'4 the constellation of the 'Great Bear' (ap/cros, ursa). 1 v- 56, 3- ii. i, 2, 4 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, i. 11, 2. a Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 17 ; j Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 36; Jai- ! 422. miniya Brahmana, i. 184. Cf. Zimmer, 1 4 Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, AUindisches Leben, 81. p. 144 (D). 3 Rv.i.24, 10; Satapatha Brahmana, 2. Rksa is the name of a patron mentioned in one verse of a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') in the Rigveda,1 his son being referred to in the next verse as Arksa. 1 viii. 68, 15. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 163. Rksaka is a word occurring once in an obscure passage of the Atharvaveda.1 The sense is quite unknown. Weber2 thinks it refers to the ' milky way,' but his view rests on no evidence. Whitney3 despairs of the passage. 1 xviii. 2, 31. I Catalogue, 2, 59, n. ; Proceedings of the ~ Festgruss an Roth, 138, n. 2 ; Berlin | Berlin Academy, 1895, 856. 3 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 840. 108 DEMON— RIGVEDA— NAMES [ Rk§Ika Rksika, a word found in the Atharvaveda,1 the Vajasaneyi Samhita.,2 and the Satapatha Brahmana3 appears to denote a demon. Harisvamin, however, in his commentary on the Sata- patha Brahmana, connects the word with Rksa, as meaning ' bear.' 1 xii. i, 49. 3 xiii. 2, 4, 2. 4. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred 2 xxx. 8. J Books of the East, 44, 307. Rg-veda, the formal name of the collection of Res, first appears in the Brahmanas,1 and thereafter frequently in the Aranyakas 2 and Upanisads.3 1 Aitareya Brahmana, i. 32, and | 3 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i. 5, 12 ; implied in Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 12, j ii. 4, 10; iv. 1, 6; 5, 11; Chandogya 9, 1; Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 5, 4, 6; j Upanisad, i. 3, 7; iii. 1, 2. 3; 15, 7; 8, 3 ; xii. 3, 4, 9. I vii. 1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. 2 Aitareya Aranyaka, iii. 2, 3. 5; j Sankhayana Aranyaka, viii. 3.8. RjiSvan is mentioned several times in the Rigveda,1 but always in a vague manner, as if very ancient. He assists Indra in fights against demoniac figures like Pipru and the dusky brood (krsna-garbhdh). According to Ludwig,2 he was called Ausija's son,3 but this is doubtful. He is twice4 clearly called Vaidathina, or descendant of Vidathin. 1 i- 51* 5; 53. 8; 101, 1; vi. 20, 7; viii. 49, 10; x. 99, 11 ; 138, 3. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 143, 149. 3 Rv. x. 99, 11. Cf. AuSija. 4 Rv. iv. 16, 13 ; v. 29, 11. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 161 (C). Rjunas is mentioned once only in the Rigveda1 along with six other Soma sacrificers. 1 viii. 52, 2. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 163. Rjra£va appears in the Rigveda1 as one of the Varsagiras, along with Ambarisa, Suradhas, Sahadeva, and Bhayamana, and as apparently victorious in a race. Elsewhere2 in the 1 i. 100, 16. 17. 2 i. 116, if; 117, j/. 17.-T Rna ] DEBT 109 Rigveda he is celebrated as having been blinded by his father for slaying one hundred rams for a she-wolf, and as having been restored to sight by the Asvins, a legend of quite obscure meaning. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 52. Rna, 'debt,' is repeatedly mentioned from the Rigveda1 onwards, having apparently been a normal condition among the Vedic Indians. Reference is often made2 to debts con- tracted at dicing. To pay off a debt was called rnam sam-nl? Allusion is made to debt contracted without intention of payment.4 The result of non-payment of a debt might be very serious : the dicer might fall into slavery.5 Debtors, like other male- factors, such as thieves, were frequently bound by their creditors to posts (dru-pada)? presumably as a means of putting pressure on them or their friends to pay up the debt. The amount of interest payable is impossible to make out. In one passage of the Rigveda and Atharvaveda7 an eighth (sapha) and a sixteenth (kala) are mentioned as paid, but it is quite uncertain whether interest or an instalment of the principal is meant. Presumably the interest would be paid in kind. How far a debt was a heritable interest or obligation does not appear. The Kausika Sutra8 regards three hymns of the 1 ii. 27, 4, etc., usually in a meta- phorical sense. 2 Rv. x. 34, 10; Av. vi. 119, 1. 3 Rv. viii. 47, i7 = Av. vi. 46, 3. 4 Av. vi. 119, 1. 5 Rv. x. 34. Cf. Liiders, Das Wurf el- spiel im alten Indien, 61. 6 Rv. x. 34, 4, seems to refer rather to the binding and taking away as a slave, though Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 228, explains it as the binding of a debtor for non-payment, interpreting the obscure verse i. 169, 7, in the same way. But Av. vi. 115, 2. 3, may refer to debt, and if this is the meaning the allusion to binding to a post as a punish- ment is clear. See, however, Bloom- field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 528, n. 1 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 364, who interprets the hymn as referring only to sin. Rv. i. 24, 13. 15; Av. vi. 63, 3 = 84, 4; 121, 1 et seq., are general; while Rv. vii. 86, 5; Av. xix. 47, 9; 50, 1, refer to the binding of thieves in the stocks. Cf. Taskara. 7 Rv. viii. 47, i7 = Av. vi. 46, 3. 8 xlvi. 36-40. See Caland, Altindisches Zauberritual, 154; Bloomfield, op. cit., 528. no PAYMENT OF DEBT— KING RNAMCAYA [ Rnamcaya Atharvaveda9 as applicable to the occasion of the payment of a debt after the creditor's decease. For the payment of a debt by a relation of the debtor the evidence is still less clear.10 Zimmer11 thinks that payments of debt were made in the presence of witnesses who could be appealed to in case of dispute. This conclusion is, however, very uncertain, resting solely on a vague verse in the Atharvaveda.12 9 vi. 1 1 7-1 19. The name for unpaid debt is in Av. vi. 117, 1, apamityam apratlttam. In the Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 3, 8, 1, husldam apratlttam; in the Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 14, 17, and Taittiriya Aranyaka, ii. 3, 1, 8, husldam apratltam ; in the Mantra Brahmana, ii. 3, 20, apradattam. 10 Cf. Rv. iv. 3, 13 (a brother's sin or debt); Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 99, 100. 11 Altindisches Leben, 181. This sug- gestion is ignored by Bloomfield, op. cit., 375, and Whitney, op. cit., 304. 12 vi. 32, 3 = viii. 8, 21. Cf. Sankh- ayana Aranyaka, xii. 14, and see Jnatr. Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 181, 182; 259. Rnam-caya, a prince of the Rusamas, is celebrated in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts') of the Rigveda (v. 30, 12. 14) for his generosity to a poet named Babhru. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 129; Byhaddevata, ed. Macdonell, 2, 169, 174 Rtu, ' season,' is a term repeatedly mentioned from the Rigveda1 onwards. Three seasons of the year are often alluded to,2 but the names are not usually specified. In one passage of the Rigveda3 spring (vasanta), summer (grisma), and autumn (sarad) are given. The Rigveda knows also the rainy season (prd-vrs) and the winter {hima, hemanta). A more usual4 division (not found in the Rigveda) is into five seasons, 1 i. 49, 3 ; 84, 18, etc. 2 Cf. Rv. i. 164, 2 (tri-ndbhi), 48 (trlni nabhydni) ; also perhaps the Rbhus as the genii of the three seasons and the three dawns. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 133 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 33 et seq. ; Satapatha Brah- mana, xiv. 1, 1, 28, and the cdturmdsydni , or four- monthly sacrifices performed at the beginning of the seasons in the ritual (Weber, Naxatra, 2, 329 et seq.). 3 x. 90, 6. Hillebrandt, op. cit., 2, 35, finds in Rv. v. 14, 4; ix. 91, 6, reference to three seasons in the triad gdvah (? spring), apah (rains), svar (=gharma), and in the ritual literature (Apastamba Srauta Sutra, viii. 4, 2) in the threefold division into rta, gharma, and osadhi. 4 Av. viii. 2, 22; 9, 15; xiii. 1, 18; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 6, 2, 3 ; iv. 3, 3, I. 2; v. 1, 10, 3; 3, 1, 2; 4. 12, 2; 6. 10, 1 ; 7, 2, 4 ; vii. 1, 18, 1. 2 ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 7, 3 ; iii. 4, 8 ; 13, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, iv. 14 ; ix. 16 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, x. 10-14; Sata- patha Brahmana, i. 3, 5, 11 ; vi. 2, 2, 3, etc. ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 10,4, 1 ; II, 10, 4, etc. Cf. Rv. i. 164, 13. See also Weber, op. cit., 2, 352. Rtu ] DIVISION OF THE SEASONS in vasanta, grisma, varsa, sarad, hemanta-sisira ; but occasionally the five are otherwise divided, varsa-sarad being made one season.5 Sometimes six6 seasons are reckoned, hemanta and sisira being divided, so that the six seasons can be made parallel to the twelve months of the year. A still more artificial arrangement7 makes the seasons seven, possibly by reckoning the intercalary month as a season, as Weber and Zimmer8 hold, or more probably because of the predilection for the number seven, as Roth9 suggests. Occasionally the word rtu is applied to the months.10 The last season, according to the Satapatha Brahmana,11 is hemanta. The growth of the division of the seasons from three to five is rightly explained by Zimmer12 as indicating the advance of the Vedic Indians towards the east. It is not Rigvedic, but dominates the later Samhitas. Traces of an earlier division of the year into winter and summer do not appear clearly in the Rigveda, where the appropriate words hima and sama are merely general appellations of the year, and where sarad13 is commoner than either as a designation of the year, because it denotes the harvest, a time of overwhelming importance to a young agricultural people. The division of the year in one passage of the Atharvaveda14 into two periods of six months is merely formal, and in no way an indication of old tradition. 5 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 6, i, 10. II. 6 Av. vi. 55, 2 ; xii. i, 36 ; Taittirlya Samhita, v. 1, 5, 2 ; 7, 3 ; 2. 6, 1, etc. ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 7, 3 ; iii. 11, 12 ; Kathaka Samhita, viii. 6; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 23-28 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, i. 7, 2, 21 ; ii. 4, 2, 24 ; xii. 8, 2, 34; Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 6,19, etc. Cf. also Rv. i. 23, 15, as interpreted by Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. indn. 7 Av. vi. 61, 2; viii. 9, 18; Sata- patha Brahmana, viii. 5, 1, 15 ; ix. 1, 2, 31; 2, 3, 45; 3, 1, 19; 5. 2, 8; perhaps Av. iv. 11, 9, and cf. Rv. i. 164, 1. 8 Indische Studien, 18, 44; Altindisches j Leben, 374. 9 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. rtu. Cf. Hopkins, Religions of India, 18, | 33- 10 Av. xv. 4; Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 4, ii, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiii. 25 ; xiv. 6. 15. 26. 27; xv. 57, etc. 11 i- 5- 3, 13- 12 Op. tit., 373. 13 Hopkins, American Journal of Phil- ology, 15, 159, 160 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 17, 232 ; Buhler, Zeitschrift der Deutschen M orgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 41, 28. 14 viii. 9, 17. Cf. Zimmer, 372. 112 KING RTUPARNA— SACRIFICIAL PRIEST [ Rtuparna Rtu-parna appears in a Brahmana-like passage of the Baudh- ayana Srauta Sutra1 as son of Bhangasvina and king of Saphala. In the Apastamba Srauta Sutra2 are mentioned Etuparna-Kayovadhi Bhangyasvinau. 1 XX. 12. 2 xxi. 20, Cf. Caland, Zeitschnft der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 57, 745. Rtv-ij is the regular term for * sacrificial priest,' covering all the different kinds of priests employed at the sacrifice. It appears certain that all the priests were Brahmanas.1 The number of priests officiating at a sacrifice with different functions was almost certainly seven. The oldest list, occurring in one passage of the Rigveda,2 enumerates their names as Hotr, Potr, Nestr, Agnidh, Prasastr, Adhvaryu, Brahman, besides the institutor of the sacrifice. The number of seven probably explains the phrase ' seven Hotrs ' occurring so frequently in the Rigveda, and is most likely connected with that of the mythical ' seven Rsis.' It may be compared with the eight of Iran.3 The chief of the seven priests was the Hotr, who was the singer of the hymns, and in the early times their composer also. The Adhvaryu performed the practical work of the sacrifice, and accompanied his performance with muttered formulas of prayer and deprecation of evil. His chief assist- ance was derived from the Agnidh, the two performing the smaller sacrifices without other help in practical matters. The Prasastr, Upavaktr, or Maitravaruna, as he was variously called, appeared only in the greater sacrifices as giving in- structions to the Hotr, and as entrusted with certain litanies. The Potr, Nestr, and Brahman belonged to the ritual of the Soma sacrifice, the latter being later styled Brahmanac- chamsin to distinguish him from the priest who in the later 1 This is assumed throughout the Vedic texts, and is accompanied by the rule that no Ksatriya can eat of the sacrificial offering (cf. Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 26) : no doubt because only the Brahmanas were sufficiently holy to receive the divine essence of the sacrifice into which, by partaking of it, the deity has entered in part. 2 ii. 1, 2. Cf. Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 383. 3 Darmesteter, Le Zend-Avesta, 1, lxx et seq. Rtvij ] VARIOUS PRIESTS "3 ritual acted as supervisor. Other priests referred to in the Rigveda4 are the singers of Samans or chants, the Udgatr and his assistant the Prastotr, while the Pratihartr, another assistant, though not mentioned, may quite well have been known. Their functions undoubtedly represent a later stage of the ritual, the development of the elaborate series of sacrificial calls on the one hand, and on the other the use of long hymns addressed to the Soma plant. Other priests, such as the Achavaka,5 the Gravastut, the Unnetr, and the Subrahmanya> were known later in the developed ritual of the Brahmanas, making in all sixteen priests, who were technically and artificially classed in four groups6: Hotr, Maitravaruna, Achavaka, and Gravastut ; Udgatr, Prastotr, Pratihartr, and Subrahmanya ; Adhvaryu, Pratistha.tr, Nestr, and Unnetr ; Brahman, Brahmanacchamsin, Agnldhra, and Potr. Apart from all these priests was the Purohita, who was the spiritual adviser of the king in all his religious duties. Geldner7 holds that, as a rule, when the Purohita actually took part in one of the great sacrifices he played the part of the Brahman, in the sense of the priest who superintended the whole conduct of the ritual. He sees evidence for this view in a considerable number of passages of the Rigveda8 and the later literature,9 where Purohita and Brahman were combined or identified. Oldenberg,10 however, more correctly points out 4 Rv. viii. 81, 5. 5 C/., for the Achavaka, Kausitaki Brahmana, xxviii. 4 ; Aitareya Brah- mana, vi. 14, 8, etc. ; Bergaigne, Recherches sur Vhistoire de la liturgie vedique, 47 ; Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 397, n. 2. The other three occur in the Aitareya and other Brahmanas. See St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 6 Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 1, 4-6 ; Sahkhayana Srauta Sutras, xiii. 14, 1, etc. In the Rigveda Sutra the order of the four sets is Hotr, Brahman, Udgatr, and Adhvaryu. Sometimes a seventeenth priest is mentioned, but he was not usually approved, though the Kausitakins maintained him as the Sadasya. See Satapatha Brahmana, VOL. I. | x. 4, 1, 19; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 43, 348, n. ; Keith, Aitareya j Aranyaka, 37 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 9. 375- 7 Vedische Studien, 2, 143 et seq. 8 Rv. i. 44, 10 ; 94, 6 ; viii. 27, 1, etc. 9 Brhaspati is Purohita of the gods, Rv. ii. 24, 9 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 7, 1, 2 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 17, 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 1, 2 ; but Brahman in Rv. x. 141, 3 ; Kausi- taki Brahmana, vi. 13 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 7, 4, 21. Vasistha is Purohita, Rv. x. 150, 5, of Sudas Paijavana, Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 11,4; but Brahman of the Sunah- sepa sacrifice, ibid., xv. 21. 10 Op. cit., 380 et seq. 8 H4 STATUS OF THE PUROHITA [ Rtvij that in the earlier period this was not the case : the Purohita was then normally the Hotr, the singer of the most important of the songs ; it was only later that the Brahman, who in the capacity of overseer of the rite is not known to the Rigveda, acquired the function of general supervision hitherto exercised by the Purohita, who was ex officio skilled in the use of magic and in guarding the king by spells which could also be applied to guarding the sacrifice from evil demons. With this agrees the fact that Agni, pre-eminently11 the Purohita of men, is also a Hotr, and that the two divine Hotrs of the Apr! hymns are called12 the divine Purohitas. On the other hand, the rule is explicitly recognized in the Aitareya Brahmana13 that a Ksatriya should have a Brahman as a Purohita ; and in the Taittiriya Samhita14 the Vasistha family have a special claim to the office of Brahman-Purohita, perhaps an indi- cation that it was they who first as Purohitas exchanged the function of Hotrs for that of Brahmans in the sacrificial ritual. The sacrifices were performed for an individual in the great majority of cases. The Sattra,ls or prolonged sacrificial session, was, however, performed for the common benefit of the priests taking part in it, though its advantageous results could only be secured if all the members actually engaged were consecrated (diksita). Sacrifices for a people as such were unknown. The sacrifice for the king was, it is true, intended to bring about the prosperity of his people also ; but it is characteristic that the prayer16 for welfare includes by name only the priest and the king, referring to the people indirectly in connexion with the prosperity of their cattle and agriculture. 11 Agni as Hotr and Purohita occurs , I5 Oldenberg, 371. in Rv. i. 1, 1 ; iii. 3, 2 ; 11,1; v. 11, 2. j 1B Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxii. 22 His Purohitaship is described in terms j Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 18 ; Maitra- characteristic of the Hotr's functions : yani Samhita, iii. 12, 6; Kathaka Sam- in Rv. viii. 27, 1 ; x. i, 6. Devapi is , hita, v. 5, 14, etc. Purohita and Hotr, Rv. x. 98. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 141 12 Rv. x. 66, 13 ; in x. 70, 7, purohitav et seq. ; 376 et seq. ; Hillebrandt, Rituul- rtvija. 1 Utter atur, 97 ; Oldenberg, op. tit., 370- 13 vii. 26. j 397; Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- 14 iii. 5, 2, 1, etc. veda, 3, 224. Rsi ] ST A G—B ULL—SEER ii5 Rsya. — This is the correct1 spelling of a word that occurs in the Kigveda2 and the later literature3 meaning 'stag,' the feminine being Rohit.4 Apparently deer were caught in pits (rsya-da).5 The procreative power of the stag {drsya vrsnya) was celebrated.6 1 It appears in Av. iv. 4, 7, as Rsa ; as Rsya in Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 9. 18. 8 viii. 4, 10. » Av. iv. 4l 5. 7; v. 14, 3 ; i. 18, 4 (rsya-pad) ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 27. 37 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 33 ; citation in Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 25, 8, etc. 4 Av. iv. 4, 7. 5 Rv. x. 39, 8. 6 Av. iv. 4, 5. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 18 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 82; Whit- ney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 150. 151- i. Rsabha is the common name of the 'bull' from the Rigveda1 onwards.2 See also Go. 28, 8 ; x. 91, 14 1 vi. 16, 47 etc. 2 Av. iii. 6, 4 ; 23, 4, etc. ; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 1, 3, 2, etc. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 22, etc. ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiii. 5, 18, etc. 2. R§abha, king of the Sviknas, appears in the Satapatha Brahmana1 with the patronymic Yajnatura, as one of those who performed an Asvamedha or horse sacrifice. He is also mentioned there2 as having probably been the source of a saying of Gauriviti Saktya's. 1 xiii. 5, 4, 15. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 9, 8-10. 2 xii. 8, 3, 7. 3. Rsabha is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (vii. 17) as a son of Visvamitra. Rsi, ' seer,' is primarily a composer of hymns to the gods. In the Rigveda1 reference is often made to previous singers and to contemporary poets. Old poems were inherited and refurbished by members of the composer's family,2 but the great aim of the singers was to produce new and approved hymns.3 It is not till the time of the Brahmanas that the 1 i. 1, 2 ; 45, 3 ; viii. 43, 13, etc. 3 i. 109, 2 ; ii. 18, 3; iii. 62, 7; 2 i. 89, 3; 96, 2; iii. 39, 2; viii. 6, vi. 50, 6 ; vii. J4. 4 ; 93> ! i vin- 23» II. 43; 76, 6, etc. 14, etc. 8—2 u6 SEERS [ W composition of hymns appears to have fallen into disuse,4 though poetry was still produced, for example, in the form of Gathas, which the priests were required to compose them- selves5 and sing to the accompaniment of the lute at the sacrifice. The Rsi was the most exalted of Brahmanas,6 and his skill, which is often compared with that of a carpenter,7 was regarded as heaven-sent.8 The Purohita, whether as Hotr or as Brahman (see Rtvij), was a singer.9 No doubt the Rsis were normally10 attached to the houses of the great, the petty kings of Vedic times, or the nobles of the royal household. Nor need it be doubted that occasionally11 the princes them- selves essayed poetry : a Rajanyarsi, the prototype of the later Rajarsi or * royal seer,' who appears in the Pancavimsa Brahmana,12 though he must be mythical as Oldenberg13 points out, indicates that kings cultivated poetry14 just as later they engaged in philosophic disputations.15 Normally, how- ever, the poetical function is Brahminical, Visamitra and others not being kings, but merely Brahmanas, in the Rigveda. In the later literature the Rsis are the poets of the hymns preserved in the Samhitas, a Rsi being regularly16 cited when a Vedic Samhita is quoted. Moreover, the Rsis become the representatives of a sacred past, and are regarded as holy sages, 4 Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 151. 5 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 2, 8; 3. 5- 6 Rv. ix. 96, 6, etc. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 4, 4, 6, where pre- eminence is assigned to a Brahmana descended from a Rsi. 7 Rv. i. 130, 6; v. 2, 11 ; 29, 15; 73, 10 ; x. 39, 14. So a poet is a Ka.ru (if from kr, ' make,' but usually derived from kr, ' commemorate '), and makes (kr, Rv. ii. 39, 8 ; viii. 62, 4) as well as creates (jan, Rv. vii. 15, 4; viii. 88, 4) hymns. 8 Rv. i. 37, 4 ; vii. 36, 1.9; viii. 32, 27 5 57. 6, etc. 9 Rv. i. 151, 7; Geldner, op. cit., 2, 153 ; Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 380. 10 Geldner, op. cit., 2, 154, cites the Danastutis as characteristic of princes in the tradition of the Brhaddevata, etc. 11 Ibid., 154. 12 xii. 12, 6, etc. 13 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 45, 235, n. 3. 14 Later on it was deemed quite normal and natural. See the story of Rathaviti Darbhya, or Dalbhya, him- self a royal seer, and Taranta and Purumilha, seers and also kings, in Brhaddevata, v. 50 et seq. 15 Cf. Garbe, Philosophy of Ancient India, 73 et seq. ; Deussen, Philosophy of the Upanisads, 16 et seq.; Keith, Aitareya Ay any oka, 50. 16 Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 25 ; viii. 26 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 7, 4, 4 ; ii. 2, 3, 6 ; 5, 1, 4 ; vi. 1, 1, 1, etc. ; Nirukta, vii. 3, etc. B§is ] SEERS— GREAT BEAR 117 whose deeds are narrated as if they were the deeds of gods or Asuras.17 They are typified by a particular group of seven,18 mentioned four times in the Rigveda,19 several times in the later Samhitas,20 and enumerated in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad21 as Gotama, Bharadvaja, Visvamitra, Jamadagni, Vasistha, Kasyapa, and Atri. In the Rigveda itself Kutsa,22 Atri,23 Rebha,24 Agastya,25 the Kusikas,26 Vasistha,27 Vyasva,28 and others appear as Rsis; and the Atharvaveda29 contains a long list, including Angiras, Agasti, Jamadagni, Atri, Kasyapa, Vasistha, Bharadvaja, Gavisthira, Visvamitra, Kutsa, Kaksivant, Kanva, Medhatithi, Trisoka, Usana. Kavya, Gotama, and Mudgala. Competition among the bards appears to have been known. This is one of the sides of the riddle poetry (Brahmodya) that forms a distinctive feature30 of the Vedic ritual of the Asva- medha, or horse sacrifice. In the Upanisad period such competitions were quite frequent. The most famous was that of Yajnavalkya, which was held at the court of Janaka of Videha, as detailed in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,31 and which was a source of annoyance to Ajatasatru of Kasl.32 According to an analogous practice, a Brahmana, like Uddalaka Aruni, would go about disputing with all he came across, and compete with them for a prize of money.33 17 Aitareya Brahmana, i. 17 ; ii. 19 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 2, 7, etc. 18 Cf. Indische Studien, 8, 167. 19 iv. 42, 8; x. 109, 4; 130, 7; Mac- donell, Vedic Mythology, p. 144. 20 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 24 ; Av. xi. 1, 1. 24 ; xii. 1, 39, etc. 21 ii. 2, 6. 2- i. 106, 6. 88 i- 117. 3- 24 i. 117. 4. 25 i. 179, 6. 26 iii. 53, 10. 27 vii. 33, 13. 28 viii. 23, 16. 29 iv. 29. Cf. xviii. 3, 15. 16. 30 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 345, 346; Bloomfield, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 172 ; Religion des Veda, 216 et seq. 31 iii. 1, 1 et seq. 32 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 1 et seq. ; Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 1 et seq. 33 Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 4, 1, 1 et seq. ; Gopatha Brahmana, i. 3, 8 et seq. ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 185. 344- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 340- 347 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 3, 120 et seq. R§is. — The term ' Seven Rsis ' denotes the ' Great Bear ' (see 1. Rksa) in one passage of the Rigveda,1 and occasionally 1 X. 82, 2. u8 SPEAR— NAMES [Brti later.2 This is probably a secondary use, instead of the seven Rksas, brought about by the frequent mention of the seven Rsis. 2, 4 ; xiii. 8, i, g ; Nirukta, x. 26, 2 Av. vi. 40, 1 (where, however, Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- veda, 310, merely renders it as ' seven seers,' and appears not to take it in a technical sense) ; Satapatha Brahmana, 11. 1 etc. Cf. Hi\\ebra.ndt, Vedischc My thologie, 3, 422; Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 144. Rsti is a term frequently employed in the Rigveda 1 to desig- nate a weapon held in the hands of the Maruts, and doubtless meant to indicate lightning. That it denotes a spear in mortal warfare, as Zimmer2 thinks, is not shown by a single passage.3 1 Rv. i. 37, 1; 64, 4. 8; 166, 4; v. 52, 6; 54, 11; 57, 6; viii. 20, 11. Indra has a Rsti in Rv. i. 169, 3 (cf. Av. iv. 37, 8). Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 79. 2 Altindisches Leben, 301. 3 Rv. i. 167, 3; vii. 55, 2; viii. 28, 5; x. 87, 7. 24 are all mythological or contain similes. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities^ 221. Rsti-sena is mentioned in the Nirukta1 as an explanation of the patronymic Arstisena, but nothing else is known of him. 1 ii. 11. Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 130, 136. Rsya-grnga appears as a teacher, pupil of Kasyapa, and as bearing the patronymic Kasyapa in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana1 and in the Vamsa Brahmana.2 The more correct spelling of the name is Rsya-srriga.3 1 iii. 40, 1 (in a Vamsa, or list of teachers). 2 Indische Studien, 4, 374, 385. 3 The later legend connected with the name may contain old elements (see Liiders, Die Sage von Rshyasriiga, 1897 > Von Schroeder, Mysterium und Mimus, 292-301), but it is not known to any Vedic text. Eka-dyu is mentioned as a poet in one hymn of the Rigveda.1 1 viii. 80, 10. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 112. Eka-yavan Gam-dama is a man mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana x and the Taittiriya Brahmana.2 1 xxi. 14, 20. 3 ii. 7, 11 (Kamdama).1- Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i. 32 Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 69. Edaka ] KING—L UNA R DA Y— INSECT— RA M 119 Eka-raj, ' sole ruler,' ' monarch,' seems to mean no more than ' king.' In the Rigveda1 the term is used metaphorically only. But it is found with the literal sense in the Aitareya Brahmana,2 as well as in the Atharvaveda.3 1 viii. 37, 3. 3 viii. 15. 6 111. 4, 1. Cf. Weber, Rajasuya, 141 Ekayana denotes some object of study in the Chandogya Upanisad.1 The St. Petersburg Dictionary renders it ' doctrine {ay ana) of unity ' (eka), ' monotheism,' while Max Miiller prefers 'ethics,' and Monier- Williams in his Dictionary 'worldly wisdom.'2 1 vn. 1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. 2 Max Miiller and Monier- Williams thus follow Sankara's interpretation as niti-sastra, 'moral teaching.' Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 267, 484 ; Little, Grammatical Index, 43. Ekastaka. — That Astaka is the eighth day after the full moon appears clearly from the Atharvaveda.1 Ekastaka, or 1 sole Astaka.,' must denote not merely any Astaka, but some particular one. Sayana, in his commentary on the Atharva- veda,2 in which a whole hymn celebrates the Ekastaka, fixes the date meant by the term as the eighth day in the dark half of the month of Magna (January — February). The Ekastaka is declared in the Taittiriya Samhita3 to be the time for the consecration (dtksd) of those who are going to perform a year- long sacrifice. See also Masa. 1 xv. 16, 2. Cf. Satapatha Brah- mana, vi. 2, 2, 23 ; 4, 2, 10. - iii. 10. :J vii. 4, S, 1. Cf. iii. 3, 8, 4 ; iv. 3, 11, 1; v. 7, 2, 2; Paiicavimsa Brah- mana, v. 9, 4. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 365 ; Weber, Naxatra, 2, 341, 342. Ejatka is the name of an insect in the Atharvaveda.1 1 v. 23, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 262. Edaka appears to denote a ' vicious ram ' in the Satapatha * and Jaiminiya2 Brahmanas. 1 xii. 4, 1, 4; cf. ii. 5, 2, 15. I Oriental Society , 23, 332). Cf. Eggelingj 2 i. 51, 4 (Journal of the American \ Sacred Books of the East, 44, 178. i2o DEER— SUN-HORSE— NAME [ Enl Eni denotes the ' female antelope ' in the later Samhitas,1 perhaps as the feminine of Eta. 1 Av. v. 14, 11 ; Taittinya Samhita, I iii. 14, 17 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. v- 5. 15, 1; Maitrayani Samhita, I 36; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 82. Eta in the plural {etah) denotes the steeds of the Maruts, being a swift species of deer, which are mentioned several times in the Rigveda,1 and the skins of which are also said to be worn by the Maruts on their shoulders.2 The epithet prthu- budhna, once applied to them in the Rigveda,3 and variously- interpreted as k broad-hoofed,'4 ' broad-chested,'5 and ' broad in the hinder part,'6 seems to indicate that they were not gazelles.7 1 i. 165, 2 ; 169, 6. 7 ; v. 54, 5 ; 1 4 By Grassman and Zimmer. x. 77, 2. 2 Rv. i. 166, 10. Cf. Roth, St. Peters- burg Dictionary, s.v. 3 i. 169, 6. 5 Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1. 235- 6 Monier- Williams, Dictionary, s.v. 7 Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 83. 1. Etasa is in several passages of the Rigveda,1 according to Roth2 the name of a protege whom Indra helped against the sun-god Surya. But in all these passages Etasa seems merely to designate the horse of the sun. i. 6f, 15; iv. 30, 6; v. 29, 5.^/r«>-jfl 8 MacdoneW, Vedic Mythology, pp. 149, '2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. \ 150. 2. Etasa is in the Kausitaki Brahmana1 the name of a sage who is said to have cursed his children because they interrupted him in the midst of a rite ; hence the Aitasayanas (descendants of Etasa) are declared to be the worst of the Bhrgus. The same story appears in the Aitareya Brahmana,2 where, how- ever, the sage's name is Aitasa, and the Aitasayanas are described as the worst of the Aurvas. 1 xxx. 5. 2 vi. 33. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 173. Edidhisuh-pati is a term occurring only in the Vajasaneyi Samhita,1 where the commentator Mahidhara interprets it as 1 xxx. 9. Aitareya ] CASTOR-OIL PLANT— NAMES 121 meaning the ' husband of a younger sister married before the elder sister.' Though this sense is probably correct, the form is doubtless, as Delbriick2 points out, corrupt. See Didhisupati. 2 Die indogermanischen Verwandschaftsnamen, 569, n. 1. E ran da, the castor-oil plant (Ricinus communis), is first mentioned in the Sankhayana Aranyaka (xii. 8). Evavada is regarded by Ludwig1 in a very obscure passage of the Rigveda2 as the name of a singer beside Ksatra, Manasa, and Yajata. The commentator Sayana also interprets the word as a proper name. Roth,3 however, considers it to be an adjective meaning ' truthful.' 1 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, I 2 v. 44, 10. 138. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. AI. AikadaSaksa Manu-tantavya appears in the Aitareya Brah- mana1 as a king who observed the rule of sacrificing when the sun had risen (udita-homin), and as a contemporary of Nagarin Jana-sruteya. 1 v. 30. Cf. Weber, Indischc Studien, 1, 223. Aiksvaka, * descendant of Iksvaku,' is the patronymic borne by Purukutsa in the Satapatha Brahmana.1 Another Aiksvaka is Varsni, a teacher mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana.2 A king Hariscandra Vaidhasa Aiksvaka is known to the Aitareya Brahmana,3 and Tryaruna is an Aiksvaka in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.4 1 xiii. 5, 4, 5. 3 vii. 13, 16. 2 i. 5, 4. 4 xiii. 3, 12. Aitareya, perhaps a patronymic from Itara, though the commentator Sayana1 regards the word as a metronymic from 1 Cited by Aufrecht, Aitareya Brahmana, 3. 122 NAMES— LEGENDISTS [ AitaSa, Aitasayana Itara, is an epithet of Mahidasa in the Aitareya Aranyaka2 and the Chandogya Upanisad.3 ■ u. i, »; 3. 7- 3 iii. 16, 7. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 389. The form Aitareyin occurs in the Anupada Sutra, viii. 1 ; Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, i. 3, etc. ; and a Mahaitareya in Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, iii. 4, 4, etc. Aitasa, Aitasayana. See EtaSa, Etasayana. The Aitasa- pralapa, or * Discourse of Aitasa,' is a part of the Atharvaveda.1 1 xx. 129-132. Cf. Brhaddevata, viii. 101, with Macdonell's note. Aiti-hasika. — This term was applied to the people who explained the Vedic hymns by treating them as legendary history (Itihasa), as Sieg1 shows by the passages of the Nirukta,2 where their views are opposed to those of the Nairuktas, who relied rather on etymology. Sieg3 also seems right in finding them in the Naidanas of the Nirukta :4 it is possible that their textbook was called the Nidana. 1 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 13 et seq. 2 ii. 16 ; xii. 1, etc. 3 Op. cit., 29. 4 vi. 9 ; vii. 6. Aibhavata, ' descendant of Ibhavant,' is the patronymic of PratidarSa.1 1 Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 2, 3. Airavata, 'son of Iravant,' is the patronymic of Dhrtarastra, as a snake demon,1 in the Atharvaveda2 and the Pancavimsa Brahmana.3 1 In the later literature Airavata is the elephant of Indra : perhaps con- nected with this Vedic snake demon, as naga means both ' serpent ' and ■ elephant.' viii. 10, 29. xxv. 15, 3. Ailusa, • descendant of Ilusa,' is the patronymic of Kavasa. Aisa-krta. See Sitibahu. Otu] NAMES— WOOF 23 Aisa-vlra. — The Satapatha Brahmana once1 refers to the Aisa-viras as officiating at a sacrifice, with the implication that they were bad sacrificers. Sayana regards the word as a proper name (' descendants of Esavira '), denoting the members of a despised family. But Roth may be right in explaining the word both in the passage mentioned above and elsewhere as meaning ' weak '2 or ' insignificant man.'3 xi. 2, 7, 32. 2 In the St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 In Bohtlingk's Dictionary, s.v. (' one who wishes to be a man, but is not'). Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 5, 1, 16 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, i. 1, where, however, Lindner's edition reads saisa viva iva. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1 , 228 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 45. Aisumata, * descendant of Isumant,' is the patronymic of Trata in the Vamsa Brahmana.1 1 Indische Studien, 4, 372. O. Ogana is a word occurring only once, as a plural, in the Rigveda,1 where it appears to indicate persons hostile to the seer of the hymn, and apparently opposed to the Aryan religion. Ludwig2 regards the term as the proper name of a people, but Pischel3 thinks that it is merely an adjective meaning 'weak' (ogana = ava-gana), as in Pali. 1 x. 89, 15. "2 Translation of the Rigveda, 5, 209. 3 Vedische Sttcdien, 2, 191, 192. Otu in Vedic literature1 denotes the 'woof in weaving, and corresponds to Tantu, ' the warp,' the roots va,2 ' to weave,' and tan,3 * to stretch,' from which these two terms are derived, being used in parallel senses. In the process of weaving a shuttle (Tasara) was used. The ' weaver ' is termed vdya,4 and the ' loom ' veman.5 A wooden peg (Mayukha) was used to 1 Rv. vi. 9, 2. 3 ; Av. xiv. 2, 51 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 1,4, etc. 3 Rv. vi. 9, 2, etc. 3 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 80 Rv. x. 130, 2 ; Av. x. 7, 43, etc. 4 Rv. x. 26, 6, etc. 5 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 83. 124 MESS OF GRAIN— PLAIT Odana stretch the web on, while lead was employed as a weight to extend it.6 The work of weaving was probably the special care of women.7 A metaphor in the Atharvaveda8 personifies Night and Day as two sisters weaving the web of the year, the nights serving as warp, the days as woof. 6 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 80. 7 Av. x. 7,42; xiv.2,51. C/.Rv.i.92,3. 8 x. 7, 42 ; Taittiriya Brabmana, ". 5. 5. 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 254, 255 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 465. Odana is a common expression1 denoting a mess, usually of grain cooked with milk (ksira-pakam odanatri).2 Special varieties are mentioned, such as the ' milk-mess ' (ksiraudana),* the ' curd-mess ' (dadhy-odana) ,4 the ' bean-mess ' (mudgaudana),5 the ' sesame-mess ' (tilaudana) ,6 the 'water-mess' (udaudana),7 the ' meat-mess ' (mamsaudana)* the ' ghee-mess ' (ghrtaudana),9 etc. 1 Rv. viii. 69, 14, etc. ; Av. iv. 14, 7, etc. 2 Rv. viii. 77, 10. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 3, 4 ; x*- 5, 7, 5 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 13. 4 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 14. 5 Sankhayana Aranyaka, xii. 8. 6 Ibid. ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 15. 7 Ibid. , vi. 4, 15. 8 Ibid., vi. 4, 16; Satapatha Brah- mana, xi. 5, 7, 5 ; Sankhayana Aran- yaka, xii. 8. 9 Sankhayana Aranyaka, xii. 8. Opasa is a word of somewhat doubtful sense, occurring in the Rigveda,1 the Atharvaveda,2 and occasionally later.3 It probably means a ' plait ' as used in dressing the hair, especially of women,4 but apparently, in earlier times,5 of men also. The goddess Sinlvall is called svaupasd,6 an epithet of doubtful sense, from which Zimmer7 conjectures that the wearing of Cf. i. 173, 6 ; viii. 14, 5 1 x. 85, ix. 71, 1. 2 vi. 138, 1. 2 ; ix. 3, 8, where it is applied metaphorically in describing the roof of a house. 3 PancavimSa Brahmana, iv. 1, 1. 4 Av. vi. 138, 1. 2. 5 Rv. i. 173, 6; viii. 14, 5. 6 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 1, 5, 3; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7, 5 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xi. 56. The reading is uncertain. Bloomfield (see below) assumes sv-opaxa to be the correct form (' having a fair opaia '). 7 Altindisches Leben, 264. Osadhi ] PLANT 125 false plaits of hair was not unknown in Vedic times. What was the difference between the braids referred to in the epithets prthu-stuka,8 ' having broad braids,' and visita-stuka,9 1 having loosened braids,' and the Opasa cannot be made out from the evidence available. Geldner10 thinks that the original sense was ' horn,' and that when the word applies to Indra11 it means ' diadem.' 8 Rv. x. 86, 8. 9 Rv. i. 167, 5 (of Rodasi). 10 Vedische Studien, 1, 131, Pancavim^a Brahmana, xiii. 4, dvy-opasah is used of cattle ; sense may be figurative. quoting 3 , where but the 11 Rv. viii. 14, 5. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 538, 539 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 348. Osadhi. — Roughly speaking, the vegetable world is divided in Vedic literature1 between Osadhi or Virudh ' plants ' and Vana or Vrksa ' trees.' Osadhi is employed in opposition to Virudh to denote plants as possessing a healing power or some other quality useful to men, while Virudh is rather a generic term for minor vegetable growths, but sometimes,2 when occur- ring beside Osadhi, signifies those plants which do not possess medicinal properties. A list of the minor parts of which a plant is made up is given in the later Samhitas.3 It comprises the root {milla), the panicle (tfila), the stem (kdnda), the twig (valsa), the flower (puspa), and the fruit (phala), while trees4 have, in addition, a corona (skandha), branches {sdkha), and leaves (parna). The Atharvaveda5 gives an elaborate, though not very intelligible, division of plants into those which expand (pra-strnatth), are bushy {stambinih), have only one sheath (eka-sungdh), are creepers (pra-tanvatih), have many stalks (amsumatih), are 1 Rv. x. 97 and passim. Osadhi- vanaspati is a frequent compound, from the Satapatha Brahmana (vi. 1, 1, 12) onwards. The medicinal properties of plants account for the epithet ' of manifold powers' (nanci-virya) applied to them in Av. xii. 1,2. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 3, 2. 3 Ibid., vii. 3, 19, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxii. 28. 4 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 3, 20, 1. Cf. Rv. i. 32, 5 ; Av. x. 7, 38. 5 viii. 7, 4, with Whitney's notes. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva- veda, 579 ; Henry, Les livres VIII. et IX. de l' Atharvaveda, 58 et seq. 126 PLANT— NAMES [ Auksagandhi jointed (kandinzk), or have spreading branches (vi-sakhdh). In the Rigveda6 plants are termed ■ fruitful ' (phalinih), ' blossom- ing ' (puspavatih) , and 'having flowers' (pra-sfivanh). 6 x- 97. 3- *5- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 57. AU. Auksa-gfandhi (' having the smell of bull's grease ') appears in the Atharvaveda1 as the name of an Apsaras, beside other names, of which Guggfulu and Naladi clearly indicate plants. This name, therefore, presumably also denotes some sort of fragrant plant. Auksa in the same Samhita2 means 'bull's grease ' (from uksan, ' bull '). 1 iv. 37. 3 2 ii. 36, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 69; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 324 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 211, 212, and on Auksa, ibid., 82, 83. Augra-sainya, 'descendant of Ugrasena,' is the patronymic of King YuddhamSrausti in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 21). Audanya, 'descendant of Udanya or Odana,' is the patro- nymic in the Satapatha Brahmana1 of Mundibha, who is credited with inventing an expiation for the crime of slaying a Brahmin. In the Taittiriya Brahmana2 the name appears in the form of Audanyava. xiu. 3, 5, 4. Dictionary, s.v. Odana ; Eggeling, iii. 9, 15, 3. Cf. St. Petersburg | Sacred Books of the East, 44, 341, n. 1. Audamaya is Weber's1 reading of the name of the Atreya. who was Purohita of Ahga Vairocana, according to the Aitareya Brahmana.2 Aufrecht, however, in his edition more probably takes the correct form of the name to be Udamaya. 1 Jndische Studien, 1, 228. 2 viii. 22. Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Udamaya. Aupamanyava ] PATRONYMICS 127 Auda-vahi, 'descendant of Udavaha,' appears in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a teacher of Bharadvaja. 1 ii. 5, 20 ; iv. 5, 26 (in the Madhyamdina recension). Aud-umbarayana, ' descendant of Udumbara,' is the patro- nymic of a grammarian in the Nirukta (i. 1). Aud-dalaki, ' descendant of Uddalaka,' is the patronymic of the teacher variously called Asurbinda1 or Kusurubinda,2 and of Svetaketu.3 1 Jaiminlya Brahmana, i. 75 {Journal of the American Oriental Society, 23, 327). ■ Sadvimsa Brahmana, i. 16 ; Panca- vimsa Brahmana, xxii. 15, 10. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, hi. 4, 3, 13 ; iv. 2, 5, 15. He is perhaps also meant in Katha Upanisad, i. 11. Aud-bhari, ' descendant of Udbhara,' is the patronymic in the Satapatha Brahmana (xi. 8, 4, 6) of Khandika, teacher of Ke&n. Aupa-jandhani, 'descendant of Upajandhana,' is the patro- nymic of a teacher mentioned in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a pupil of Asuri, and also 2 as a pupil of Sayakayana. 1 ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3 (in Vamsas). 2 iv. 5, 27 (in the Madhyamdina recension). Aupa-tasvini, ' descendant of Upatasvina,' is the patronymic of Rama in the Satapatha Brahmana (iv. 6, 1, 7). Aupa-manyava, 'descendant of Upamanyu/ is the patro- nymic of various persons: see Kamboja, Pracinai§ala, Maha- sala. The best known bearer of the name is the grammarian who disagreed with the onomatopoetic theory of the derivation of names, and who is mentioned by Yaska.1 An Aupamanyavi- putra occurs in the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra2 as a teacher. 1 i. 1 ; ii. 2. 6. 11, etc. 2 xxii. 1 et seq. Ji 128 PATRONYMICS [ Aupara Aupara, * descendant of Upara,' is the patronymic of Danda in the Taittiriya Samhita (vi. 2, 9, 4). Aupa-vesl, * descendant of Upavesa,' is the patronymic borne by Aruna, father of Uddalaka.1 1 See Kathaka Samhita, xxvi. 10, and Aruna. Aupasvati-putra, ' son of a female descendant of Upa- svant ' (?), is mentioned as a pupil of Papasaplputra in a Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 1 vi. 5, 1 (only in the Kanva recension). Aupavi (' descendant of Upava ') Jana-Sruteya (' descendant of Janasruti '), appears in the Satapatha Brahmana1 and the Maitrayani Samhita2 as a sacrificer who used to offer the Vajapeya sacrifice and ascend to the other world. 1 v. 1, 1, 5. 7. 2 i. 4, 5. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 222, 223. Aupoditi, ' descendant of Upodita,' is the patronymic applied in the Taittiriya Samhita1 to Tumifija, and in the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra2 to Gaupalayana, son of Vyag-hrapad, Sthapati (' general ') of the Kurus. In the form of Aupoditeya, a metro- nymic from Upodita, the name is found in the Satapatha Brahmana,3 where the Kanva text calls him Tuminja Aupo- diteya Vaiyaghrapadya. 1 i. 7, 2, I. 2 xx. 25. 3 i. Q, 3, 16. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, 271, n. 2. Aurna-vabha, * descendant of tJrnavabhi.' (1) This is the name of- a pupil of Kaundinya mentioned in a Vams'a (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 (2) A teacher of this name is frequently referred to in the Nirukta. His explanations in two passages 2 agree with those of the Nairnktas 1 iv. 5, 26 (Madhyamdina recension). 2 vii. 15 ; xii. 19. Aulundya ] PATRONYMICS 129 or etymological school of interpreters of the Rigveda. In other passages3 he appears rather to belong to the school of the Aitihasikas, who relied on traditional legends. He was thus probably, as Sieg4 suggests, an eclectic. vi. 13 ; xn. 1. 4 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 13, n. 1. Aurva, ' descendant of Uru or Urva,' appears in the Rigveda1 in close connexion with Bhrgu, being probably a Bhrgu himself. As in one passage of the Aitareya Brahmana,2 the descendants of Aitasa are called the worst of the Aurvas, while the parallel version of the Kausitaki Brahmana3 calls them the worst of the Bhrgus, the Aurvas must have been a branch of the larger family of the Bhrgus. Aurva himself is said in the Taittirlya Samhita.4 to have received offspring from Atri. In the Pancavimsa Brahmana5 two Aurvas are referred to as authorities. See also Kutsa. 1 Vlll. 102, 4. 2 vi. 33. 3 xxx. 5. 4 vii. 1, 8, 1. 5 xxi. 10, 6. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 54, reads urvau. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 173, n. 1. Aulana is a word occurring in a single passage of the Rigveda,1 where it may possibly be a patronymic of Samtanu as a * descendant of Ula.' Ludwig,2 however, conjectures that the reading should be ' Kaulana.' Sieg3 regards Aulana as a later descendant4 of Samtanu, who utilized the story of Devapi's rain-making as an introduction to his rain hymn. 166. 1 x. 98, II. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 3 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 141. 4 Cf. Say ana on Rv. x. 98, 11 : Kuril- kula-jatah Samtanavah, ' a descendant of Samtanu, born in the family of the Kurus. ' Aulundya, ' descendant of Ulunda,' is the patronymic of Supratita in the Vamsa Brahmana.1 1 Indische Studien, 4, 372. VOL. 13° PATRONYMICS— METAL POT— BIRD [ AuSija Augija, ' descendant of Usij,' is a patronymic clearly applied to Kaksivant in the Rigveda.1 It is also applied to RjisVan,2 but Ludwig3 thinks that the correct reading of the passage in question is ausijasyarjisva, l Bjisvan, son of Ausija.' In one verse4 Ausija and Kaksivant are both mentioned, but in such a way that two different persons must apparently be meant. In other passages where the patronymic occurs alone, it is doubtful who is meant, or whether a proper name at all is intended.5 Kaksivant Ausija appears also in the Pancavimsa Brahmana6 and elsewhere. 1 i. 18, i. 2 x. 99, ii. 3 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 143, 149. 4 Rv. i. 112, 11. 5 Rv. i. 119, 9; 122, 4; iv. 21, 6. 7; v. 41, 5; vi. 4, 6. Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 6 xiv. 11, 16. See Hopkins, Transac- tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, xv. 56, n. , and Kaksivant, n. 15. Austraksi, ' descendant of Ustraksa,' occurs as the patro nymic of Sati in the Vamsa Brahmana.1 1 Indische Studicn, 4, 372. Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 75. Kamsa, a word denoting a ' pot or vessel of metal,' occurs in the Atharvaveda and elsewhere.1 1 Av. x. 10, 5 ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 10 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 3, x, etc. ; Nirukta, vii. 23 ; Sankha- yana Aranyaka, xii. 8. Kakara occurs in the Yajurveda Samhitas1 as the name of a victim at the horse sacrifice (Asvamedha). It probably denotes some ' sort of bird,' as rendered by the commentator Mahi- dhara.2 1 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xx. 24. 2 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 94. Kakutha, a word occurring in the Maitrayani Samhita.,1 presumably denotes some kind of animal. According to Bohtlingk,2 it is identical with Kakkata. 1 iii. 14, 13. 2 Dictionary, s.v. Kaksivant ] CRAB— NAMES i3i Kakuha, a word occurring several times in the Rigveda,1 is understood by Roth2 to designate part of a chariot, perhaps the seat. Ludwig,3 again, regards it in one passage4 as the proper name of a Yadava prince who took spoil from Tirindira, the Par£u, but this view is hardly probable.5 It is, on the whole, most likely that the word always means ' chief,' * pre-eminent,' being applied as an epithet to horses, chariots, princes, etc.6 This is the only sense given by Grassmann,7 and later adopted by Roth.8 1 i. 46, 3; 181 5 iii. 54, 14 ; v. 73, 7 ; i«4,3; 11. 34. "I 75, 4 ; viii. 6, 48. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Translation of the Rigveda, 2, 182 ; 3, 160, 161 ; 5, 142. 4 viii. 6, 48. 5 Weber, Episches im vedischen Ritual, 36, 37- 6 So certainly in Rv. viii. 45, 14; ix. 67, 8 ; Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 3, 3, 1. 2, and often in the older form kakubha. 7 In his Lexicon, s.v. 8 In Bohtlingk's Dictionary, s.v. Kakkata denotes the ' crab ' in the Yajurveda Samhitas,1 being a Prakritized form of Karkata, which is common in the later literature.2 Roth,3 however, takes the word to mean a bird, and compares Kakara. See also Kakutha. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 15, 1 {where Weber has katkata) ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 32. 2 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 95. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Kaksa is the name of two men mentioned as teachers in a *vfaX Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana. One is Kaksa Varakya, pupil of Prosthapada Varakya,1 and the other Kaksa Varaki2 or Varakya,3 pupil of Daksa Katya- yani Atreya. See also Urukaksa. in. 41, in. 41, 1. iv. 17, I. '^/•Hi Kaksivant is the name of a Rsi mentioned frequently in the Rigveda,1 and occasionally elsewhere.2 He appears to have been a descendant of a female slave named Usij.3 He must have been a Pajra by family, as he bears the epithet Pajriya,4 1 i. 18, 1 ; 51, 13 ; 112, 11 ; 116, 7 ; 117, 6; 126, 3; iv. 26, 1; viii. 9, 10; ix. 74, 8 ; x. 25, 10 ; 61, 16. 2 Av. iv. 29, 5, and passages noted below. 3 Rv. i. 18, 1 ; perhaps also i. 112, 11, but Ausija may there be a separate name (see Auiija). Cf. Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiv. 11, 16. 4 Rv. i. 116, 7 ; 117, 6. 9—2 132 KAKSIVANT— HERON [ Kanka and his descendants are called Pajras.5 In a hymn of the Rigveda6 he celebrates the prince Svanaya Bhavya, who dwelt on the Sindhu (Indus), as having bestowed magnificent gifts on him ; and the list of Narasamsas (' Praises of Heroes ') in the Saiikhayana Srauta Sutra7 mentions one by Kaksivant Ausija in honour of Svanaya Bhavayavya. In his old age he obtained as a wife the maiden Vrcaya.8 He appears to have lived to be a hundred,9 the typical length of life in the Vedas. He seems always to be thought of as belonging to the past, and in a hymn of the fourth book of the Rigveda10 he is mentioned with the semi-mythical Kutsa and Kavi USanas. Later, also, he is a teacher of bygone days.11 In Vedic literature he is not connected with Dirghatamas beyond being once mentioned along with him in a hymn of the Rigveda.12 But in the Brhaddevata 13 he appears as a son of Dirghatamas by a slave woman, Usij. Weber14 considers that Kaksivant was originally a Ksatriya, not a Brahmana, quoting in favour of this view the fact that he is mentioned beside kings like Para Atnara, Vitahavya Srayasa, and Trasadasyu Paurukutsya.15 But that these are all kings is an unnecessary assumption : these persons are mentioned in the passages in question undoubtedly only as famous men of old, to whom are ascribed mythical sacrificial performances, and who thus gained numerous sons. 5 Rv. i. 126, 4. 6 i. 126. 7 xvi. 4, 5. 8 Rv. i. 51, 13. 9 Rv. ix. 74, 8. 10 iv. 26, 1. 11 Av. iv. 29, 5 ; xviii. 3, 15 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 21, 6. 7 ; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, ii. 6, 11. 12 viii. 9, 10. 13 iv. 11 et seq. 14 Episches im vedischen Ritual, 22-25. 15 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 6, 5, 3 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxii. 3 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxv. 16, 3. Cf. xiv. 11, 16. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen M orgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 42, 221, 236, n. 1 ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 102 ; Geldner, Rigveda, Kommentar, 23, 24. Kahka is the name of a bird, usually taken to mean ' heron,'1 but, at any rate in some passages, rather denoting some bird of prey.2 It first appears in the Yajurveda Samhitas.3 (kanka-cit, an altar ' piled in the form of a heron ') ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 31 ; 1 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 92. 2 Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary s.v, Cf. Sankhayana Aranyaka, xii. 13 3 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 4, II, J Maitrayani Samhita, hi. 14, 12 ; Sama- veda, ii. 9, 3, 6, 1. Kantakl-kari ] SCORPION-NA ME— MA T 1 33 Kahkata is the name of an animal mentioned once in the Rigveda.1 According to Sayana it is a destructive beast; perhaps, as Grassmann renders it, a ' scorpion.' 1 i. 191, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98. Kaiikatlya is the name of a family said in the Satapatha Brahmana1 to have learned from Sandilya the piling up of the sacrificial fire (agni-tayana). In the Apastamba Srauta Sutra2 a Kankati Brahmana, no doubt the textbook of the school, is referred to. It may have been identical with the Chagaleya Brahmana, cited in the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra.3 ix. 4, 4, T7. xiv. 20, 4. 3 xxv. 5. Cf. Caland, Uber das rituelle Sutra des Baudhayana, 40. Kanka-parvan (' heron-jointed ' ?), a term occurring once in the Atharvaveda,1 is applied to a snake, meaning perhaps ' scorpion.' As the Paippalada recension has a different reading (ahga-parvanah) , the passage may be corrupt. 1 vii. 56, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 94 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 426; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 553 ; Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s v. Kata denotes a ' mat,' which was 'made of reeds' (vaitasa). The maker of mats from reeds (bidala-kdrl) is mentioned in the Vajasaneyi Samhita,2 and the process of splitting reeds for the purpose is referred to in the Atharvaveda.3 1 Taittiriya Samhita. v. 3, 12, 2. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 3, 1. 3- 2 xxx. 8, with Mahidhara's Com- mentary. Bidala-kara is read in the Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 5, 1. 3 vi. 138, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 255. Kantaki-kari, ' worker in thorns,' is one of the victims at the human sacrifice (Purusamedha) in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.1 No doubt the thorns were cut up and used to plait mats (Kata) or to stuff cushions. 1 xxx. 8. The Taittiriya Brahmana, iii.4, 5, 1, has hantaka-kcira. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 255. 134 AN ANCIENT RSI—SOMA VESSEL [ Kanva Kanva is the name of an ancient Rsi repeatedly referred to in the Kigveda and later.1 His sons and descendants,2 the Kanvas, are also often mentioned, especially in the eighth book of the Rigveda, the authorship of that book, as well as of part of the first, being attributed to this family. A descendant of Kanva is also denoted by the name in the singular, either alone3 or accompanied by a patronymic, as Kanva Narsada4 and Kanva Srayasa,5 besides in the plural the Kanvas Sausra- vasas.6 The Kanva family appears to have been connected with the Atri family,7 but not to have been of great importance.8 In one passage of the Atharvaveda9 they seem to be definitely regarded with hostility. 1 Rv. i. 36, 8. 10. 11. 17. 19 ; 39, 7. 9 ; 47,5; 112,5; 117. 18; 118,7; 139.9; v. 41, 4 ; viii. 5, 23. 25 ; 7, 18 ; 8, 20 ; 49, 10; 50, 10; x. 71, 11 ; 115, 5; 150, 5 ; Av. iv. 37, 1 ; vii. 15, 1 ; xviii. 3, 15 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvii. 74 ; Paiica- vimsa Brahmana, viii. 2, 2; ix. 2, 6; Kausitaki Brahmana, xxviii. 8. Kanva- vat occurs in Rv. viii. 6, 11; 52, 8; Av. ii. 32, 3; Kanva-mant in Rv. viii. 2, 22. 2 As Kanvah (in the plural), Rv. i. 14, 2. 5; 37, 1. 14; 44, 8; 46, 9; 47, 2. 4-10 ; 49, 4 ; viii. 2, 16 ; 3, 16 ; 4, 2. 3 ; 5, 4; 6, 3. 18. 21. 31. 34. 47; 7, 32; 8, 3 ; 9. 14 ; 32, 1 ; 33. 3 ; 34. 4 ; as Kanvasya sunavah, Rv. i. 45, 5 ; as putrah, viii. 8, 4. 8 ; as Kanvayanah, viii. 55, 4. Kanva is found in viii. 1,8; 2, 40 ; 4, 20 ; 7, 19 ; 9, 3. 9 ; 10, 2. 3 E.g., Rv. i. 48, 4; viii. 34, 1, and probably elsewhere. 4 Rv. i. 117, 8; Av. iv. 19, 2; Lud- wig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 15 5 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 4, 7, 5 Kathaka Samhita, xxi. 8 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 3, 9. 6 Kathaka Samhita, xiii. 12. There is also Vatsa Kanva in Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 11, 20. 7 Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 42, 214. 8 Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 285. Cf. 1,207, 438. 9 Av. ii. 25. Cf. Varttika on Panini iii. 1, 14; Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, 465; Hillebrandt, op. cit., 1, 207; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, no. Cf. Oldenberg, op. cit., 216 et seq. ; Ludwig, op. cit., 3, 105. Katha. — The later use of this word1 in the sense of a ' philo- sophical discussion ' appears in the Chandogya Upanisad.2 ' let us begin a discussion regarding the Udgitha.' 1 Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, 1, 293- 2 i. 8, 1 : hantodalthe katham vadama, Kadru, a word occurring only once in the Rigveda,1 is interpreted by Ludwig2 as the name of a priest, but it more probably means a Soma vessel.3 i viii. 45, 26. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 162. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Kaparda ] POISON— MAIDEN— WORM— BRAID 135 Kanaknaka, a word occurring once in the Atharvaveda,1 either denotes a poison or is an adjective qualifying kanda-visa, a species of poison. 1 x. 4, 22. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns I Translation of the Atharvaveda, of the Atharvaveda, 604 ; Whitney, I 578. Kana, Kanya. — Both these words, of which the former is very rare,1 while the latter is the normal term from the Rigveda 2 onwards, denote * maiden ' or * young woman.' It is doubtful whether Kanlnaka. (accented on the final syllable) has this meaning,3 or only denotes the pupil of the eye,4 which is the sense of kanlnaka or kanlnika (both accented on the ante- penultimate) in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas. See also Stri. 1 Rv. x. 61, 5, etc. 2 i. 123, 10; 161, 5; hi. 23, 10, etc. ; Av. i. 14, 2; xi. 5, 18; xii. I, 25, etc. 3 Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., cites in this sense Rv. iv. 32, 23 ; x. 40, 9 ; Nirukta, iv. 15 ; but neither of the Rv. passages is at all clear. 4 See Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 401 ; Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 207. Other rare forms are kanyana, Rv. viii. 35, 5 ; kanyala, Av. v. 5, 3 ; xiv. 2, 52. Kapana, from its solitary occurrence in the Rigveda,1 appears to mean a ' worm ' that destroys the leaves of trees, and is so interpreted in the Nirukta.2 54.6. 4. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 97 ; Max Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 330. Kaparda, ' braid,' Kapapdin, ' wearing braids.' These words refer to the Vedic custom of wearing the hair in braids or plaits. Thus a maiden is said to have her hair in four plaits (catns-kaparda),1 and the goddess Siniva.li is described as ' wear- ing fair braids ' (su-kaparda).2 Men also wore their hair in this style, for both Rudra3 and Pusan4 are said to have done so, while the Vasisthas5 were distinguished by wearing their hair in a plait on the right (daksinatas-kaparda). The opposite was to wear one's hair ' plain ' {pulasti).6 See also Opasa. 1 Rv. x. 114, 3. 5 Rv. vii. 33, 1. Cf 83, 8. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xi. 56. 6 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 43. 3 Rv. i. 114, 1. 5; Vajasaneyi Sam- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 264, hita, xvi. 10. 29. 43. 48. 59. 265 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, v. 462 ; Max 4 Rv. vi. 55, 2 ; ix. 67. ix. Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 424. 136 MONKEY— FRANCOLINE PARTRIDGE— NAMES [ Kapi I. Kapi, ' monkey,' occurs only once in the Rigveda1 with reference to Vrsa-kapi, the ' Man-ape,' in the dialogue of Indra and Indrani in the presence of Vrsakapi. There the ape is termed the ' tawny ' Qiarita). In the Atharvaveda2 the monkey is mentioned several times as hairy, and an enemy of dogs. That the ape was tamed appears from its position in the Vrsakapi hymn, and from the mention, in the Taittiriya Sam- hita,3 of a Mayu as belonging to the forest. See also Mayu, Markata, and Purusa Hastin. 1 x. 86, 5. Cf. Oldenberg, Religion des V.da, 174; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, it. et seq. ; von Schroeder, Mysterium tind Mimus, 304 et seq. ; Schirmeisen, Die Arischen Gottergestalten, 218 et seq. ; Tilak, Orion, 170-197. 2 111. 9, 4; iv. 32, 11; vi. 49, 1. Cf. also Chandogya Upanisad, i. 6, 7 (kapy-asa, ' seat of an ape '). 3 iv. 2, 10, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 85, 86. 2. Kapi is, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, another name for Lusa Khargali in the Kathaka Samhita (xxx. 2), but the name appears rather to be LuSakapi. Kapihjala, the name of the ' francoline partridge ' or * hazel- cock,' is found in all the Yajurveda Samhitas,1 and occasionally later.2 1 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, 1 ; v. 5, 16, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 20. 38. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 3 ; v. 5, 4, 4 ; xiii. 5, 1, 13; Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 154, 2 (Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15. 181). Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91. Kapila appears in the Svetasvatara Upanisad1 as a teacher, according to Weber2 and Garbe,3 who think that the expres- sion kapila rsih there refers to the founder of the Sankhya philosophy. But this is doubtful.4 1 V. 2. 2 Indische Studien, 1, 24 et seq. ; 5, 412 ; Indian Literature, 236. 3 Sankhya Philosophie, 27 et seq. ; Translation of the Sahkhyatattvakau- mudi, 531. 4 Max Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 2, xli, and Deussen, in his trans- lation (Sechzig Upanishads, 304), do not take the word as a teacher's name. The latter renders kapila rsih, by ' the .red sage,' as referring to Hiranya- garbha. Kambala NA MES— PIGEON— BLA NKET 137 Kapi-vana Bhauvayana is mentioned as a teacher in the Yajurveda Samhitas1 and the Pancavimsa Brahmana.2 A rite called Kapivana's Dvyaha ('ceremony lasting two days') is also referred to in the Katyayana Srauta Sutra.3 1 Maitrayani Samhita, i. 4, 5 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxii. 2. 2 xx. 13, 4. 9 xxv. 2, 3. Cf. Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, x. 2. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 24 ; 3, 473; Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 55, n. 2 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 157. Kapota is the name of a bird, probably the ' pigeon ' (its sense in the later language), occurring from the Rigveda onwards.1 It is associated in some passages2 with the owl (Uluka) as a messenger of Nirrti ('dissolution,' 'misfortune'). This aspect of the pigeon as a bird of evil omen is probably based on an ancient belief which is also found beyond the confines of India.3 1 Rv. i. 30, 4 ; Av. xx. 135, 12 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 4 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 23. 38. 2 Rv. x. 165, 1-5 ; Av. vi. 29, 2. 3 Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric A ntiquities, 253. Cf Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 89 ; St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Kabandha Atharvana is mentioned in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 along with Sudhanvan ArigiFasa, as a teacher, but is semi-mythical. His son was Vicarin Kabandhi. 1 ah. 7, i. Cf. also Gopatha Brah- l Mythologie, 2, 176, n. 4 ; Weber, Indian mana, i. 2, 9. 18 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische \ Literature, 149. Kama-dyu appears once in the Rigveda1 as the wife of Vimada. She is probably identical with the ' maiden ' (yoscl) of Purumitra, no doubt his daughter. She is elsewhere2 referred to in connexion with Vimada, who appears to have taken her for his bride against the will of her father. x. 65, 12. i. 117, 20 ; x. 39, 7. Cf 310. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, Kambala denotes in the Atharvaveda1 a 'woollen coverlet or ' blanket.' 1 xiv. 2, 66. 67. Cf. Nirukta, ii. 2. 138 THE K AM BO J AS— PORRIDGE [ Kamboja Kamboja. — Yaska, in the Nirukta,1 refers to the speech of the Kambojas as differing from that of the other Aryas. The Kambojas were later settled to the north-west of the Indus, and are known as Kambujiya in the old Persian inscriptions. A teacher, Kamboja Aupamanyava, pupil of Madragura, is mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana.2 This points to a possible connexion of the Madras, or more probably the Uttara Madras, with the Kambojas, who probably had Iranian as well as Indian affinities. 1 ii. 2. 2 Indische Studien, 4, 372. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 102; Weber, Indische Strei/en, 2, 493 ; 3, 384 ; Indische Studien, 10, 7 ; Episches im vedischen Ritual, 45 ; Max Miiller, Zeit- schrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 7, 373. On the relation of Indian and Iranian, see also Jacobi, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 721 etseq. ; 1910, 457 etseq. ; Oldenberg, ibid., 1095 et seq, ; Keith, ibid., 1100 et seq. ', Kennedy, ibid., 11 07 et seq. ; and see Parsu. Karanja, a word which in the Sutras and later denotes the tree Pongamia glabra, occurs only twice in the Rigveda1 as the name of a foe of Indra, but whether a demon or a man2 is intended remains uncertain. 1 i. 53, 8 ; x. 48, 8. 2 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 63 ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 149; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 292. Karambha is the name, from the Rigveda onwards,1 of a kind of porridge made of grain (Yava), which was unhusked, parched slightly, and kneaded.2 It was the especial sacrificial portion of Pusan, no doubt in his capacity of an agricultural deity. Karambha was also made of barley (Upavaka)3 or of sesame (Tirya).4 1 Rv. i. 187, 16 ; iii. 52, 7 ; vi. 56, 1 ; 57, 2 ; viii. 102, 2 ; Av. iv. 7, 2. 3 ; vi. 16, 1 ; Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 1, 10, 2 ; vi. 5, 11, 4, etc. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 2, 14 ; iv. 2, 4, 18. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 317 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, 395, n. 1. 3 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 22. 4 Av. iv. 7, 3, but see Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 377; Whit- ney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 155. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 270. Karkari ] SNAKE— MANURE— JUJUBE— LUTE 139 Karikrata denotes, according to Zimmer,1 a snake in the Atharvaveda.2 1 Altindisches Leben, 95 2 x. 4, 13. The Paippalada version has Kanikrada. Karira, the name of a leafless shrub, Capparis aphylla, or its fruit, first appears in the Taittiriya Samhita.1 1 ii. 4, 9, 2 ; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 11; xxxvi. 7; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 2, 11. Karisa denotes ' dry cow dung ' in the Satapatha Brahmana.1 The Atharvaveda2 shows that the value of the natural manure of animals in the fields was appreciated. 1 ii- 1, 1 1 7- 2 Av. iii. 14, 3. 4 ; xix. 31, 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 236. i. Karkandhu is the ordinary word for 'jujube,' the tree (Zizyphus jujuba) and the fruit, from the Yajurveda Samhitas onwards.1 The berry is red (rohita).2 Compare Kuvala and Badara, which denote the fruit. 1 Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10 ; Maitra- yani Samhita, iii. 11, 2; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 23. 91 ; xxi. 32 ; xxiv. 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, 4, 10 ; xii. 7, 2. 9 1 9> x» 5. etc. ; Jaiminiya Brah- mana, ii. 156, 5. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 242. 2. Karkandhu is only the name borne by a protege of the Asvins in the Rigveda (i. 112, 6). Its identity with the word for jujube indicates that the latter, though not otherwise mentioned there, was known at the time of the Rigveda. Karkari, a musical instrument, probably the Mute,' occurs from the Rigveda onwards.1 The Maitrayani Samhita2 mentions cattle branded on the ears with a mark resembling a lute (karkari-karnyah). 1 Rv. ii. 43, 3 ; Av. iv. 37, 4. Cf. I 2 iv. 2, 9. Cf. Delbriick, Gurupuja- xx. 132, 3. 8. I kaumudi, 48, 49. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 289. 140 EAR-ORNAMENT— SMITH KarkI KarkI may denote in one passage of the Atharvaveda1 a 1 white cow,' according to the suggestion of Roth.2 1 iv. 38, 6. 7. Cf. Bloomfi-eld, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 414. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary and Bohtlingk's Dictionary, s.v. Karna-gobhana denotes an ' ornament for the ear' in the Rigveda,1 apparently for the use of men. Some deity is called 'gold-eared' in another passage of the Rigveda.2 Hopkins3 considers the use of ear-rings later than that of necklets and wristlets. 1 viii. 78, 3. 2 i. 122, 14. See also i. 64, 10. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 262 3 Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 35. Karna-Sravas Angirasa is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xiii. 11, 14) as a seer of Samans or chants, the same tale being told of him as of Davasu. Karmara, the ' smith,' is several times mentioned with approval in the Vedic Samhitas.1 In the Atharvaveda2 smiths appear with fishermen (dhivdnah) and chariot-builders (ratha- kdrdh), all being classified as clever workers (manisinah) : possibly a quasi-caste of smiths was already developing from the guild organization that probably existed.3 Little is known of the smith's methods of work and of his tools. No doubt he smelted (dhmd) the ore in the fire ; hence he is called dhmatr, the 'smelter.'4 Mention is also made of 1 Rv. x. 72, 2 ; Av. iii. 5, 6 ; Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 13; Maitrayanl Samhita, ii- 9. 5; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27; xxx. 7. Cf. karmara, Rv. ix. 112, 2; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 3, 1. 2 iii. 5, 6. The exact sense of the passage is doubtful. Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 252 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 144; and Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 92, take the reference to be to * skilled chariot - makers ' {dhiva.no ratha-kdrdh) and ' clever smiths,' but this is perhaps less likely. The commentator interprets dhivdnah as ' fishermen ' (in the later language dhivara means both a ' clever man ' and a ' fisherman '). 3 Cf. Fick, Die sociale Gliederung, 182. 4 Rv. v. 9, 5. Kalasa ] FISH—TRENCH—SPARRO W—JAR 141 his bellows of birds' feathers.5 He made metal vessels (gharma ayasmaya)Q to be put on the fire: even the Soma cup could occasionally be made of hammered metal (ayo-hata).7 5 Rv. ix. 112, 2. Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 252, 253 ; Weber, 6 Rv. v. 30, 15. Indische Studien, 17, 196 et seq. ; Uber 7 Rv. ix. 1, 2. den Rajasuya, 19 et seq. Karvara, a word found in one passage of the Atharvaveda,1 seems to mean some kind of fish2 caught by a fisherman (paufijistha). x. 4, 19. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 96; Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- veda, 578. Karsu, a rare word found in the Satapatha Brahmana,1 denotes a ' furrow ' or ' trench.' 1 i. 8, 1, 3 ; xiii. 8, 3, 10. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 283. Kalavinka, a name of the ' sparrow,' is found in the Yajurveda Samhitas,1 and occasionally later.2 1 Taittinya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, 2; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 20. 31. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 4 ; v- 5> 4' 5 ! Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 154, 3 (Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 181). Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91. Kalasa is, from the Rigveda onwards,1 a common word for 'pot' or 'jar,' probably either formed of a gourd or made of clay (unburnt or baked), as we know that both kinds of pot were in use.2 The wooden Soma tub (drona-kalasa) is frequently referred to in the ritual. See also Ko£a. 1 Rv. i. 1 17, 12 ; iii. 32,15; iv. 27, 5 ; 32, 19, etc.; Av. iii. 12, 7; ix. 1, 6; 4, 15; xviii. 4, 13, etc. In Rv. x. 32, 9, the word, according to the St. Peters- burg Dictionary, is used as a proper name, but the passage is very doubtful. 2 Av. iv. 17, 4 ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 1,8, 1; iv. 1, 5, 4; v. 1, 7, 2; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, i. 22 ; xi. 59. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 253 ; Eggel- ing, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 257 ; Oertel, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 185, n. 3 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 183 et seq. 142 FRA CTION—SNA KE—NA MES [ Kala Kala denotes a fractional part, normally ' one-sixteenth,' in the Rigveda1 and later.2 It is often mentioned in connexion with Sapha, ' one-eighth.' *■ viii. 47, 17. 2 Av. vi. 96, 3 ; xix. 57, 1 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, io, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 7, 7 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, iii. 3, 3, 1 ; xii. 8, 3, 13, etc. ; Nirukta, xi. 12. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 16, 278 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 259. i. Kali. See Aksa. 2. Kali occurs in the Rigveda, twice in the singular1 as the name of a protege of the Asvins, and once in the plural.2 The persons meant in the latter passage seem to be different from the former one. The Kalis are once mentioned in the Atharvaveda3 beside the Gandharvas.4 1 i. 112, 15; x. 39, 8. 2 viii. 66, 15. 3 x. 10, 13. 4 These Kalis may be connected with dicing, as in the Atharvaveda the Apsarases, the wives of the Gandharvas, are fond of dice, and bestow luck at play. See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, P. 135- Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 89 ; Ludwig, Trans- lation of the Rigveda, 3, 163. Kalpa in the Taittiiiya Aranyaka (ii. io) seems to denote Kalpa Sutra. Kalmasa-griva (' speckled-neck ') is the name of a snake in the Atharvaveda.1 1 iii. 27, 5 (where the Paippalada 1 Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 94, recension has hdmam-) ; xii. 3, 59. 95. Cf. Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 10, 2. Kalyana is the name, in the Pancavimsa Brahmana,1 of an Aiigirasa who saw the Aurnayava Saman. 1 xii. 11, 10. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 68, n. 2. Kava§a ] CORSELET— AN ANCIENT PUROHITA H3 Kavaca denotes a ' corselet ' or ' breastplate ' in the Atharva- veda1 and later.2 There is nothing to show whether it was made of metal, but that it was so is quite possible (see Varman). The Atharvaveda3 refers to a ' corselet-strap ' (kavaca-pdsa), which may point to a linen corselet such as those known to Herodotus.4 1 Av. xi. 10, 22 (kavacin). 2 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 2, 2, 7; Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 19, 2 ; Nirukta, v. 25 (kavaca) ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 1, 6, 3 ; 4, 1, 5 ; Aitareya Brah- mana, iii. 48 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 45 {kavacin). 3 xi. 10, 22. 4 Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva- veda, 129, and Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 659, seem to recognize coats of mail only. Kavasa is mentioned in a hymn of the Rigveda1 as one of those whom, together with the Druhyu king, Indra overthrew for the Trtsus. The Anukramam (Index) also attributes to him the authorship of several hymns of the Rigveda, including two (x. 32. 33) that deal with a prince Kurus>avana and his descendant Upamas>avas. There seems no reason to doubt this attribution, which is accepted by both Zimmer2 and Geldner.8 The former holds that Kavasa was the Purohita of the joint tribes named Vaikarna, in whom he sees the Kuru- Krivi (Pancala) peoples, and that Kavasa in that capacity is mentioned in the Rigveda as representative of those peoples. He also suggests that the language of Rigveda x. 33, 4 is best explained by the reduced position in which the Kuru-Krivis found themselves on their defeat by the Trtsus. Ludwig,4 on the other hand, thinks that Kavasa was the priest of the five peoples. Geldner5 holds that Kavasa was the Purohita of Kurusravana, by whose son, Upamasravas, he was ill-treated, and that he composed Rigveda x. 33 to deprecate the anger of his royal master. Hopkins6 thinks that he was a king. In the Brahmanas of the Rigveda7 mention is made of 7 Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 19 ; Kausr- taki Brahmana, xii. 1. 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 459; Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 386, 387 ; 1 vii. 18, 12. 2 Altindisches Leben, 127. 3 Vedische Studien, 2, 150. 4 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 139. 5 Loc. cit. 6 Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 261, 263. Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, 50. 144 ANIMALS— CUSHION— NAMES— TORTOISE [ Kasa Kavasa Ailusa, who was a Brahmana born of a female slave, and was reproached on this ground by the other Rsis. He is possibly identical with the Kavasa of the Rigveda. Kasa is the name of an unknown animal mentioned as a victim at the horse sacrifice in the Yajurveda Samhitas.1 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 17, 1 ; I 38. Cf. Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 7. 18, 1; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 26; | Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 84. Kaslka is the name of an animal mentioned once in the Rigveda,1 and interpreted as ' weasel ' by the commentator Sayana. Fick2 suggests that the meaning is 'pole -cat.' Geldner3 takes it as ' female ichneumon.' 1 i. 126, 5. 2 Bezzenberger, Beitrdge, 3, 165 ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 247. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 84 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 57. 3 Rigveda, Glossar, 44. KaSipu denotes a ' mat ' or ' cushion ' made, according to the Atharvaveda,1 by women from reeds (nada), which they crushed for the purpose by means of stones. On the other hand, the Satapatha Brahmana2 refers to a mat as made of gold. 1 vi. 138, 5. xm. 4, 3, I. Kasu is the name of a prince mentioned in the Rigveda with the patronymic Caidya, or descendant of Cedi, as a generous patron of the singer, who praises the liberality of the Cedis. Neither this king nor the Cedis appear again in Vedic literature. 1 viii. 5, 37. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 129. Ka6o-ju occurs once in the Rigveda (i. 112, 14) either as a proper name or as an epithet of Divodasa. The sense of the word is quite uncertain. Ka£yapa, a word denoting * tortoise,' occurs in the Atharva- veda1 and often later.2 1 iv. 20, 7. 2 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 18 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 37 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, vii. 5, 1, 5 ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 6. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 86 ; Bloomfield, American Journal of Phil- ology, 17, 403. Kahoda Kau§Itaki ] NAMES— WORM— SNAKE— PROP 145 Ka£yapa is the name of a sage who is mentioned only once in the Rigveda,1 but is a common figure in the later Samhitas.2 He is always of a mythical character, as belonging to the distant past. According to the Aitareya Brahmana,3 he anointed King Visvakarman Bhauvana, and in the Upanisads4 he is mentioned as a Rsi. The Kasyapas appear in connexion with Janam- ejaya in the Aitareya Brahmana.5 1 ix. 114, 2. 2 Samaveda, i. 1,2, 4, 10 ; 4, 2, 3, 2 (but in these passages the St. Peters- burg Dictionary, s.v., accepts the sense of a divine being, identical with Praja- pati) ; Av. i. 14, 4 ; ii. 33, 7; iv. 20, 7 ; 29> 3 1 37> 1 '> Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 2, 9 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 62. 3 viii. 21 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 7, 1, 15. 4 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 2. 6 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, iv. 3, 1 (in a quotation). 5 vii. 27. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen M orgenldndischen Gesell- schaft, 42, 235, n. 1. Ka£yapa Naidhruvi is mentioned as a teacher in the last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Satapatha Brahmana.1 1 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 33 (Madhyamdina=vi. 5, 3, Kanva). Kaskasa designates a kind of worm in the Atharvaveda.1 1 v. 23, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98. Kasarnila is the name of a kind of snake in the Atharvaveda.1 It occurs also in the form Kasarnira, personified as the seer Kasarnira Kadraveya in the Taittiriya Samhita.2 1 x. 4, 5, where the Paippalada recension has kvasarmila. 2 i. 5, 4, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 607. Ka-stambhi denotes in the Satapatha Brahmana1 a piece of wood used as a prop for the end of a wagon-pole to rest on. 1 i. 1, 2, 9. Cf. Caland and Henry, L'Agnistoma, 49; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, 14, n. 1. Kahoda Kausltaki1 or Kausitakeya2 is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana,1 the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,2 and the Sahkhayana Aranyaka,1 as a teacher, contemporary with Yajiia- valkya. Cf. Kahodi. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 3, 1 ; Sahkhayana Aranyaka, xv. 2 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 5, 1. VOL. I. 10 146 TREE-NAMES— KATHA SCHOOL— LUTE [ Kakambira Kakambira is the name in the Rigveda x of a useful tree of some kind. 1 vi. 48, 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62. Kaksa-seni is the patronymic (' son of Kaksasena ') of Abhipratarin in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xiv. i, 12). Kakslvata. See Nodhas. Kathaka, the name of the recension of the Black Yajurveda belonging to the school of the Kathas, is mentioned in the Nirukta1 of Yaska and in the Anupada Sutra.2 The Samhita which bears the name has been in part edited by L. v. Schroeder.3 * x. 4. 2 iii. 11 ; vii. n. 3 Two volumes have so far appeared, the first containing i-xviii, the second xix-xxx. Cf. Indische Studien, i, 44; 3, 451 ; von Schroeder, Kathaka Sam- hita, 1900, 1909 ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 49, 145- 171 ; Die Tubinger Katha-Handschriften, Vienna, 1898 ; Zwei Handschriften der K.K. Hofbibliothek in Wien mit Frag- mented des Kathaka, Vienna, 1896. Kanthe-viddhi (' descendant of Kantheviddha ') is mentioned as a teacher in the Vamsa Brahmana.1 1 Indische Studien, 4, 382. Kanda-vina, the name of a musical instrument, a kind of lute made out of joints of reed, which is mentioned as used at the Mahavrata ceremony in the Kathaka Samhita..1 1 xxxiv. 5 (Indische Studien, 3, 477). Cf. Latyayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 2, 6; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xiii. 3, 16 Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvii. 3, 12. Kandviya is mentioned as an Udgatr in the Jaiminfya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 10, 2). Kanva. See Kanva : among others, Devatithi, Medhatithi, Vatsa, were prominent members of the Kanva family. Kanina ] NAMES 147 Kanvi-putra is mentioned as a pupil of Kapiputra in the last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 1 vi. 5, 1 (Kanva recension). Kanvayana (' descendant of Kanva ') and Kanvyayana (' descendant of Kanvya ') are patronymics occurring in the Rigveda1 and the Sadvimsa Brahmana2 respectively. 1 viii. 55, 4. 2 Indische Stuclien, 1, 38 ; Sayana on Rv. i. 51, 1 ; viii. 2, 40. Katyayani. See Daksa. Katyayani is the name of one of the two wives of Yajna- valkya in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 1 ii. 4, 1 ; iv. 5, 1. 2. A Katya I Sutra, ii. 15 et seq. See Weber, Indian appears in the Baudhayana Srauta | Literature, 138. Katyayani-putra, ' son of Katyayani,' is mentioned in the last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a pupil of Gotamiputra and of KauSikiputra. A Jatu- karnya Katyayaniputra is named as a teacher in the Sahkh- ayana Aranyaka.2 1 vi. 5, 1, Kanva. 2 viii. 10. Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 138. Kanandha is mentioned in the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra (xxi. 10) as son of VadhryaSva. Kanlta is the patronymic ('son of Kanita') in the Rigveda1 of Ppthusravas. 1 viii. 46, 21. 24. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 11, 23. Kanina in the Atharvaveda1 apparently denotes the ' son of a maiden.' See Pati. 1 v. 5, 8. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 334. 10 — 2 148 POISON— NAMES Kandavisa Kanda-visa in the Atharvaveda (x. 4, 22) denotes some kind of poison. Cf. Kanaknaka. Kapatava Su-nitha is mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana1 as a pupil of Sutemanas Sandilyayana. 1 Indische Studien, 4, 383. Kapileya. — The Kapileyas and the Babhravas are mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana1 as descendants of Devarata Vai£va- mitra, the adoptive name of SunahSepa. 1 vii. 17. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 216, n., 433. Kapl-putra (' son of Kapi ') is mentioned in the last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 5, 1) as a pupil of Atreylputra. Kapeya (' descendant of Kapi '). The Kapeyas are men- tioned as priests of Citraratha in the Kathaka Samhita1 and the Pancavimsa Brahmana.2 See also Saunaka. 1 xiii. 12. 2 xx. 12, 5. Cf. Hopkins, Transac- tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 52, 53 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 157. Kapya (' descendant of Kapi ') is the patronymic of Sanaka and Navaka, two obviously fictitious persons who served at the Sattra (' sacrificial session ') of the Vibhindukiyas in the Jaiminiya Brahmana.1 It is also the patronymic of Pataiicala in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.2 See also Kai^orya. 1 iii. 233. 2 iii. 3, 1 ; 7, 1. Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 126, 137. Kabandhi (' descendant of Kabandha ') is the patronymic of Vicarin in the Gopatha Brahmana (i. 2, 9. 18). Kama-pri (' descendant of Kamapra ') is the patronymic of Marutta in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 21). In the St. Petersburg Dictionary it is suggested that the reading in this passage should be kamapre, * fulfilling desires,' as an epithet of the sacrifice (yajne). Karaskara ] TOWN OF KAMPlLA— NAMES 149 Kamalayana (' descendant of Kamala ') is the patronymic of Upakosala in the Chandogya Upanisad (iv. 10, i). Kampila. — In one passage of the Yajurveda Samhitas1 the epithet Kamplla-vasini is applied to a woman, perhaps the king's Mahisi or chief wife, whose duty it was to sleep beside the slaughtered animal at the horse sacrifice (Asvamedha). The exact interpretation of the passage is very uncertain, but both Weber2 and Zimmer3 agree in regarding Kampila as the name of the town known as Kampilya in the later literature, and the capital of Pancala in Madhyadesa. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 4, 19, 1 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 12, 20 Kathaka Samhita, Asvamedha, iv. 8 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii. 18 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 9, 6 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 2, 8, 3. 2 Indische Studicn, 1, 184 ; Indian Literature, 114, 115. 3 Altindisches Leben, 36, 37. So also Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 204 ; von Schroeder, Maitrayani Samhita, I, xxi ; Indiens Liter atur und Cultur, 164 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 321, 322. Kamboja (' native of Kamboja ') Aupamanyava (' descendant of Upamanyu ') is mentioned as a teacher in the Vamsa Brahmana.1 1 Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 372 ; Episches im vedischen Ritual, 45 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 102. Karapaeava is the name in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 of a place on the Yamuna. 1 xxv. 10, 23. Cf. Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 6 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xiii. 29, 25 ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxiv. 6, 10 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 34. Karaskara is the name of a people mentioned in the Baudha- yana Srauta Sutra1 and the Apastamba2 and Hiranyakesi3 Sutras. 1 xx. 13 (14). Cf. Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, i. 2, 14. 2 xxii. 6, 18. 3 xvii. 6. Cf. Buhler, Sacred Boohs of the East, 14, 148 ; Caland, Zeiischrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischcn Gescll- schaft, 56, 553. i5o POET [ Kari Kari is the name of one of the victims of the human sacrifice (Purusamedha) in the Vajasaneyi Samhita,1 and is there dedi- cated to ' laughter.' The commentator Mahidhara2 interprets the word as ' worker ' (kar ana-silo), but the St. Petersburg Dictionary suggests that it means a ' jubilant' person (as derived from the root kr, l to praise *). 1 xxx. 6. 20 ; Taittirlya Brahmana, I 2 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. iii. 4, 2, i. I Kariradi is the name of persons mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (ii. 4, 4) as holding a special view of the Udgitha (Samaveda Chant). Karu, 'poet,' is a word almost confined to the Rigveda.1 There is evidence that the poet was regarded as a professional man, just as much as the physician (Bhisaj).2 The poets, no doubt, mainly lived at the courts of princes amid their re- tainers,3 though they would probably also sing the praises of rich merchants. There was probably no essential connexion between the priest and the poet. Though the priest was often a poet, yet poetry can hardly have been restricted to the priestly caste. Indeed, at the horse sacrifice (Asvamedha) the Satapatha Brahmana4 expressly requires that one of the singers of pane- gyrics should be a Rajanya, while the other was a Brahmana, both singing verses of their own composition. The Anukra- mani (Index) in several cases5 attributes hymns of the Rigveda to princes; and even though this may often be merely the same sort of procedure6 as has made Sudraka the author of the Mrcchakatika, or Harsa of the Ratnavali, and has given us royal teachers of the Brahman doctrine,7 still the Indian tradition evidently saw nothing odd in the idea of non- Brahmanas as poets. Most of the non-sacred poetry has, 1 i. 14S, 2 ; 165, 12 ; 177, 5 ; 178, 3 ; ii. 43. 1 I "I- 33. 8 ; 39, 7 ; v. 33, 7 ; vii. 27 ; 68, 9 ; 72, 4, etc. ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 8, 7 ; Gopatha Brahmana, i. 2, 21. 2 ix. 112, 3. 3 vii. 73, 1. * xiii. 1, 5. 1 : 4. 3. 5- 5 E.g., x. 92 is attributed to Saryata Manava. 6 See Pischel, Vedische Studien, 3, 202. 7 Weber, Episches im vedischen Ritual, 20, n. 4, sees in Av. xx. a recension of Ksatriya character. He also finds Ksatriyas in Visvamitra and Kaksivant, but hardly with reason. Cf. Varna. Kar§marya ] FILTER— IRON— GO A L—TREE 151 however, disappeared, for the epic is a product, as it stands, of a later period. See also Rsi. Karotara appears to denote in the Rigveda,1 and occasionally later,2 a ' filter ' or ' sieve ' for purifying the liquor called Sura. 1 i. 116, 7. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 16. 82 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 9, 1, 2; Kausitaki Brahmana, ii. 7. Cf. Zim- mer, Altindisches Leben, 280. Karoti is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (ix. 5, 2, 15) as a place, or perhaps a river, where Tura Kavaseya made a fire-altar — that is, as a seat of the fire-cult par excellence. Karsakeyi-putra (' son of Karsakeyi ') is the name of a man mentioned in the last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhada- ranyaka Upanisad. In the Kanva (vi. 5, 2) recension he is a pupil of Pracmayogrlputra ; in the Madhyamdina (vi. 4, 33) recension his teacher's name is Prainiputra Asurivasin. Karsnayasa (' black metal '), a word found in the Upanisads,1 must clearly mean i iron.' See Ayas. 1 Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 17, 7 ; vi. 1, 5; JaiminTya Upanisad Brah- mana, iii. 17, 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 52. Karsman, a word meaning literally ' furrow,' and found only in the Rigveda,1 is the designation of the goal in the chariot race. The competitor probably turned round it and came back to the starting-place.2 1 i. 116, 17 ; ix. 36, 1 ; 74, 8. 2 Av. ii. 14, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 291, 292. Karsmarya is the name of a tree (Gmelina arbor ea) which is often alluded to in the Taittiriya Samhita.,1 the Maitrayani Samhita.,2 and the Satapatha Brahmana.3 v. 2, 7, 3. 4; vi. 2, 1, 5. iii. 2, 6 ; 7, 9. iii. 4, 1, 6; 17; iv. 3. 3, 6; vii. 4, 1, 37. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62. 152 TIME— STARS [ Kala Kala, the generic expression for 'time,' first occurs in the Rigveda,1 where, however, it is used only once, in the late tenth book. It is known to the Atharvaveda,2 where Kala has already developed the sense of time as fate. The word is frequent in the Brahmanas,3 superseding the earlier use of Rtu. The more general division of time is into ' past ' (bhuta), ' present ' (bhavat), and ' future ' (bhavisyat).4 For other divisions see Ahan, Masa, Samvatsara. x. 42, 9. xix. 53.54- Satapatha Brahmana, i. 7, 3, 3 ii. 4, 2, 4 ; iii. 8, 3, 36; vii. 2, 2, 21, etc. 4 E.g., Sahkhayana Aranyaka, vii. 20. Kalaka is the name of one of the victims at the horse sacrifice (Asvamedha) in the Yajurveda Samhitas,1 variously identified with a bird2 or a chameleon.3 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 15, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 16; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 35. 2 Mahidhara on Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. 3 Sayana on Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 99. Kala-kaiija. — In the Atharvaveda1 mention is made of the Kalakanjas as being in the sky. Both Roth2 and Zimmer3 hold that some constellation is meant. But as the defeat of the Kalakanjas is one of Indra's exploits,4 it is doubtful whether any stress can be laid on that interpretation of the passage in the Atharvaveda. Whitney5 suggests that the three stars of Orion are meant, Bloomfield6 that the galaxy or the stars in general are intended. 1 vi. 80, 2. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Altindisches Leben, 353. 4 Kathaka Samhita, viii. 1. Cf. also Maitrayani Samhita, i. 6, 9 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 2, 4-6; Kausltaki Upanisad, iii. 1. 6 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 341. 6 Hymns of the A tharvaveda, 500 ; Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 163-169. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 410, 414 et seq. ; 3, 465 ; Oertel, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 19, 121. Kasi, Kasya ] PA TRONYMIC—GRA SS— PEOPLE OF KASI i 53 Kavaseya (' descendant of Kavasa ') is the constant patro- nymic of Tura. The Kavaseyas are also mentioned as teachers of philosophical points in the Rigveda Aranyakas.1 1 Aitareya Aranyaka, iii. 2, Sankhayana Aranyaka, viii. 11. 6 ; I Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1 , 391, n. ; I 2, 418 ; Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 257. Kavya (' descendant of Kavi ') is the constant1 patronymic of USanas. In the Pancavimsa Brahmana it is also applied to Idhat2 and Uksnorandhra.3 1 Rv. i. 51, 11 ; 83, 5; 121, 12 vi. 20, 11 ; viii. 23, 17 ; Av. iv. 29, 6 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 8, 5, etc. 2 xiv. 9, 16. 3 xiii. 9, 19. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 48, 49. Ka£a. — Roth1 finds this word, which denotes a species of grass (Saccharum spontaneum) used for mats, etc., in one passage of the Rigveda,2 but the reading is uncertain. The word has this sense in the Taittiriya Aranyaka.3 1 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. x. 100, 10. vi. 9, 1. Kagi, Kagya. — The name Kasi denotes (in the plural1) the people of Kasi (Benares), and Kasya, the king of Kasi. The Satapatha Brahmana2 tells of Dhrtarastra, king of Kasi, who was defeated by Satanika Satrajita, with the result that the Kasis, down to the time of the Brahmana, gave up the kindling of the sacred fire. Satrajita was a Bharata. We hear also of AjataSatru as a king of Kasi;3 and no doubt Bhadrasena Ajatagatrava, a contemporary of Uddalaka, was also a king of Kasi. The Kasis and Videhas were closely connected, as was natural in view of their geographical position. The compound name Kasi-Videha occurs in the Kausitaki Upanisad;4 in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad5 Gargi describes Ajatasatru as either a Kasi or a Videha king. The Sankhayana Srauta Sutra6 1 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 19. 21. The plural occurs also in the Paippalada recension of the Athar- vaveda, v. 22, 14. 2 xiii. 5, 4, 19. 3 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1,1 iii. 8, 2 ; Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 1. 4 Kausitaki Upanisad, loc. cit. 5 iii. 8, 2. 6 xvi. 29, 5. 154 THE PEOPLE OF KASl [ KaSi, KaSya mentions one Purohita as acting for the kings of Kaii, Kosala, and Videha; and the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra7 mentions Kasi and Videha in close proximity. Weber,8 indeed, throws out the suggestion that the Kasis and the Videhas together con- stitute the Usmaras, whose name is very rare in Vedic literature. As Kosala and Videha were in close connexion, Kasi and Kosala are found combined in the compound name Kasi- Kausalyas of the Gopatha Brahmana.9 Though Kasi is a late word, it is quite possible that the town is older, as the river Varanavati referred to in the Athar- vaveda10 may be connected with the later Varanasi (Benares). It is significant that while the Kasis, Kosalas, and Videhas were united, any relations which the Kuru-Pancala peoples may have had with them were hostile. It is a fair conclusion that between these two great groups of peoples there did exist some political conflict as well as probably a difference of culture in some degree. The Satapatha Brahmana,11 in the story of the advance of Aryan civilization over Kosala and Videha, preserves a clear tradition of this time, and a piece of evidence that in the Kuru-Pancala country lay the real centre of the Brahmana culture (see also Kuru-Pancala). That the Kosala- Videhas were originally settlers of older date than the Kuru-Pancalas is reasonably obvious from their geographical position, but the true Brahmana culture appears to have been brought to them from the Kuru-Pancala country. It is very probable that the East was less Aryan than the West, and that it was less completely reduced under Brahmin spiritual supremacy, as the movement of Buddhism was Eastern, and the Buddhist texts12 reveal a position in which the Ksatriyas rank above Brahmanas. With this agrees the fact that the later Vedic texts13 display 7 xxi. 13. I Sacred Books of the East, 12, xlii et seq., 8 Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 212, 1 104, n. 1. 2X3. 9 i- 2, 9. 10 iv. 7. 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 20 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvavcda, 376. 11 i. 4, 1, 10 et seq. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 170 et seq. ; Eggeling, 12 See Fick, Die sociale Gliederung, chap. iv. 13 Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxii. 4, 22 ; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 6, 28. See Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 99 ; Fick, op. cit.% 140, n. 1 ; and cf. Magadha. Ka§tfia ] NAMES— RACE-COURSE 155 towards the people of Magadha a marked antipathy, which may be reasonably explained by that people's lack of orthodoxy, and which may perhaps be traced as far back as the Vajasaneyi Samhita.14 It is, of course, possible that the Kosala-Videhas and Kasis actually were merely offshoots of the tribes later known as the Kuru-Pancalas, and that they by reason of distance and less complete subjugation of the aborigines lost their Brahminical culture. This hypothesis, however, appears less likely, though it might be supported by a literal inter- pretation of the legend of the Aryan migration in the Satapatha Brahmana.15 14 xxx. 5. 22. See Magadha. 15 Cf. Eggeling, loc. cit., 104, n. 1. Asiatic Society, 1908, 837, 1143; Keith, ibid., 831, 1 138; Oldenberg, Buddha, Cf. Grierson, Journal of the Royal 402 et seq. Kasyapa ('descendant of Kasyapa') is a common patro- nymic,1 and is applied specially to Rgyas>ng,a, Devataras Syavasayana, Susa Vahneya. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 5, i, 5 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, ii. 18 ; x. 1, 8, etc. Kasyapi-balakya-mathari-putra (' son of Kasyapi, Balakya, and Mathari '). This curious name is given in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 to a teacher, pupil of Kautslputra. 1 vi. 4, 31 (Madhyamdina recension). Kasayana is mentioned in the second Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as a teacher, pupil of Saya- kayana according to the Kanva (iv. 6, 2), of Saukarayana according to the Madhyamdina recension (iv. 5, 27). Kastha seems to have the sense in the Rigveda1 of ' course ' for a chariot race. It also means in the Rigveda2 and later3 1 goal,' either like the Karsman the turning place, or the final goal (paramd kastha). 1 i- 37, 10 ; 65, 3 ; iv. 58, 7 ; vi. 46, 1 ; vii- 93. 3 ; viii. 80, 8 ; ix. 21, 7. 2 x. 102, 9, is perhaps so to be taken. Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 7 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 7, 2, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 291, 3 Av. ii. 14, 6; Taittiriya Samhita, | 292; Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the i« 6, 9, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, ix. 13 ; East, 32, 77. i56 COUGH— TREE— BIRD— GAMBLER [ Kas Kas, Kasa, Kasa, Kasika. — All these four forms1 of the same word denote ' cough,' which is mentioned in the Atharvaveda as accompanying a headache,2 as a symptom in fever (Takman), and as an independent disease.4 1 Kas : Av. i. 12, 3 ; v. 22, 10 ; Kasa : Av. v. 22, 1 1 (probably) ; Kasa : Av. vi. 105, 1 et seq. ; Kasika : Av. v. 22, 12 ; xi. 2, 22. 2 Av. i. 12, 3. v. 22, 10. vi. 105. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 385 ; Grohmann, Indische Studien, 9, 394 ; Jolly, Median, 89. Kahodi (' descendant of Kahoda ') is the patronymic of Argfala in the Kathaka Samhita (xxv. 5). Kimsuka is the name of a tree (Butea frondosa) mentioned in the wedding hymn of the Rigveda,1 the bridal car being described as adorned with its blossoms (su-kimsuka). 1 x. 85, 20. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62. Sayana thinks the meaning is that the car is made of the wood of the tree. Kiki-dlvi denotes some kind of bird, perhaps the blue jay.1 According to the commentator, it means 'partridge ' (tittiri) in the Taittiriya Samhita.2 1 Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. See Rv. x. 97, 13. 2 v. 6, 22, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 92 ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 251. Kitava, ' the gambler,' is frequently referred to in the Rig- veda1 and later.2 A father is represented as chastising his son for gambling.3 The gambler seems at times to have fallen, along with his family, into servitude, presumably by selling himself to pay his debts.4 Technical names5 for different sorts of gamblers given in the Yajurveda Samhitas are Adinava-darsa, 1 ii. 29, 5; v. 85, 8; x. 34, 3. 7. 10. 11. 13. 2 Av. vii. 50, 1 ; 109, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx.8. 18. 22 ; Aitareya Brah- mana, ii. 19, etc. 3 Rv. ii. 29, 5. Cf. Pitr. 4 Rv. x. 34. Cf. perhaps the bhakta- dasa, 'slave for hire,' of the Manava Dharma Sastra, viii. 415 ; Fick, Die sociale Gliedcrung, 197. 5 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 3, 1 et seq. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 18. Kirata ] APE— WATER-PLANT— MOUNTAINEERS 157 Kalpin, Adhi-kalpin, and Sabha-sthanu. None of these can be safely6 explained, though the last has usually7 been taken as a satirical name derived from the gambler's devotion to the dicing place (Sabha), ' pillar of the dicing hall.' The first literally means ' seeing ill-luck,'8 and may refer to the quickness of the dicer to note an error on the part of his antagonist, or to his eagerness to see the defeat of his rival. 6 Cf Weber, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 18, 282 ; Zimmer, Altindisch.es Leben, 284. 7 So Mahidhara on Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, xxx. 18 ; Sayana on Taittinya Brahmana, iii. 4, 16, I. 8 Cf. Roth, St. Petersburg Dic- tionary, s.v. ; Weber, loc. cit. Kim-purusa, lit. * what sort of man,' appears in the Brah- manas1 to designate the ' ape,' which is a mimic man. Possibly the same sense should be seen in the passage of the Vaja- saneyi Samhita,2 where it occurs, and where Roth3 assumes it to refer to a contemptible man. Max Muller4 renders it savage. 1 Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 8 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, i. 2, 3, 9 ; vii. 5, 2, 32. 2 xxx. 16; Taittinya Brahmana, iii. 4, 12, 1. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 420. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 9, 246; Omina und Portenta, 356 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, 51, n. 3. Kiyambu is the name of one of the water-plants which are to grow, according to a funeral hymn in the Rigveda,1 on the place where the body of the dead was burned. The word seems to mean ' having some water,' possibly by popular etymology.2 1 x. 16, i3 = Av. xviii. 3, 6. 2 Cf. Sayana on Rv., loc. cit., and on Taittinya Aranyaka, vi. 4, 1, 2, where Kyambu is the form. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62 ; Bloomfield, Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, October, 1890, xl. i. Kirata is a name applied to a people living in the caves of the mountains, as appears clearly from the dedication of the Kirata to the caves (guhd) in the Vajasaneyi Samhita,1 and from the reference in the Atharvaveda2 to a Kirata girl (kaira- tika), who digs a remedy on the ridges of the mountains. 1 xxx. 16; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 12, 1. x. 4, 14. i58 TWO PRIESTS— WHITE LEPROSY [ Kirata Later3 the people called Kiratas were located in Eastern Nepal, but the name seems to have been applied to any hill folk, no doubt aborigines, though the Manava Dharma Sastra4 regards them as degraded Ksatriyas. 3 Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, i2, 530, 534- 4 x. 44. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 32 ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 207 ; V. Smith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 258, n. 1 ; Levi, Le Nepal, 2, 77. 2. Kirata. — In the story of Asamati there appear, as the two priests who are opposed to the Gaupayanas, Kirata and Akuli according to the Pancavimsa Brahmana,1 or Kilata and Akuli according to the Satapatha Brahmana.2 No doubt the name is chosen, not as that of a historic person, but as a suitable designation of a hostile priest ; for it is probably identical with the name of the mountaineers described in the preceding article. 1 xiii. 12, 5 (where the text reads kirata-kulyau). Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v., takes the word, with Sayana, as an adjective, kirata-kula, ' of the family of Kirata.' The reading in the Brhad- devata (vii. 86) is kiratdkuli. 2 i. 1, 4, 14 (where the text reads MlatakuU). Cf. also Satyayanaka Brah- mana apud Sayana on Rv. x. 57, 1 ; 60, 1 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, iii. 167 ; Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 41 et seq. ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 48, n. 1. Kilata is the form of the name 2. Kirata that appears in the Satapatha, Satyayanaka, and Jaiminiya Brahmanas.1 1 See note 2 under the preceding article. Kilasa is the name of a disease, ' white leprosy,' in the Athar- vaveda1 and the Vajasaneyi Samhita, etc.2 It resulted in the appearance of grey (palita) and white (sukla, sveta) spots all over the skin. Haug gave the same sense to alasa in the Aitareya Brahmana,3 but this is doubtful. The fern. Kilasi is taken by Max Miiller to mean a ' spotted deer ' in one passage of the Rigveda.4 1 i> 23, 24. 2 xxx. 21 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiv. 3, 17; xxiii. n, n ; Taittirlya Aranyaka, v. 4, 12. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 391 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 266; Jolly, Medicin, 98 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 68. 3 vi. 33, 5. 4 v. 53, 1. KlrSa] THE KIKATA TRIBE— WORM— PLOUGHMAN— POET 159 KIkata. — The name of this people occurs only in one passage of the Rigveda, where they appear as hostile to the singer and as under the leadership of Pramaganda. Yaska2 declares that Kikata was the name of a non- Aryan country, and later8 KIkata is given as a synonym of Magadha. Hence Zimmer4 concludes that the Kikatas were a non-Aryan people living in the country later known as Magadha. Weber5 holds that this people were located in Magadha, but were Aryan, though at variance with other Aryan tribes, perhaps because of heretical tendencies, for Magadha was later a seat of Buddhism. But the identification is uncertain, and is doubted by Oldenberg6 and Hillebrandt.7 1 in- 53. 14. 2 Nirukta, vi. 32. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Altindisches Leben, 31, 118. Cf. 5 Indische Studien, 1, 186; Indian Literature, 79, n. *, 6 Buddha, 402, 403; Rgveda-Noten, 1, 253. Geldner, Rigveda, Kommentar, 58. 7 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 14-18. Kita is the name of a species of worm mentioned in the Atharvaveda,1 and frequently in the Upanisads.2 1 ix. 4, 16. I 10, 2 ; vii. 2, 1 ; 7, 1 ; Kausitaki 2 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 19 ; I Upanisad, i. 2, etc. 2, 14 ; Chandogya Upanisad, vi. 9, 3 ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98. Kinasa, a name of the ploughman or cultivator of the soil, is found in the Rigveda1 and the later Samhitas.2 See Krsi. 1 iv. 57, 8. 2 Av. iv. ii, 10 ; vi. 30, 1 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxx. 11 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 4, 8, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 237 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 45 ; Hop- kins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 86, n. KIri is in the Rigveda1 a regular designation of the 'poet.' Cf, Rsi. 1 i. 31. 13; ii. 12, 6; v. 52, 12 | Rigveda, Glossar, 46; Pischel, Vedische {kirinah ; Max Miiller, Sacred Books of j Studien, 1, 223. the East, 32, 317). But see Geldner, j Klp£a, the name of some kind of animal, or perhaps bird, is mentioned in the list of victims for the horse sacrifice (Asva- medha) in the Taittiriya Samhita.1 1 v. 5, 20, i. Cf, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 99 ; St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. i6o SWEET DRINK— POET— COCK— A TEACHER [ Kilala Kilala, a word denoting a ' sweet drink,' is found in all the later Samhitas,1 but not in the Rigveda. As the Sura-kara, * maker of Sura,' is dedicated in the list of victims in the human sacrifice2 (Purusamedha) to Kilala, it must have been a drink of somewhat the same nature as the Sura itself, possibly, as Zimmer3 suggests, a kind of rum. 1 Av. iv. ii, 10; 26, 6; 27, 5; vi. 69, 1 ; x. 6, 25 ; xii. 1, 59 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, ii. 6, 12, 13 ; Maitra- yani Samhita, ii. 7, 12; iii. 11, 3. 4 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, ii. 34 ; iii. 43 xx. 65 ; xxx. 11, etc. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 11 Taittiriya Brahmana. iii. 4, 9, 1. 3 Altindisches Leben, 281. Kigmfla denotes, according to Bohtlingk,1 a certain disease in the Paippalada recension of the Atharvaveda.2 1 Dictionary, s.v. xix. 8, 4. Kista in two passages of the Rigveda1 means 'poet,' like Klri. 1 i. 127, 7 ; vi. 67, 10. Cf. Yaska, Nirukta, iii. 15. Kukkuta, ' cock,' occurs in the Yajurveda1 only.2 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, i. 16. Cf. I a It is common in the later Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91. | language. Kutaru is, according to the commentator Mahidhara,1 synonymous with Kukkuta, ' cock.' The word is found in the Yajurveda Samhitas only.2 1 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 23. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 17, 1 ; MaitrayanI Samhita, i. I, 6; iii. 14, 4. 20 ; iv. 1, 6 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 23, 39. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 93. Kunda-payin (' drinking from a jug ') is the name of a teacher mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 and in the Sutras.2 xxv. 4, 4. 6; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxiv. 4, 9 Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 4, I 21. Kutsa ] PATRONYMIC— ANIMAL— ANCIENT HERO 161 Kunda-payya (' descendant of Kundapayin ') is a patronymic connected with a man named Spngavrs in one passage of the Rigveda.1 1 viii. 17, 13. Cf. Ludwig, Transla- tion of the Rigveda, 3, 161 ; Hopkins, Journal of the A merican Oriental Society, 17, 90. Kundnjaci is the name of an animal of unknown character occurring in the lists of victims at the horse sacrifice (Asva- medha) in the Yajurveda Samhitas.1 The word also occurs in one passage of the Rigveda,2 in which a bird would seem to be intended, though Sayana interprets it as meaning 'with crooked flight ' {kutila-gatya). In his commentary on the Taittiriya Samhita3 he takes the word to denote the house- lizard (grha-godhikd). 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 16, 1 ; a i. 29, 6. Maitrayanl Samhita, iii. 14, 18 ; Vaja- 3 v. 5, 16, 1. saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 37. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 89. Kutsa is the name of a hero frequently mentioned in the Rigveda, which, however, gives practically no information about him, for he was no doubt already a figure of the mythic past. He is several times1 called Arjuneya, 'descendant of Arjuna,' and is usually2 associated with Indra in the exploit of defeating the demon Susna and winning the sun. He is said3 to have defeated Smadibha, Tugra, and the Vetasus, but, on the other hand, he is several times4 mentioned with Atithig'va and Ayu as being vanquished by Indra, his defeat in one passage5 being attributed to Turvayana. Elsewhere6 he appears with Atithigva as a friend of Indra's. In the later literature he is seldom7 mentioned except in connexion with the myth of his binding Indra, which is found in the Brahmanas,8 and which is based on an obscure verse in the Rigveda.9 1 Rv. iv. 26, 1 ; vii. 19, via. i, 11. 2 Rv. i. 63, 3 ; 121, /g; 174, J}j *75> 4 J iv. 30, 4 ; v. 29, f\ vi. 20, 5 ; vii. 19, 2 ; x. 99, 9. 9- to 3 Rv. x. 49, 4." 4 Rv. i. 53, 10 ; ii. 14, 7 ; viii. 53, 2. Cf. iv. 26, 1/ 5 Rv. i. 53, 10. VOL. I. 6 Rv. i. 51, 6; vi. 26, 3. 7 E.g., Av. iv. 29, 5; Paricavirnsa Brahmana, xiv. 11, 26. 8 Pancavimsa Brahmana, ix. 2, 22 ; Satyayanaka in Sayana on Rv. x. 38, 5 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 228; Oertel, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18,31. 9 x. 38, 5- II 1 62 NAMES— KABUL RIVER [ Kutsa Aurava The Kutsas, or descendants of Kutsa, are mentioned in one hymn of the Rigveda.10 10 vn. 25, 5. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 113, 148; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- schaft, 42, 210, 211 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 284 et seq., who suggests that perhaps two Kutsas — one a friend of Indra, and the other a foe — may be distinguished ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 171 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 57, n. 1. Kutsa Aurava (' son of Uru ') is mentioned in the Paiica- vimsa Brahmana1 as having murdered his domestic priest (purohita), Upagu Sausravasa, because the father of the latter insisted on paying homage to Indra. This fact may be com- pared with the hostility to Indra of Kutsa according to certain passages of the Rigveda.2 1 xiv. 6, 8. 2 See Kutsa. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 284 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15> 57 5 Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 32. Kunti. — The Kuntis are referred to in an obscure and corrupt passage of the Kathaka Samhita1 as having defeated the Pancalas. 1 xxvi. 9. See Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 471, and cf. perhaps Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 2, 6. Kubera Varakya is mentioned in a list of teachers in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 41, 1) as a pupil of Jayanta Varakya. Kubha is the name of a river mentioned twice in the Rigveda,1 and no doubt identical with the modern Kabul river, the Greek Kco(prjv. 1 v- 53. 9 > x- 75> 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 14; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 200. Kubhra is the name of some animal in the Maitrayani Samhita (ii. 5, 3). Kumbhinasa ] LOTUS— HAIR ORNAMENT— SPEECH— POT."* 163 Ku-muda is the name of a plant mentioned with other water plants in one passage of the Atharvaveda.1 It is no doubt the white water-lily (Nymphcea esculenta), being the name of that plant in post-Vedic Sanskrit also. 1 iv. 34, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 70. Kumba is mentioned with Opa§a and Kurira as an ornament of women's hair in the Atharvaveda.1 Geldner2 thinks that, like those two words, it originally meant * horn,' but this is very doubtful. Indian tradition3 simply regards the term as denoting a female adornment connected with the dressing of the hair. 1 vi. 138, 3. 2 Vedisch e Studien , 1 , 131. 3 Sayana on Av. vi. 138, 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 265; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 538) 539 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 348 ; Caland, tjber das rituelle Sutra des Baudhayana, 59. Kumbya or Kumvya is a word mentioned after Re, Yajus, Saman, and Gatha in the Satapatha Brahmana1 to denote a form of speech. In the Aitareya Aranyaka2 it appears as one of the forms of measured speech together with Re and Gatha. The precise meaning of the term is unknown. Weber3 suggests the sense ' refrain.' 1 xi. 5, 7, 10. 2 ii. 3. 6. 3 Indische Studien, 10, in, n. Cf. Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 221 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 101. Kumbha is a word of frequent occurrence in the Rigveda,1 as well as later,2 and denotes a ' pot.' Usually no doubt made of clay, it was easily broken.3 See also Ukha. 1 i. 116, 7 ; 117, 6 ; vii. 33, 13, etc. 2 Av. i. 6, 4 ; iii. 12, 7, etc. ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xix. 87, etc. 3 Rv. x. 89, 7. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 367. Kumbhi-nasa (' pot-nosed ') is the name of an animal mentioned in the list of victims at the horse sacrifice (Asva- medha) in the Taittiriya Samhita.1 Possibly some sort of snake is meant, as in the later literature. 1 v. 5, 14, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 95 ; St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. II — 2 1 64 HEAD ORNAMENT [ Kuyavax Kuya-vac (' evil-speaking ') appears in one passage of the Rigveda1 to denote a demon slain by Indra, probably as a personification of the barbarian opponents of the Aryans. The expression mrdhra-vdc (' speaking insultingly ') is similarly used of barbarians in the Rigveda.2 i i. 174, 7. 2 v. 29, 10 ; 32, 8. See Dasyu. Kurira, like Opasa and Kumba, denotes some sort of female head ornament in the description of the bride's adornment in the wedding hymn of the Rigveda1 and in the Atharvaveda.2 According to the Yajurveda Samhitas,3 the goddess Simvali is described by the epithets su-kaparda, su-kunra, sv-opasd, as wearing a beautiful head-dress. According to Geldner,4 the word originally meant ' horn '; but this is uncertain, as this sense is not required in any passage in which the term occurs.5 1 x. 85, 8. I ( = Vaitana Sutra, xi. 22), cited by 2 vi. 138, 3. I Geldner, is quite vague. 3 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 1, 5, 3 ; I Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 265 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7, 5; Vaja- j Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, saneyi Samhita, xi. 56. | 539 ; Whitney, Translation of the 4 Vedische Studien, 1, 131, 132. I Atharvaveda, 348 ; Caland, Uber da$ 5 Gopatha Brahmana, i. 3, 211 rituelle Sutra des Baudhayana, 59. Kurlrin ('having a Kurira') is a word occurring in an ambiguous passage of the Atharvaveda,1 in which it may be taken either as a noun meaning a ' crested animal,' perhaps as Zimmer2 suggests the 'peacock,' or as an epithet of the word Aja, 'goat,' in which case it might mean 'horned.' But even in the latter alternative a metaphorical application of the word seems sufficient, just as in the Pancavimsa Brahmana3 Opasa is used of the horns of cattle, and thus renders unnecessary the adoption of Geldner's4 view that the original meaning of Kurira is ' horn.' 1 V. 31, 2. 2 Altindisches Leben, 91. 3 xiii. 4, 3. 4 Vedische Studien, 1, 130. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 457, 539 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 285; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 279. Kuril ] THE KURU PEOPLE 165 Kuru. — The Kurus appear as by far the most important people in the Brahmana literature. There is clear evidence that it was in the country of the Kurus, or the allied Kuru- Paiicalas, that the great Brahmanas were composed.1 The Kurus are comparatively seldom mentioned alone, their name being usually coupled with that of the Pancalas on account of the intimate connexion of the two peoples. The Kuru-Pancalas are often expressly referred to as a united nation.2 In the land of the Kuru-Pancalas speech is said to have its particular home ;3 the mode of sacrifice among the Kuru-Pancalas is proclaimed to be the best ;4 the Kuru-Pancala kings perform the Rajasuya or royal sacrifice ;5 their princes march forth on raids in the dewy season, and return in the hot season.6 Later on the Kuru-Pancala Brahmins are famous in the Upanisads.7 Weber8 and Grierson9 have sought to find traces in Vedic literature of a breach between the two tribes, the latter scholar seeing therein a confirmation of the theory that the Kurus belonged to the later stream of immigrants into India, who were specially Brahminical, as opposed to the Pancalas, who were anti-Brahminical. In support of this view, Weber refers to the story in the Kathaka Samhita.10 of a dispute between Vaka Dalbhya and Dhrtarastra Vaicitravlrya, the former being held to be by origin a Pancala, while the latter is held 1 For the Pancavimsa Brahmana, cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 49, 50, with Weber, Indian Literature, 67, 68 ; for the Aitareya Brahmana and the Sankhayana Brahmana, Weber, loc. cit., 45 ; for the Aitareya and Sankhayana Aranyakas, Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 387; for the Satapatha Brahmana, Weber, loc. cit., 132, Transactions of the Berlin Academy, 1895, 859. The Jaiminiya Brahmana refers repeatedly to the Kuru-Pancalas, whose name also occurs in the late and confused Gopatha Brahmana. For the Taittiriya Brah- mana, see i. 8, 4, 1. 2, and for the Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 2, 6. 2 Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 7, 6; 8, 7; iv. 7, 2 ; Kausitaki Upani- sad, iv. 1 ; Gopatha Brahmana, 1. 2, 9 ; Kathaka Samhita, x. 6 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xi. 3, 3 (Kanva recension). 3 Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 2, 3, 15. 4 Ibid., i. 7, 2, 8 ; cf. Kuru-vajapeya in Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 3, 15 ; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 11, 18. 5 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, 2, 3. 5. 6 Taittiriya Brahmana, 1. 8, 4, 1. 2. 7 Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 78 ; Jaimi- niya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 30, 6 ; iv. 6, 2; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 1, 1 ; 9, 20, etc. 8 Indische Studien, 3, 470 ; Indian Literature, 114. 9 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908,602-607; 837-844. 10 x. 6. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, xli. 1 66 THE KURU-PANCALAS [ Kuru to be a Kuru. But there is no trace of a quarrel between Kurus and Pancalas in the passage in question, which merely preserves the record of a dispute on a ritual matter between a priest and a prince : the same passage refers to the Naimisiya sacrifice among the Kuru- Pancalas, and emphasizes the close connexion of the two peoples.11 Secondly, Weber conjectures in the Vajasaneyi Samhita 12 that Subhadrika of Kampila was the chief queen of the king of a tribe living in the neighbour- hood of the clan, for whose king the horse sacrifice described in the Samhita was performed. But the interpretation of this passage by Weber is open to grave doubt ;13 and in the Kanva recension of the Samhita14 a passage used at the Rajasuya shows that the Kuru- Pancalas had actually one king. More- over, there is the evidence of the Satapatha Brahmana15 that the old name of the Pancalas was Krivi. This word looks very like a variant of Kuru, and Zimmer16 plausibly conjectures that the Kurus and Krivis formed the Vaikarna17 of the Rigveda, especially as both peoples are found about the Sindhu and the Asikni.18 The Kurus alone are chiefly mentioned in connexion with the locality which they occupied, Kuruksetra. We are told, however, of a domestic priest (Purohita) in the service of both the Kurus and the Srnjayas,19 who must therefore at one time have been closely connected.20 In the Chandogya Upanisad reference is made to the Kurus being saved by a mare (asvd),21 and to some disaster which befel them owing to a hailstorm.22 In the Sutras, again, a ceremony (Vajapeya) of the Kurus is mentioned.23 There also a curse, which was pronounced on them and led to their being driven from Kuruksetra, is alluded to.24 11 See Keith, Journal of the Royal | 13 Keith, loc. cit., 835. Asiatic Society, 1908, 831-836 ; 1138- j iy Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 4, 5. 1 142. a0 Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 123. 12 xxiii. 18. 2l iv. 17, 9: for asva Bohtlingk in 13 Eggeling, Sacred Boohs of the East, j his edition reads aksna, followed by 44, 322. ture, 114, note *. IB xiii. 5, 4, 7. Little, Grammatical Index, 1. 22 i. 10, 1. 2:1 Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 3, *3- 16 Altindisches Leben, 103. 24 Ibid., xv. 16, 11. Cf. Weber, 17 vii. 18, 11. j Indian Literature, 136. Kuru ] THE KURUS AND ALLIED TRIBES 167 This possibly adumbrates the misfortunes of the Kauravas in the epic tradition. In the Rigveda the Kurus do not appear under that name as a people. But mention is made of a prince, Kurusravana (' Glory of the Kurus ^y25 and of a Pakasthaman Kaurayana.26 In the Atharvaveda27 there occurs as a king of the Kurus Pariksit, whose son, Janamejaya, is mentioned in the Sata- patha Brahmana28 as one of the great performers of the horse sacrifice. It is a probable conjecture of Oldenberg's29 that the Kuru people, as known later, included some of the tribes referred to by other names in the Rigveda. Kurusravana, shown by his name to be connected with the Kurus, is in the Rigveda called Trasadasyava, ' descendant of Trasadasyu,' who is well known as a king of the Purus. Moreover, it is likely that the Trtsu- Bharatas, who appear in the Rigveda as enemies of the Purus, later coalesced with them to form the Kuru people.30 Since the Bharatas appear so prominently in the Brahmana texts as a great people of the past, while the later literature ignores them in its list of nations, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that they became merged in some other tribe. Moreover, there is evidence that the Bharatas occupied the territory in which the Kurus were later found. Two of them are spoken of in a hymn of the Rigveda 31 as having kindled fire on the Drsadvati, the Apaya, and the Sarasvati — that is to say, in the sacred places of the later Kuruksetra. Similarly, the goddess Bharati (* belonging to the Bharatas ') is constantly mentioned in the AprI (' propitiatory ') hymns together with Sarasvati.32 Again, according to the Satapatha Brahmana, one Bharata king was victorious over the Kasis,33 and another made offerings to Ganga and Yamuna,34 while raids of the Bharatas against the Satvants are mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana.35 Nor is it 25 Rv. x. 33, 4. 26 Rv. viii. 3, 21. 27 xx. 127, 7 et seq. ; 28 xiii. 5, 4. 29 Buddha, 403, 404. 30 Ibid., 406-409. Khila, v. 10. 31 m. 23. 32 Cf. Scheftelowitz, Die Apokryphen dcs Rgveda, 145. 33 xiii. 5, 4, 11. 3* Ibid., 21. 35 Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 25 (cf. Haug's edition, 2, 128, n. 3); Olden- berg, Buddha, 407, note *. i68 THE KURU-PANCALA COUNTRY [Kuru without importance that the Bharatas appear as a variant for the Kuru-Pancalas in a passage of the Vajasaneyi Samhita.,36 and that in the list of the great performers of the horse sacrifice the names of one Kuru and two Bharata princes are given without any mention of the people over which they ruled, while in other cases that information is specifically given.37 The territory of the Kuru-Pancalas is declared in the Aitareya Brahmana to be the middle country (MadhyadeSa).38 A group of the Kuru people still remained further north — the Uttara Kurus beyond the Himalaya. It appears from a passage of the Satapatha Brahmana that the speech of the Northerners — that is, presumably, the Northern Kurus — and of the Kuru- Pancalas was similar, and regarded as specially pure.39 There seems little doubt that the Brahminical culture was developed in the country of the Kuru-Pancalas, and that it spread thence east, south, and west. Traces of this are seen in the Vratya Stomas (sacrifices for the admission of non - Brahminical Aryans) of the Pancavimsa Brahmana,40 and in the fact that in the Sahkhayana Aranyaka it is unusual for a Brahmin to dwell in the territory of Magadha.41 The repeated mention of Kuru- Pancala Brahmins is another indication of their missionary activity.42 The geographical position of the Kuru-Paiicalas renders it probable that they were later immigrants into India than the Kosala-Videha or the KaSis,43 who must have been pushed 36 xi. 3, 3. See note 14; Oldenberg Buddha, 408, 409. 37 Oldenberg, 409, note *. 38 viii. 14. Cf. Oldenberg, 392, 393. 39 iii. 2, 3, 15. This is the sense which it appears to bear, as the Kuru- Pancalas can hardly be reckoned as being northerly (Oldenberg, 395), and theKausitaki Brahmana, vii. 6 (Indische Studien, 2, 309) is independent evidence for the pure speech of the north. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, xlii., n. ; Weber, Indian Literature, 45; Indische Studien, 1, 191. 40 xvii. 1, 1. See also Av. xv. with Whitney's and Lanman's notes; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 33 et seq. ; Indian Literature, 67, 78, 80. 41 vii. 13 400, note * ; Cf. Oldenberg, Buddha, ; Weber, Indian Literature, 112, n. 126. 42 See e.g. Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 4, 1, 2, and note 6. 43 This is recognized, e.g., by Olden- berg, Buddha, 9, 391, 398, 399; Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 297, etc. The narra- tive of the Satapatha Brahmana, i. 4, 1, 10 et seq. (Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 170), rather implies that the Kosala- Videhas are offshoots of the Kuru- Pancalas, but Oldenberg and Mac- donell (Sanskrit Literature, 214 interpret this as referring to the spread of Vedic tradition and culture, not of nationality. Kuruk§etra ] THE SACRED LAND OF THE KURUS 169 into their more eastward territories by a new wave of Aryan settlers from the west. But there is no evidence in Vedic literature to show in what relation of time the immigration of the latter peoples stood to that of their neighbours on the west. It has, however, been conjectured,44 mainly on the ground of later linguistic phenomena, which have no cogency for the Vedic period, that the Kurus were later immigrants, who, coming by a new route, thrust themselves between the original Aryan tribes which were already in occupation of the country from east to west. Cf. also Krtvan. For other Kuru princes see Kauravya. 44 C/.Grierson, Languages of India, 52 et seq. ; Journal of the Royal A sialic Society, 1908, 837 et seq. On the other hand, it is probably an error to assume that the Bharatas were originally situated far west of Kuruksetra, and that the main action of the Rigveda was confined to the Panjab. When Vasistha celebrates the crossing of the Vipas and Sutudri (Rv. iii. 33), he probably came from the east, as Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 218, points out, and not from the west. Adopting the ordinary view, Hopkins, India, Old and New, 52, finds it necessary to suggest that Yamuna is only another name in the Rv. for the Parusni. But the necessity for this suggestion, which is not in itself plausible, disappears when it is realized that the Bharatas held a territory roughly corresponding to Kuruksetra, and bounded on the east by the Yamuna. On the other hand, Hille- brandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 142, 143, places the Kurus near the Arjikiya in Kasmlr, which puts them too far north. So also Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 103, and Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, xlii. It seems probable that the Kurus were at a very early period widely scattered to the north of the Himalaya, in Kuruksetra, and about the Sindhu and Asikni. Cf. Oldenberg, Buddha, 400 et seq. ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 152-157 ; von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur unci Cultur, 164 et seq. ; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 187 et seq. ; Indian Literature, 114, 135, 136; Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 27 ; Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 333 et seq.; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 205, n. Kuru-ksetra (' land of the Kurus ') is always regarded in the Brahmana texts1 as a particularly sacred country. Within its boundaries flowed the rivers DrsadvatI and Sarasvati, as well as the Apaya.2 Here, too, was situated Saryanavant,3 which 1 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxv. 10 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 1, 5, 13 ; xi. 5, 1, 4 ; xiv. 1, 1, 2 ; Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 30 ; Maitrayani Sam- hita, ii. 1, 4; iv. 5, 9 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, iii. 126 {Journal of the American Oriental Society, 11, cxlvi) ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 16, 11, etc. 2 Cf. Rv. iii. 23 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 218. 3 See Pischel, loc. cit., and cf. Arji- kiya. I JO NAMES OF PATRONS— WORM [ Kurunga appears to have been a lake, like that known to the Satapatha Brahmana by the name of Anyatah-plaksa.4 According to Pischel, there was also in Kuruksetra a stream called Pastya,5 which he sees in certain passages of the Rigveda. The boun- daries of Kuruksetra are given in a passage of the Taittirlya Aranyaka6 as being Khandava on the south, the Turghna on the north, and the Parinah on the west. Roughly speaking, it corresponded to the modern Sirhind. 4 Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 5 Pischel, loc. cit., 219. i,4- 6 v. i, 1. These places cannot be further identified. See also Maru. Cf. von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 164, 165 ; Max Miiller, Sacred Boohs of the East, 32, 398, 399; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 78, 79 ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 174. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, xli., seems to place Kuruksetra, as lying between the Yamuna aud Ganga, too far east. Kurunga is mentioned in the Rigveda1 as a prince and a patron. Ludwig2 suggests that he was a king of the Anus, but for this theory there seems no good ground. As the Turvasas are mentioned in the same verse, he may possibly have been one of their kings. The name suggests a connexion with the Kurus, and it may be noted that in the Satapatha Brahmana3 the Turvasas are connected with the Pancalas (Krivis). 1 viii. 4, 19; Nirukta, vi. 22. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 160. | 404 Kuru-sravana Trasadasyava is alluded to as dead in a hym of the Rigveda,1 which refers also to his son Upamasravas, an his father Mitratithi. In another hymn2 he is mentioned as still alive. His name connects him on the one hand with the Kurus, and on the other with Trasadasyu and the Purus. 36. x- 33. 4- Cf. Brhaddevata, vii. 35, x. 32, 9. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 165 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 150, 184 ; Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 386. xi. 5, 4, 16. See Oldenberg, Buddha, : Kururu, apparently the name of a species of worm, mentioned twice in the Atharvaveda.1 1 ii. 31, 2 ; ix. 2, 22. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98. }— FA MILY— POTTER— A XE Kurkura is an onomatopoetic name for the dog in the Atharvaveda.1 See also Svan. 1 vii. 95, 2. Cf. Zimraer, Altindisches Leben, 233. Kula, Kula-pa. — As an uncompounded word, Kula does not occur before the period of the Brahmanas.1 It denotes the ' home ' or * house of the family,' and by metonymy the family itself, as connected with the home. The Kula-pa (lit. ■ house protector '), or chief of the family, is mentioned in the Rigveda2 as inferior to and attendant on the Vrajapati in war, the latter being perhaps the leader of the village contingent of the clan. In the Atharvaveda3 a girl is ironically called Kulapa, because she is left without a husband in the world, and has only Yama (the god of death) for a spouse. The use of the term Kula points clearly to a system of individual families, each no doubt consisting of several members under the headship of the father or eldest brother, whose Kula the dwelling is. As distinct from Gotra, Kula seems to mean the family in the narrower sense of the members who still live in one house, the undivided family. Cf. Grha, Grama, Jana, Vis. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 2, 22 ; ii.1,4, 4; 4, i, 14; xi. 5,3, 11 ; 8, 1,3; xiii. 4, 2, 17 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i- 5» 32 ; Chandogya Upanisad, iii., 13, 6, etc. 2 x. 179, 2. 3 i. 14, 3. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 15 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 252, correcting Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 314. Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 162. Kulala, the word denoting a 'potter,' occurs in the Sata- rudriya, or litany to Rudra in the Yajurveda.1 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27. Cf. kulala - krta, ' made by a potter,' Maitrayani Samhita, Kaulala. and Kuliga, ' axe,' is mentioned in the Rigveda as used for the making of chariots,1 and also in warfare,2 while the Atharvaveda refers to its employment in cutting down trees.3 1 iii. 2, 1. 2 i- 3*. 5- 11. 12, 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 252. 172 NAMES OF ANIMALS— ARROW-NECK— BEANS [ Kulikaya Kulikaya is the form in the Taittiriya Samhita1 of the name of an animal, apparently a kind of fish, as explained by Mahi- dhara in his commentary, which is called Kulipaya in the Vajasaneyi Samhita,2 and Purikaya in the Atharvaveda,3 variants probably due to the faulty tradition of an unfamiliar name. 1 v. 5, 13, i. hita, iii. 14, 2. See Whitney, Transla- 2 xxiv. 21. 35. tion of the Atharvaveda, 624. 3 xi. 2, 25. The commentator reads j Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 96. Pulikaya, as in the Maitrayani Sam- Kulika is the name of a bird mentioned in the list of victims at the horse sacrifice in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.1 The Maitra- yanI Samhita2 has Pulika instead. 1 xxiv. 24. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 2 hi. 14. 5- I 94- Kulunga is the name of an animal, perhaps a gazelle, men- tioned in the list of victims at the horse sacrifice in the Yajur- veda.1 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 11, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 9. 13 (with the variant Kulahga) ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 27. 32. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 83. Kulmala seems, in the Atharvaveda,1 the Maitrayani Samhita,2 and the Satapatha Brahmana,3 to denote the neck of an arrow in which the shaft is fixed. 1 iv. 6, 5; v. 18, 15. 2 iii. 8, 1. 2. 3 iii. 4, 4, 14. Kumala-barhis is mentioned in the Paiicavimsa Brahmana (xv. 3, 21) as the seer of a Saman or Chant. Kumara Harita is mentioned in the first Vamsa (list of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a pupil of Galava. 1 ii. 5, 22 (Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 3, Kanva). Kulmasa, a word mentioned by the Chandogya Upanisad1 in the plural, is interpreted by the commentator as 'bad beans ' (kutsita mdsdh), a version adopted by Bohtlingk in his Kusika ] WATERCOURSE— JUJUBE— SACRED GRASS 173 Dictionary.2 Little3 renders it 'sour gruel' in accordance with the Nirukta.4 2 Cf. Bhagavata Purana, v. 9, 12, where it is glossed 'worm-eaten beans.' 3 Grammatical Index, 52. M.4. Kulya in two passages of the Rigveda,1 according to Muir,2 possibly refers to artificial watercourses flowing into a reservoir (hrada). See Avata. 1 iii. 45, 3 ; x. 43, 7. 2 Sanskrit Texts, 5, 465, 466. Kuvaya. See Kvayi. Kuvala is a name of the jujube fruit (Zizyphus jujuba) occurring frequently in the Yajurveda Samhitas1 and Brah- manas2 in connexion with Karkandhu and Badara. See also Kola. 1 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 11, 2; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 22, 89 ; xxi. 29 ; Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, 4, 10 xii. 7, 1, 2 ; 2, 9 ; 9, 1, 5, etc. Cf, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 242. Kusa, a word later denoting the ' sacred grass ' (Poa cyno- suroides), is taken by the St. Petersburg Dictionary to mean simply ' grass ' in the passages of the Satapatha Brahmana in which it occurs. 1 ii. 5, 2, 15 ; iii. 1, 2, 16 ; v. 3, 2, 7, etc. Kusa and Kusi occur in Maitra- yani Samhita, iv. 5, 7 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 6, 2, 9 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 5, 10, 1. 2. 7, apparently denoting pins of wood or metal, used as a mark in a special mode of recita- tion. Ku-£ara is mentioned with Sara and other grasses in one hymn of the Rigveda1 as affording lurking places for serpents. 1 i. 191, 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 72. Kusika is the probably mythical forefather1 of the Kusikas, and especially the father of the most important member of that family, ViSvamitra.2 The Kusikas are repeatedly referred 1 Nirukta, ii. 25. Rv. iii. 33, 5. 174 THE KUSIKAS— NAMES— SEA-CROW [ Kusri Vajasravasa to in the third Mandala of the Rigveda,3 and figure in the legend of Sunahsepa in the Aitareya Brahmana.4 They were clearly a family of priests who attached themselves to the service of the princes of the Bharatas. They were especially devoted to the worship of Indra ; hence he is styled Kausika even in the Rigveda.5 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 62, 63. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 38 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, I2, 342 et seq. ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 1 01, 121 ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Litera- ture, 155 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 42, 209. 3 iii. 26, 1 ; 29, 15 ; 30, 20 ; 33, 5 ; 42, 9; 50, 4; 53, 9. 10. 4 vii. 18 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 27. 5 i. 10, 11, with Sayana's note. Cf. Mai tray ani Samhita, iv. 5, 7 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 4, 19 ; Taittirlya Aranyaka, i. 12, 4 ; Kugri Vaja-£ravasa appears as a teacher concerned with the lore of the sacred fire in the Satapatha Brahmana,1 and in the last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad2 he is mentioned as a pupil of Vajas>avas. It is not clear whether he is identical with the Kusri of the last Vamsa of the Brhadaranyaka3 in the Kanva recension, and of the Vamsa in the tenth book of the Satapatha,4 who is mentioned as a pupil of Yajfiavacas Rajastambayana. 1 x. 5, 5, 1. is accented Kusri, but in x. 5, 5, 1, as 2 vi. 4, 33 (Madhyamdina = vi. 5, 3, Kusri; no stress can, however, be laid Kanva). I on this. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3 vi. 5, 4 (Kanva only). 1, 70; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the 4 x. 6, 5, 9. In the Vamsas the name East, 12, xxxiii. Ku-sanda is mentioned with Sanda as a priest at the snake festival described in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 34; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, x. 20, 10. 1. Kusitaka denotes, according to the commentary on the one passage of the Taittirlya Samhita1 in which it is found, the sea crow (samudra-kaka). 1 v. 5, 13, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 72. 2. Kusitaka Sama-£ravasa is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 as the Grhapati, or householder at a sacrificial session, of the Kausitakis. 1 xvii. 4. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 34. Kustfoa ] INSECT— MEDICINAL PLANT— FRACTION 175 Kusumbhaka seems in one passage of the Rigveda1 to mean a poisonous insect, Kusumbha in the Atharvaveda2 clearly having the sense of a poison bag. Sayana renders it as 1 ichneumon ' (nakula) . 1 i. 191, 16. The sense of ' poison- bag ' is possible in i. 191, 15, and is accepted there by Bohtlingk in his Dictionary. 2 ii. 32, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 99 ; Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, x. 257- I. Kustha is the name of a plant {Costus speciosus or arabicus)1 which is prominent in the Atharvaveda.2 It grew especially on the mountains, along with the Soma, on the high peaks of the Himalaya (Himavant) where the eagles nest, and was thence brought east to men.3 Like Soma, it is said to have grown in the third heaven under the famous Agvattha tree, where the gods were wont to assemble, and thence it was brought in a golden ship.4 As a remedy, it held the highest place among herbs, being called by the auspicious names Nagha-mara and Nagha-risa, and styled the offspring of Jivala and Jivala, the 'lively' ones.5 It cured headache (sirsdmaya), diseases of the eyes, bodily affliction,6 but especially fever — hence called * fever- destroyer ' (takma-ndsana) — and consumption (Yaksma). From its general properties it was also named ' all-healing ' (visva- bhesaja).7 Its aromatic qualities were apparently known, as it is classed with * salve ' (An j ana) and ■ nard ' (Nalada).8 1 Or Saussurea auriculata, Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 65. 2 v. 4 ; vi. 102 ; xix. 139. 3 v. 4, 1. 2. 8 ; xix. 39, 1. 4 v. 4, 3-6 ; vi. 75, 1. 2 ; xix. 39, 6-8. 5 v. 4, 1 ; xix. 39, 4. 6 v. 4, 10. 7 xix. 39, 9. 8 vi. 102, 3. Cf. Grohmann, Indische Studien, 9, 420 et seq. ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 63, 64 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 415, 680 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 227, 228. 2. Kustha. — In one passage of the Maitrayani Samhita1 there is a series of fractions, Kala, Kustha, Sapha, Pad, which appear to denote one-sixteenth, one-twelfth, one-eighth, and one-fourth respectively. 111. 7, 7. Cf. Bohtlinglj, Dictionary, s.v. 176 USURER— A RITUAL AUTHORITY [ Kusldin Kusidin is a designation of the ' usurer ' found in the Sata- patha Brahmana1 and the Nirukta,2 and often in the Sutras. Jolly,3 referring doubtless to the expression kusida apratltta,4 ' a loan not yet repaid,' occurring in connexion with an-rna, ' free from debt,' appears to be right in taking Kusida to have the sense of ' loan ' in the Taittiriya Samhita. The rate of interest on loans is not specified before the Sutra period.5 Cf. Rna. 1 xin. 4, 3, n. 2 vi. 32. 3 Recht und Sitte, 98, 99. 4 111. 3, 8, 1. 2. 5 E.g., Gautama Sutra, xii. 29 et seq. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 259. Kusurubinda Auddalaki appears as an authority on ritual matters in the Pancavimsa Brahmana,1 the Taittiriya Samhita,2 the Jaiminiya Brahmana,3 and the Sadvimsa Brahmana.4 He may have been the brother of Svetaketu, as suggested by Weber.6 1 xxii. 15, I. 10. 2 vii. 2, 2, 1. 3 i. 75 {Journal of the American Oriental Society, 23, 327), where the reading seems to be Asurbinda. 4 i. 16. See Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 39. The name is there read as Ku- surubindu ; in the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 22, 14 it is Kusurabindu. 5 Indische Studien, 5, 61, n. Kuhu. See Masa. Kucakra is a word occurring only once in an obscure verse of the Rigveda,1 where Zimmer2 suggests that it has the sense of the wheel by which water is raised from a well. Much more probable is the interpretation of Roth,3 who understands it to mean the female breast. 1 x. 102, II. 2 Altindisches Leben, 157. Cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 14. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Kuta, a word found in the Rigveda,1 the Atharvaveda,2 and the Brahmanas,3 is of doubtful signification. On the whole, 1 x. 102, 4. 2 viii. 8, 16. 3 Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 24 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, hi. 8, 1, 15; Jai- miniya Brahmana, i. 49, 9 ; 50, 2 [Journal of the American Oriental Society, 19, 114). Kurca TWIG— PIT— CART-POLE— GRASS SEAT 177 the most probable sense is hammer,4 which suits every passage adequately. The St. Petersburg Dictionary renders it ' horn,' which is the sense accepted by Whitney5 for the Atharvaveda passage where it occurs. Geldner6 thinks that it means * trap.' 4 So Bloomfield, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft , 48, 546 ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 585. 5 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 505- 6 Vedische Studien, 1, 138; 2, 7. Cf. von Bradke, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 46, 458 ; Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 34, 156; Weber, Indische Studien, 9, 222. Kudi, written also Kuti in the manuscripts, occurs in the Atharvaveda1 and the Kausika Sutra2 denoting a twig — identi- fied by the scholiast with Badari, the jujube — which was tied to the bodies of the dead to efface their traces, presumably in order to render the return of the spirit to the old home difficult. 1 V. 19, 12. 2 Bloomfield's edition, xliv. Cf. Bloomfield, American Journal of Philology, II> 355; I2» 4X6 ; Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 98 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 254 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 165. Kupa occurs in the Rigveda1 and later literature2 denoting an artificial hollow in the earth, or pit. In some cases they must have been deep, as Trita in the myth is said to have fallen into one from which he could not escape unaided.3 1 i. 105, 17. 2 Av. v. 31, 8 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, iii. 5, 4, 1 ; iv. 4,5,3; vi. 3, 3, 26, etc. ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 184, etc. The adjective kupya, ' being in a hole,' occurs frequently in the later Samhitas. 3 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 67. Kubara in the Maitrayani Samhita (ii. 1, 11) and Kuban in the Satapatha Brahmana (iv. 6, 9, 11. 12) and the Kausitaki Brahmana (xxvii. 6) denote the pole of a cart. Kurca is found in the Taittiriya Samhita.1 and later2 de- noting a bundle of grass used as a seat. In one passage of the Satapatha Brahmana3 a golden Kurca is referred to. 1 yn. 5, 8, 5. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 3, 4. 7 VOL. I. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 11, Aitareya Aranyaka, v. 1, 4. xm. 4, 3, 1. 178 TORTOISE— CHAMELEON— COCK [ Kurma Kurma, the 'tortoise,' is mentioned frequently in the later Samhitas1 and Brahmanas,2 but nothing is said of its charac- teristics. See also KaSyapa. 1 Av. ix. 4, 1 6 ; f aittiriya Sam- hita, ii. 6, 3, 3 ; v. 2, 8, 4. 5 ; 7, 13, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 15, 3; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 34, etc. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 2, 3 vi. 1, 1, 12, etc. Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 95 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 153. Kugamba Svayava Latavya is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 as a priest. His name apparently means2 Kusamba,3 of the Latavya clan, son of Svayu. 1 viii. 6, 8. 2 The form is peculiar, as Kusamba would be expected. 3 Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 55, n. 2. Krkalasa denotes the ' chameleon ' mentioned in the list of sacrificial victims at the horse sacrifice in the Yajurveda1 and later.2 The female chameleon, Krkalasi, is also referred to in the Brahmanas.3 See Godha and Sayandaka. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 19, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 21 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 40. 2 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i. 5, 22. 3 Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 221 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 29) ; Satyayanaka in Sayana on Rv. viii. 91. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 95. Krka-vaku, the 'cock,' being named in the Atharvaveda1 with sheep, goats, and other domesticated animals, was pre- sumably tamed.2 In the 4ist of victims at the horse sacrifice in the Yajurveda,3 it appears as dedicated to Savitr : Yaska4 explains this by the fact that it declares the time of day (kalanuvada). The commentator Mahidhara5 explains the name by tamra-cuda, ' red-crested.' It is of course onomato- poetic (' calling kyka ').6 See also Kukkuta. 1 V. 31, 2. Cf. X. I36, 10. 2 Cf. , however, Sayana on Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 18, 1, who says that it is a ' forest ' Kukkuta. 3 Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit. ; Maitra- yani Samhita, iii. 14, 15 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 35. 4 Nirukta, xii. 3. 5 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. 6 Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 251 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 285. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91. Krmi ] DAGGER— THE KRTVAN TRIBE— WORM Krta. See 2. Aksa and 2. Yuga. 179 Krti. — From one passage in the Rigveda,1 where the Maruts are described as having Krtis, Zimmer2 concludes that the word means a dagger used in war. But there is no evidence that Krti was ever a human weapon. See Asi. 1 i. 168, 3. 2 A Itindisches Lcben, 301. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 221. Krttikas. See Naksatra. Krtvan. — In one passage of the Rigveda1 the word Krtvan in the plural is mentioned with the Arjikas and the five peoples. Pischel2 thinks that it means a people, and Sayana expressly says that the Krtvans designate a country.3 The name in that case would point to some connexion with the Kurus or Krivis. Hillebrandt,4 however, thinks that the word is an adjective which qualifies Arjikas and designates this people as magicians, being applied to them by an opponent. In favour of this view, he quotes Hiouen Thsang's statement5 that the neighbouring kings held the base Kasmirians in such scorn as to refuse all alliance with them, and to give them the name of Ki-li-to, or Krtyas. He suggests that the Arjikas settled in Kasmlr in ancient times already had the same evil reputation as their successors in later days. IX. 65. 23. 2 Vedische Studien, 2, 209. 3 Krtvdna iti desabhidhdnam. 4 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 136, 137. 5 Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, 93. Cf. Roth, tionary, s.v. St. Petersburg Dic- Krpa is mentioned in the Rigveda,1 along with Rusama and Syavaka, as a protege of Indra. 1 viii. 3, 12 ; 4, 2. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 162. Krmi, ' worm.' In the later Samhitas,1 and especially in the Atharvaveda,2 worms play a considerable part. They are 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, u, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, n ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 30 ; Mantra Brah- mana, ii. 7; Taittiriya Aranyaka, iv. 36; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 4, 1, 2; and cf. Rv. i. 191. u. 31. 32; v. 23. 12- 180 WORM— FUEL— AN ANCIENT SAGE [ Krmuka regarded as poisonous, and are spoken of as found in the mountains, in forests, in waters, in plants, and in the human body. In accordance with widespread primitive ideas, they are considered to be the causes of disease in men and animals. The Atharvaveda contains three hymns2 as charms directed against them. The first of these hymns is of a general character, the second is meant to destroy worms in cattle, and the third is intended to cure children of worms. When found in men, worms are said to have their place in the head and ribs,3 and to creep into the eyes, nose, and teeth.4 They are described as dark brown, but white in the fore part of the body, with black ears, and as having three heads.5 They are given many specific names : Alandu, Ejatka, Kaska§a, Kita, Kururu, Nilang*u, Yevasa, Vagrha, VrksasarpI, Saluna, Savarta, Sipavitnuka, Stegra. 3 Av. ii. 31, 4. 4 Av. v. 23, 3. 5 Av. v. 23, 4 et seq. Sprachforschung, 13, 49 et seq.', 113 et seq. ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 313 et seq. ; Weber, Indische Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98, \ Studien. 13, 199; Whitney, Translation 393 ; Kuhn, Zeitschrift fur vergleichende i of the Atharvaveda, 73. Krmuka is the name in the Kathaka Samhita1 and the Sata- patha Brahmana2 of a species of wood used for fuel.3 1 xix. 10. 3 Ibid. (Kramuha as applied to 2 vi. 6, 2, 11. I samidh). Kr£a is mentioned with Samvarta as a pious sacrificer to Indra in one of the Valakhilya hymns of the Rigveda1 and in another2 as a speaker of truth, while a third is traditionally3 ascribed to his authorship. He seems also to be mentioned with Sayu as a protege of the Asvins in another hymn of the Rigveda,4 but here the word may merely denote the 'feeble man.'6 1 viii. 54, 2. 5 Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, • viii. 59, 3. s.v. 3 Indische Studien, I, 293, n. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the 4 x. 40, 8. Rigveda, 3, 132, 164. Kr§i ] PEARL— PLOUGHING 181 KrSana, 'pearl.' In the Rigveda pearls are mentioned as adorning the car of Savitr1 as well as being used for the adorn- ment of a horse.2 Hence the horse is spoken of as the ' pearled one ' (krsanclvant).3 The Atharvaveda4 also refers to pearls, and mentions that 'pearl shell ' (safikhah krsanah) won from the sea was used as an amulet.5 The Nighantu6 renders the word as ' gold.' 6 i. 2. Cf. Sama Mantra Brahmana, i, 6, 22. x 1-35.4- 2 x. 68, i. 3 i. 126, 4. Cf. krsanin, vii. 18, 23. x. I, 7. iv. 10, 1. 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 53, 54 ; Lanman in Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 161. Krganu appears in the Rigveda as a mythological personage.1 In one verse,2 however, Roth3 sees in this word the name of a bowman, but there seems no reason to dissociate this passage from the rest. 1 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 74, j 2 i. 112, 21. ii2, 137; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mytho- j 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s. v., 4. logie, 1, 448. Krsi, ' ploughing.' The cultivation of the soil was no doubt known to the Indians before they separated from the Iranians, as is indicated by the identity of the expressions yavam krs and sasya in the Rigveda with yao karesh and hahya in the Avesta, referring to the ploughing in of the seed and to the grain which resulted.1 But it is not without significance that the expressions for ploughing occur mainly in the first2 and tenth3 books of the Rigveda, and only rarely in the so-called ' family ' books (ii.-vii.).4 In the Atharvaveda Prthi Vainya is credited with the origination of ploughing,5 and even in the Rigveda the Asvins are spoken of as concerned with the sowing of grain by means of the plough.6 In the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas ploughing is repeatedly referred to.7 1 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 235 ; 5 viii. 10, 24. 6 i. 117, 21. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental 7 Krsi is found, e.g. , in Av. ii. 4, 5 ; Society, 17, 85. viii. 2, 19 ; 10, 24 ; x. 6, 12; xii. 2, 27, 2 Forms of the root krs, ' to plough,' etc.; Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 11, 1, occur in Rv. i. 23, 15 ; 176, 2. etc. ; MaitrayanI Samhita, i. 2, 2 ; iii. 6, 3 Rv. x. 34, 13 ; 117, 7. In x. 146, 6, 8 , Vajasaneyi Samhita, iv. 10 ; ix. 22 ; akrsivala, 'not agricultural,' occurs. xi v. 19. 21, etc. ; Satapatha Brahmana, Cf. x. 101, 4. vii. 2, 2, 7; viii. 6, 2, 2 ; Taittiriya * Krs is also found in viii. 20, 19 ; 22, Brahmana, iii. 1, 2, 5, etc. In Av. 6; in the family books only in iv. 57, , vi. 116, 1, karsivana denotes a 4, and as vi-krs in iv. 57, 8. ' plougher.' See also Karsman. 182 AGRICULTURE [ Kr§i Even in the Rigveda8 there is clear proof of the importance attached to agriculture. In the Pancavimsa Brahmana9 the Vratyas, Hindus without the pale of Brahminism, are de- scribed as not cultivating the soil. The plough land was called Urvara or Ksetra ; manure (Sakan, Kari§a) was used, and irrigation was practised (Khani- tra). The plough (Langala, Sira) was drawn by oxen, teams of six, eight, or even twelve being employed.10 The operations of agriculture are neatly summed up in the Satapatha Brahmana11 as ' ploughing, sowing, reaping, and threshing ' (krsantah, vapantah, lunantah, mrnantah). The ripe grain was cut with a sickle (Datra, Srni), bound into bundles12 (Parsa), and beaten out on the floor of the granary (Khala).13 The grain was then separated from the straw and refuse either by a sieve (Titau) or a winnowing fan (Surpa).14 The winnower was called Dhanyakrt,15 and the grain was measured in a vessel called Urdara.16 The Rigveda leaves us in doubt as to the kind of grain grown, for Yava is a word of doubtful signification, and Dhana is also vague. In the later Samhitas17 things are different. Rice (Vrlhi) appears, Yava means barley, with a species styled Upavaka. Beans (Mudga, Masa), sesamum (Tila), and other grains (Anu, Khalva, Godhuma, Nivara, Priyangu, Masura, Syamaka) are mentioned, while cucumbers (Urvaru, Urvaruka) were known. It is uncertain whether fruit trees (Vrksa) were cultivated, or merely grew wild ;18 but frequent mention is made of the jujube (Karkandhu, Kuvala, Badara). The seasons for agriculture are briefly summed up in a passage of the Taittiriya Samhita :19 barley ripened in summer, being no doubt sown, as in modern India, in winter; rice 8 x. 34, 13; 117, 7. Cj. Hopkins, India, Old and New, 208. 9 xvii. 1. 10 Av. vi. 91, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xv. 2. Cf. Rv. viii. 6, 48 ; x. 101, 4. 11 i- 6, 1, 3. 12 viii. 78, 10; x. 101, 3; 131, 2. 13 Rv. x. 48, 7. 14 Rv. x. 71, 2 ; Av. xii. 3, 19. The technical terms are tusair vi-vic, Av. xi. 1, 12 ; palavan apa-vic, xii. 3, 19. 15 Rv. x. 94, 13. 16 Rv. ii. 14, 11. See also Sthivi. 17 See Vajasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 12, for a list. 18 The pulling of ripe fruit is referred to in Rv. iii. 45, 4. Cf. pakva sakha, Rv. i. 8, 8 ; vrksa pakva, Rv. iv. 20, 5 ; Av. xx. 127, 4. But that does not prove arboriculture. 19 vii. 2, 10, 2. Kr§na ] na ] AGRICULTURAL SEASONS— PEOPLE— ANTELOPE 183 ripened in autumn, being sown in the beginning of the rains ; beans and sesamum, planted at the time of the summer rains, ripened in the winter and the cool season. There were two harvests (Sasya) a year according to the Taittiriya Samhita ; 20 the winter crop was ripe by the month of Caitra (March-April) according to the Kausitaki Brahmana.21 The farmer had plenty of trouble of his own : moles destroyed the seed, birds and various kinds of reptiles (Upakvasa, Jabhya, Tarda, Patahga) injured the young shoots, excessive rain or drought might damage the crops. The Atharvaveda contains spells to prevent these evils.22 20 v. 1, 7, 3. I 22 See Av. vi. 50. 142; vii. 11. 21 xix. 3. Cf. Keith, Sahkhayana Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 235- Aranyaka, 8i, n. 1. I 243. Krsti denotes ' people ' in general from the Rigveda1 onwards. Its common and regular use in this sense appears to show that the Aryans, when they invaded India, were already agricul- turists, though the employment of the words referring to ploughing mentioned under Krsi indicates that not all of the people devoted themselves equally to that occupation. Indra and Agni are par excellence the lords of men (Krsti).2 Some- times the word is further defined by the addition of an adjective meaning ' belonging to mankind,' 'of men' (manuslh,3 mdnavlh).4 Special mention is frequently5 made of the 'five peoples' (pafica krstayah). The exact sense of this expression is doubtful. See Panca Janasah. 1 i. 52, 11 ; ioo, 10 ; 160, 5 ; 189, 3 ; iii. 49, 1 ; iv. 21, 2, etc. ; Av. xii. I, 3-4- 2 i. 177, 1 ; iv. 17, 5 ; vii. 26, 5 ; viii. 13, 9 (Indra) ; i. 59, 5 ; vi. 18, 2 ; vii. 5, 5 (Agni). 3 Rv. i. 59, 5 ; vi. 18, 2. 4 Av. iii. 24, 3. 5 Rv. ii. 2, 10 ; iii. 53, 16 ; iv. 38, 10 ; x. 60, 4 ; 119, 6 ; 178, 3 ; Av. iii. 24, 2 ; xii. i, 42. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 141. i. Krsna ('black') denotes a dark-coloured animal or bird. In some passages,1 as the context shows, an antelope is certainly 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 2, 6, 5 ; vi. 1,3, 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 4, 1 ; iii. 2, 1, 28. So krsna-visana, 'horn of the black antelope,' ibid., iii. 2, 1, 18. 28; 2, 20; iv. 4, 5, 2; v. 4, 2, 5 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 3, 7. See also the Asvamedha passages, Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 17; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 36 (cf. ii. 1). 1 84 ANCIENT SAGES Krsna meant. In a few others2 a bird of prey seems indicated. See also Krsnajina. 2 Rv. x. 94, 5 ; Av. xi. 2, 2 ; Sankhayana Aranyaka, xii. 27. 2. Krsna appears as the name of a seer in one hymn of the Rigveda.1 Tradition assigns to him or to Visvaka, son of Kisna (Kdrmi), the authorship of the following hymn.2 The word Krsniya may be a patronymic3 formed from the same name in two other hymns of the Rigveda,4 where the Asvins are said to have restored Visnapu to Visvaka Krsniya. In that case Krsna would seem to be the grandfather of Visnapu. This Krsaa may be identical with Krsna Angirasa mentioned in the Kausitaki Brahmana.5 1 viii. 85, 3. 4. 2 viii. 86. 3 i. 116, 23 ; 117, 7. 4 As a patronymic, it would be an isolated formation (cf. however Pajriya), instead of Karsnya. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, 228a and 200. 5 xxx. 9. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 108 ; Macdonell, Vedic Myth- ology, p. 52. 3. Krsna Devaki-putra is mentioned in the Chandogya Upanisad1 as a pupil of the mythical Ghora Angirasa. Tradition,2 and several modern writers like Grierson, Garbe, and von Schroeder, recognize in him the hero Krsna, who later is deified. In their view he is a Ksatriya teacher of morals, as opposed to Brahminism.3 This is extremely doubtful. It appears better either to regard the coincidence of name as accidental, or to suppose that the reference is a piece of Euhemerism. To identify this Krsna with the preceding, as does the St. Petersburg Dictionary, seems to be quite groundless. padia of Religions, article 'Bhakti'; Garbe, Bhagavadgita. Cf. Weber, op. cit., 71 ; 148; Hopkins, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1905, 386. iii. 17, 6. Weber, Indian Literature, 2 Cf. 169. 3 Von Schroeder, Vienna Oriental Journal, 19, 414, 415 ; Grierson, Encyclo- 4. Krsna Harita is mentioned as a teacher in the Aitareya Aranyaka.1 The Sankhayana Aranyaka2 has Krtsna in the parallel passage. iii. 2, 6. 1 Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 391, n. • Indian Literature, 50. Kekaya ] TEACHERS— WEIGHT— DEERSKIN— IRON 185 Kp§na-datta Lauhitya (' descendant of Lohita ') is mentioned in a Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brah- mana (iii. 42, 1) as a pupil of Syamasujayanta Lauhitya. Krsna-dhrti Satyaki (' descendant of Satyaka ') is mentioned in a Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brah- mana (iii. 42, 1) as a pupil of SatyaSravas. Krsna-rata Lauhitya ('descendant of Lohita') is mentioned : Tci"4!*- £<*"*- in a Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brah- ^cJ i_ im^ mana (iii. 42, 1) as a pupil of Syamajaj ayanta Lauhitya. * T^yvlkT Krsnala denotes the berry of the A brus precatorius, used as a weight according to the later authorities, one Masa (' bean ') being equated to four Krsnalas.1 In the sense of a weight it occurs in the Taittiriya2 and other Samhitas,3 and later.4 1 Manu, viii. 134. 2 ii. 3, 2, 1 et seq. 3 Maitrayanl Samhita, ii. 2, 2 ; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 4 {hiranya krsiiala). * Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 3, 6, 7; Anupada Sutra, ix. 6. In the later language it is also called raktika or guhja (being a smooth red berry with a black spot at one end). Cf. Weber's edition of the Jyotisa, 82 et seq. ; Indische Stnifen, 1, 102, 103. Krsnajina is the skin (ajina) of the black antelope (Krsna.) It is repeatedly referred to in the later Samhitas and Brah- manas1 with regard to its ritual use. 1 Av. ix. 6, 17; Taittiriya Samhita, I Brahmana, i. 1, 1, 22; 4, 1; 9, 2, 35, ii. 4, 9, 2; v. 4, 4, 4; Satapatha | etc. Krsnayasa (' black metal'), 'iron,' is referred to in the Chan- dogya Upanisad (vi. 1, 6). See also Ayas and Kar§nayasa. Krsara, a term denoting a mess of rice and sesamum, often mentioned in the Sutras, occurs in the Sadvimsa Brahmana.1 1 v. 2. Cf. Weber, Omina und Portenta, 315 et seq. Kekaya is the name of a tribe which in later days, and probably also in Vedic times, was settled in the north-west, 186 METEOR— FISHERMAN— HAIR— TRIBES [ Ketu between the Sindhu (Indus) and Vitasta.1 In the Vedic texts the Kekayas are mentioned indirectly only in the name of their prince ASvapati Kaikeya.2 1 Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic I 2 Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, i, 2 Society, 1908, 317, 332. | et seq. ; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 11, 4. Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 120 ; Indische Studien, 1, 126. i. Ketu is a term which Weber1 understands in the sense of ' meteor ' or ' comet ' in the late Adbhuta Brahmana. 1 Indische Studien, 1,41. The arunah I Dictionary, are not so treated by ketavah (Av. xi. 10, 1. 2. 7), referred to in this sense in the St. Petersburg Bohtlingk in his Dictionary. 2. Ketu Vajya (' descendant of Vaja ') is mentioned as a teacher in the Vamsa Brahmana.1 1 Indische Studien, 4, 372. Kevarta, Kaivarta are two variant forms denoting ' fisher- man ' in the Vajasaneyi Samhita1 and Taittiriya Brahmana2 lists of victims at the Purusamedha, or human sacrifice. 1 xxx. 16, with Mahidhara's note. 2 iii. 4, 12, 1, with Sayana's note. Kesa, ' hair of the head,' is repeatedly mentioned in the later Samhitas and Brahmanas.1 The hair was a matter of great care to the Vedic Indian, and several hymns of the Atharva- veda2 are directed to securing its plentiful growth. Cutting or shaving (vap) the hair is often referred to.3 For a man to wear long hair was considered effeminate.4 As to modes of dressing the hair see Opasa and Kaparda ; as to the beard see Smasru. 1 Av. v. 19, 3 ; vi. 136, 3, etc. ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xix. 22 ; xx. 5 ; xxv. 3 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 2, 48, etc. 2 vi. 136. 137. Cf. Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 68 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 536, 537. 3 Av. viii. 2, 17 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, v. 5, 3, 1, etc. Cf. Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 425 et seq. 4 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 2, 14. But cf. Vincent Smith, Indian Antiquary, 34, 203. 1. Ke6in is the name of a people occurring in the Satapatha Brahmana,1 where their king is mentioned as learning from Khandika the atonement for a bad omen at the sacrifice. 1 xi. 8, 4, 6. Cf. Panini, vi. 4, 165; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 131. 134- Ke&n Satyakami ] AN ANCIENT SAGE— A TEACHER 187 2. Kesin Darbhya1 or Dalbhya2 (' descendant of Darbha ') is a somewhat enigmatic figure. According to the Satapatha Brah- mana3 and the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana4 he was a king, sister's son of Uccaih6ravas, according to the latter authority. His people were the Pancalas, of whom the Kesins must there- fore have been a branch, and who are said to have been threefold (tryanika).5 A story is told of his having a ritual dispute with Sandika in the MaitrayanI Samhita6; this appears in another form in the Satapatha Brahmana.3 He was a contemporary of a fellow sage, KeSin Satyakami, according to the Maitra- yanI7 and Taittirlya8 Samhitas. The Pancavimsa Brahmana9 attributes to him a Saman or chant, and the Kausitaki Brah- mana10 tells how he was taught by a golden bird. In view of the fact that the early literature always refers to Darbhya as a sage, it seems doubtful whether the commentator is right in thinking that the Satapatha refers to a king and a people, when a sage alone may well be meant, while the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana is of no great authority. The latter work may have assumed that the reference in the Kathaka Samhita11 to the Kesin people signifies kingship, but this is hardly necessary. 1 This is the form of the name in the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana, the MaitrayanI Samhita, the Taittirlya Samhita, and the Kausitaki Brah- mana ; also later in the Brhaddevata. 2 This is the form in the Kathaka Samhita and the Pancavimsa Brah- mana. It also appears later in the Rigveda Anukramanl. 3 xi. 8, 4, 1 et seq., as explained by Sayana. 4 iii. 29, 1 et seq. 5 Kathaka Samhita, xxx. 2 (Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 471) ; Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana, loc. cit. \ Baudh- ayana Srauta Sutra, xx. 25. 6 i. 4, 12 (von Schroeder gives no variant reading ; but * and kh are con- stantly confused in manuscripts). 7 i. 6, 5. 8 ii. 6, 2, 3. 9 xiii. 10, 8. 10 vii. 4. n xxx. 2. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 193, 209 ; 2, 308 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 58, 59; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 62, n. 2. 3. KeSin Satya-kami (< descendant of Satyakama ') is men- tioned as a teacher and contemporary of KeSin Darbhya in the Taittirlya (ii. 6, 2, 3) and MaitrayanI (i. 6, 5) Samhitas. 1 88 NAMES [ Kesaraprabandha Kesara-prabandha. — In the list of the crimes of the Vaita- havyas narrated in the Atharvaveda1 is the cooking of the last she-goat (caramdjam) of Kesaraprabandha, who may presum- ably be deemed to have been a woman, ' having braided hair.' 2 Ludwig,3 followed by Whitney,4 appears to amend the passage (carama-jdm) as meaning * the last-born calf of Kesarapra- bandha, a cow. But this interpretation does not suit the name so well. 2 Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 432, 433. I 252 Translation of the Rigveda, 2, 447. Translation of the Atharvaveda, Kaikeya, ' king of the Kekayas,' is an epithet of Agvapati.1 1 Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, 1, 2 ; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 11, 4. Kairata is the name of a snake in the Atharvaveda 1 — possibly, but not probably, the modern Karait. 1 v. 13, 5. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 243. Kairatika, a ' maiden of the Kirata people,' is mentioned in the Atharvaveda (x. 4, 14) as digging up roots for medicinal use. Kairigi, ' descendant of Kirisa,' is the patronymic of Sutvan in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 28). Kaivarta. See Kevarta. KaiSini. — The Kaisinyah prajah, 'offspring or people1 of Resin,' are mentioned in an obscure passage of the Satapatha Brahmana2 either as still existing at the date of the Brahmana3 or as extinct. 1 So Sayana. 3 Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the 2 xi. 8, 4, 6. I East, 44, 134. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 208. Kaisorya, 'descendant of Kaisori,' is the patronymic of Kapya in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad.1 l ii. 5, 22; iv. 5, 28 (Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3 Kanva). CUCKOO— JUJUBE— BUCKET— BODY OF CAR I. Koka, a word occurring in the Rigveda1 and the Atharva- veda,2 seems to denote the ' cuckoo.' In all the three passages in which it is found, Sayana explains it as the Cakravaka. Roth3 renders it in the Atharvaveda passages as a certain destructive parasitic animal. Cf. Anyavapa. 1 vii. 104, 22 (koka-yatu, a ghost in vaveda, 454 ; Whitney, Translation of the shape of a cuckoo). the Atharvaveda, 262; Geldner, Rig- 2 v. 23, 4 ; viii. 6, 2. veda, Glossar, 49; Zimmer, Altindisches 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., 6. Leben, 92. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the A thar- 2. Koka is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (xiii. 5, 4, 17) as a son of the Pancala king, Satrasaha. Kokila, a very frequent word in the Epic and later, denoting the cuckoo, is only inferred for the Vedic period from its being the name of a Rajaputra in the Kathaka Anukramanl.1 1 Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 460. Koneya, Kauneya. See Raj ana. Kola, another form of Kuvala, the Zizyphus jujuba, is mentioned in the Chandogya Upanisad (vii. 3, 1). 1. Ko£a is the name in the Rigveda1 for the * bucket ' used in drawing water by means of a rope from a well (Avata). In the ritual2 it denotes a large vessel to hold Soma, as opposed to Kalasa. 1 i. 130, 2 ; iii. 32, 15 ; iv. 17, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 156. 2 Rv. ix. 75, 3 ; Av. xviii. 4, 30, etc. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 183 et seq. 2. Ko£a denotes the body of a chariot.1 Presumably it was fastened to the axles, but it was probably not very secure, as the body of Pusan's chariot is said not to fall.2 The ropes3 used to fasten the Kosa are perhaps referred to in the word aksa-nah.4 By synecdoche this word also denotes the whole chariot.5 See also Vandhura, Ratha. 1 Rv. i. 87, 2 ; x. 85, 7, etc. 2 Rv. vi. 54, 3. 3 Gavah, Rv. viii. 48. K. 4 See under 1. Aksa. 5 Rv. viii. 20, 8 ; 22, 9. Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 246. 190 NAMES— THE KOSALA PEOPLE [ KoSa 3. Koga. — The exact sense of this word in Ko£a-karI, the designation of a female victim at the Purusamedha, or human sacrifice,1 is uncertain. It may be * sheath.' 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 14 ; Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 4, 10, 1. Kosa. — The Kosas appear as a priestly family in the Sata- patha Brahmana, where one of them, SuSravas, is mentioned by name.2 1 x. 5, 5. 8. » x. 5, 5, 1. Kosala is the name of a people not occurring in the earliest Vedic literature. In the story of the spread of Aryan culture told in the Satapatha Brahmana,1 the Kosala- Videhas, as the offspring of Videgha Mathava, appear as falling later than the Kuru-Pancalas under the influence of Brahminism. The same passage gives the Sadanira as the boundary of the two peoples — Kosala and Videha. Elsewhere2 the Kausalya, or Kosala king, Para Atnara Hairanyanabha, is described as having performed the great Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice. Connexion with Kasi and Videha appears also from a passage of the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra.3 Weber4 points out that Asvalayana, who was very probably a descendant of A£vala, the Hotr priest of Videha, is called a Kosala in the Prasna Upanisad.5 The later distinction of North and South Kosala is unknown to both Vedic and Buddhist literature.6 Kosala lay to the north-east of the Ganges, and corresponded roughly to the modern Oudh. 1 i. 4, 1, 1 et seq. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 4. Cf. Hiranya-nabha, a Rajaputra, in PraSna Upanisad, iii. 2, and Sankha- yana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 9, 13, as a Kausalya, while ibid., 11, Para is styled Vaideha. 3 xvi. 29, 5. 4 Indische Studien, 1, 182, 441. Kaukusta is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana1 as a giver of a Daksina, or gift to the priests officiating at a sacrifice. The Kanva recension reads the name Kaiikthasta.2 1 iv. 6, I, 13. 2 Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 426, n. 1. Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 134. 0 vi. 1. 6 Oldenberg, Buddha, 393, n. Cf. von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 167 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, xlii ; Weber, bidian Literature, 39, 132 et seq. ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 213 - 215 ; Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 25. Kautsa ] PATRONYMICS Kauneya. See Raj ana. ifi Kauntha-ravya is mentioned as a teacher in the Aitareya1 and Sankhayana Aranyakas.2 1 iii. 2, 2. 2 vii. 14 ; viii. 2. Cf. Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 249. Kaundini. See Parasarikaundimputra. Kaundinya is mentioned as a pupil of Sandilya in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 See also Vidarbhikaundinya, and the following. 1 ii. 5, 20; iv. 5, 26 (Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 1 ; iv. 6, 1, Kanva). Kaundinyayana is mentioned in the first Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Madhyamdina recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a pupil of Kaundinya, pupil of Kaundinya and Agnivesya; in the second2 as a pupil of the two Kaundinyas, pupils of Aurnavabha, pupil of Kaundinya, pupil of Kaundinya, pupil of Kaundinya and Agnivesya. Neither Vamsa is of much value.3 1 ii. 5, 20. I 3 Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 2 iv. 5, 26. I2» xxxiv. Kautasta, a word occurring once in the dual, is apparently a patronymic of Arimejaya and Janamejaya, two Adhvaryu priests at the snake sacrifice described in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35. Kautsa (' descendant of Kutsa ') is mentioned in the Sata- patha Brahmana1 as a pupil of Mahitthi. A Kautsa is also attacked in the Nirukta2 as denying the value of the Vedas, and there is a strong ritual tradition of hostility to the Kautsas.3 1 x. 6, 5, 9 ; Brhadaranyaka Upani- sad, vi. 5, 4 (Kanva recension only). 2 i. 15- ■ E.g., Apastamba Srauta Sutra, x. 20, 12; Hillebrandt, Vedische Myth- ologie, 3, 285. Cf. Weber, Iniinn Liter attire, 77, i4«. 192 PATRONYMICS [ Kautsiputra Kautsl-putra (' son of a female descendant of Kutsa ') is mentioned as a pupil of Baudhiputra in the last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad in the Madhyamdina recension (vi. 4, 31). Kaupayeya is the patronymic of Uccaihsravas. Kaumbhya (' descendant of Kumbhya ') is the patronymic of Babhru. Kaurama. See Kaurava. Kaurayana is apparently a patronymic of Pakasthaman in the Rigveda.1 Hopkins2 suggests that Kaurayana may be meant. 1 viii. 3, 21. Cf. Nirukta, v. 25. 2 Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 90, n. 2. Kaurava is the reading of the text of the Khilas1 and of some manuscripts of the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra2 for the Kaurama of the Atharvaveda,3 who appears in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') as a generous donor among the Rugamas. 1 v. 8, 1 (Scheftelowitz, Die Apo- kryphen des Rgveda, 155). 2 xii. 14, 1. 3 xx. 127, 1. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 689. Kauravya (' belonging to the Kurus '). A man of the Kuru people, is described in the Atharvaveda as enjoying prosperity with his wife under the rule of King Pariksit.1 Mention is also made of the Kauravya king Balhika Pratipiya in the Satapatha Brahmana,2 and in the later legend Arstisena and Devapi are alleged to have been Kauravyas.3 1 xx. 127, 8 ; Khila, v. 10, 2 ; Sankh- ayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 17, 2. Cf. a Mantra in the Vaitana Sutra, xxxiv. 9. xii. 9. 3, 3- Nirukta, ii. 10. IS Kauravyayani-putra (' son of a female descendant of Kuru ') mentioned as a teacher in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (v. 1, 1). Kausambeya ] NAMES 193 Kauru-paiieala, ' belonging to the Kuru-Pancalas,' is an epithet of Aruni in the Satapatha Brahmana (xi. 4, 1, 2), and a practice of those tribes is designated by this word in the same work (i. 7, 2, 8)* Kaulakavati are two persons mentioned in the Maitrayani Samhita (ii. 1, 3) as having given advice, in the capacity of priests, to Rathaprota Darbhya. Kaulala is a word denoting a hereditary potter (' son of a kulala or potter ') according to the commentator Mahidhara on the Vajasaneyi Samhita.1 The other Samhitas2 have Kulala. 1 xxx. 7. I Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 13, and cf. 2 Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 9, 5 ; | Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27. Kaulitapa is mentioned in the Rigveda1 as a Dasa. Appar- ently the name is an epithet of Sambara, meaning ' son of Kulitara': this points to Sambara having been a terrestrial foe, and not a mere demon.2 1 iv. 30, 14. I 3, 273 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, 2 Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, | pp. 64, 161. Kaulika, like Kulika, is the name of some sort of bird in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.1 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 24 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 5. Kausambeya is the patronymic (' descendant of Kusamba ') of a teacher Proti in the Satapatha Brahmana1 according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary : a view supported by the fact that Kusamba actually occurs as the name of a man in the PancavimsSa Brahmana.2 It is, however, possible that the word means a ' native of the town Kausambi ' as understood by Harisvamin in his commentary on the Satapatha Brahmana.3 1 xii. 2,2, 13 ; Gopatha Brahmana, i. 2, 24. 2 viii. 6, 8. The name is also found later (in the Epic) in the form of Kusamba. VOL. I. 13 3 Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 153, n. 5. Cf. Weber, Indischc Studien, 1, 193 ; Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 3, 36 ; Oldenberg, Buddha, 397. 194 PATRONYMICS „ Kaugika is an epithet of Indra as * connected with the Kusikas,' and also of Visvamitra as 'son of Kusika.'1 A teacher named Kausika is mentioned as a pupil of Kaundinya in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.2 1 In a late Khila, Scheftelowitz, Die Apokryphen des Rgveda, 104. ii. 6, 1 r. 6, i (Kanva recension). Kausikayani (' descendant of Kausika ') is mentioned as a teacher and a pupil of Ghrtakausika in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 1 ii. 5, 21 ; iv. 5, 27 (Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3, Kanva). Kau&ki-putra ('son of a female descendant of Kusika') is mentioned in a Vamsa (list of teachers) in the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 5, 1) as a pupil of Alam- biputra and Vaiyagrhrapadiputra. Kau£reya (' descendant of Kusri ') is the patronymic of Somadaksa in the Kathaka Samhita (xx. 8 ; xxi. 9). Kausarava (' descendant of Kusa.ru ') is the patronymic of Maitreya in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 28). Kausitaki (' descendant of Kusitaka ') is the patronymic of a teacher, or series of teachers, to whom the doctrines set forth in the Kausitaki Brahmana1 and in the Sankhayana Aranyaka,2 and the Srauta and Grhya Sutras,3 are referred. He is rarely mentioned elsewhere.4 The doctrine of Kausitaki is called the Kausltaka.5 The pupils of Kausitaki are known as the Kausl- takis in the Nidana Sutra,6 and in the Pancavimsa Brahmana7 1 ii. 9 ; vii. 4. 10 ; viii. 8 ; xi. 5. 7 ; xiv. 3. 4 ; xv. 2 ; xvi. 9 ; xviii. 5 ; xxii. 1. 2; xxiii. 1. "4; xxiv. 8. 9; xxv. 8. 10. 14. 15, etc. 2 ii. 17 ; xv. 1 ; Kausitaki Upanisad, ii. 1. 7. 3 Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 15, 11 ; vii. 21,6; ix. 20, 33 ; xi. 11, 3. 6, etc. 4 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 3, 1 Chandogya Upanisad, i. 5, 2. 5 Kausitaki Brahmana, iii. 1 ; xix. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 2, 1 xi. 14, 2/8 ; Anupada Sutra, ii. 7 ; vii. 1 viii. 5, etc? ' 6 vi. 12. 7 xvii. 4, 3. Vf> Kratujit Janaki ] PATRONYMICS 195 they with Kusltaka are stated to have been cursed by LuSakapi. Elsewhere8 they are called Kausitakins. If the Sahkhayana Aranyaka9 can be trusted, there were among them at least two leading teachers, Kahoda and Sarvajit, the former of whom is mentioned elsewhere.10 8 Apastamba Srauta Sutra, x. 1, 10; Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, i. 23. 9 Cf. Keith, Sahkhayana Aranyaka, 14, 24, 71. 10 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 3, 1 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 4, 1 ; Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, iii. 4. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 259 ; 2, 289 et seq. ; Indian Literature, 44 etseq. ; Lindner, Kausltaki Brahmana, ix. Kausya, < descendant of Kosa,' is the patronymic of Susravas. Kausalya, ' prince of Kosala,' is the designation of Para Atnara in the Satapatha Brahmana,1 and of Hiranyanabha in the Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra.2 Asvalayana is styled Kausalya, as 1 belonging to the Kosala country,' in the Prasna Upanisad,3 and the Kasi-Kausalyah, or the ' Kasis and people of Kosala,' are mentioned in the Gopatha Brahmana.4 1 xiii. 5, 4, 4. 3 i. 1. 2 xvi. 9, 13. Cf. xvi. 29, 5. 4 i. 2, 9 (spelt Kausalyah). Kausita appears in the MaitrayanI Samhita (ii. 1, 11) in connexion with the demon Kusitayin as the name of a lake. The Kathaka Samhita (x. 5) has Kausida instead. Kausurubindi, ' descendant of Kusurubinda,' is the patro- nymic of Proti Kausambeya in the Satapatha Brahmana (xii. 2, 2, 13). In the Gopatha Brahmana (i. 4, 24) the form is Kausuravindu. Kauhada, ' descendant of Kohacla,' is the patronymic of a teacher, Mitravinda, mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana,1 as well as of Sravanadatta. 1 Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 372, 382 et seq. A school of Kauhadiyas is known in the Gobhila Grhya Sutra, iii. 4, 34. Kratu-jit Janaki (' descendant of Janaka ') is mentioned in the Yajurveda1 as the priest of Raj ana Kauneya. See also Kratuvid. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 3, 8, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 1. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 474. I3~2 196 NAME—SALE [ Kratuvid Janaki Kratu-vid Janaki (' descendant of Janaka ') is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (vii. 34) as having learned a certain doctrine regarding Soma from Agni. Kraya, ' sale,' is a word which does not actually occur in the Rigveda, though the verb kri, from which this noun is derived, is found there.1 Both noun and verb are common in the later Samhitas.2 Sale appears to have regularly consisted in barter in the Rigveda : 3 ten cows are regarded as a possible price for an (image of) Indra to be used as a fetish, while elsewhere not a hundred, nor a thousand, nor a myriad are considered as an adequate price (sulka) for the purchase of Indra.4 The Athar- vaveda5 mentions, as possible objects of commerce, garments (dursa), coverlets (pavasta), and goatskins (ajina). The haggling of the market was already familiar in the days of the Rigveda,6 and a characteristic hymn of the Atharvaveda7 is directed to procuring success in trade. The ' price ' was called Vasna, and the ' merchant ' Vanij. his greed being well known.8 There is little evidence of a standard of value in currency having been adopted. When no specific mention is made of the standard, the unit was probably the cow.9 In a consider- able number of passages of the Satapatha Brahmana10 and elsewhere,11 however, the expression hiranyam sata-mdnam suggests that there must have been some standard other than 1 iv. 24, 10. 2 Kraya: Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 1, 2, i;vi. i, 3, 3; Vajasaneyi Samhita, viii. 55 ; xix. 13 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 2, 10, etc. ; krl : Av. iii. 15, 2 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 10, 3 ; vii. 1, 6, 2, etc.; apa-kri : Av. viii. 7, 11; pari-hrl : Av. iv. 7, 6, etc. ; vi-kri : Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 49, etc. 3 iv. 24, 10. 4 Rv. viii. 1, 5. 5 iv. 7, 6. 6 iv. 24, 9. See Oldenberg, Rgveda- hioten, 1, 419, 42°. correcting Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 91, and Geldner's Kommentar on iv. 24. 7 iii. 15. See Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 352 ; Whitney, Trans- lation of the Atharvaveda, in, 112. 8 Rv. i. 33, 3, and see Pani. 9 Cf. Harisvamin on Satapatha Brah- mana, xiii. 4, 2, 1, where he renders sahasrdrha as equal to 'worth a thousand cows,' in which Eggeling follows him ; Samksiptasara on Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxii. 10, 33. 10 xii. 7, 2, 13 ; 9, 1, 4 ; xiii. 1,1,4; 2, 3, 2; 4, 1, 13; xiv. 3, 1, 32. Cf. v. 5. 5. 16; xiii. 4, 1, 6. 11 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xviii. 3, 2, where a long series of compounds of numerals with -mana occurs ; Kathaka Samhita, viii. 5 ; xiv. 8 ; xxii. 8. . Krimi UNIT OF VALUE— RAW FLESH 197 cows, though it might in all these passages be rendered as ' gold worth a hundred cows.' But the use of the Krsnala as a measure of weight12 suggests that the meaning is ' gold weighing a hundred Krsnalas,' and this seems the more probable explana- tion. This unit seems not to be known in the Rigveda, where the meaning of the term Mana, which occurs once, is mysterious, and where necklets (Niska) seem to have been one of the more portable forms of wealth, like jewellery in modern India, and may perhaps have served as a means of exchange. 12 Cf. Kathaka Samhita, xi. 4 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, i. 3, 6, 7 ; Anupada Sutra, ix. 6 ; Weber, Indische Streifen, I. 99-103. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 255- 260. Barter had for the most part passed away by the time of the Jatakas, an illustration of the modern character of the society they represent. See Mrs. Rhys Davids, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1901, 874 et seq. Kravana, a word occurring only once in the Rigveda,1 is understood by Ludwig2 as the name of the Hotr priest or the sacrificer. Roth considered it an adjective without at first3 assigning a sense, but afterwards4 as meaning ' timid.' Sayana interprets it as 'worshipping.' Oldenberg5 considers the meaning uncertain, suggesting as possible ' the slayer of the victim.' 1 v. 44, 9. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 138. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Bohtlingk's Dictionary, s.v. 5 Rgveda-Noten, 1, 342. Kravya, ' raw flesh,' is never mentioned in Vedic literature as eaten by men. Demons alone are spoken of as consuming it,1 apart from Agni being called kravydd, ' eating raw flesh,' as consumer of the bodies of the dead.2 The man who in the Rigveda is compelled by starvation to eat dog's flesh, never- theless cooks it.3 1 Rv. vii. 104, 2 ; x. 87, 2. 19 ; 162, 2 ; Av. iii. 28, 2 ; iv. 36, 3 ; v. 29 10, etc. 2 Rv. x. 16, 9. 10. See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 97, 165. 3 iv. 18, 13. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 270, 271. Kratu-jateya is a patronymic of Rama Kratujateya Vaiya- ghrapadya in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 40, 2 ; iv. 16, 1). Krimi. See Xrmi. 198 THE KRIVI TRIBE— CURLEW [ Krii Krivi is asserted in the Satapatha Brahmana1 to have beei the older name of the Pancalas. This statement is supportec by the name of the king there mentioned, Kraivya Pancalj The Krivis appear in the Rigveda2 as settled on the Sindhl and the AsiknI. It is a plausible conjecture of Zimmer's3 that with the Kurus they made up the Vaikarna people.4 The importance of the Pancalas, and the insignificance of the Krivis, may be explained in part by the fact that the later Kuru-Pancala alliance included the Bharatas. It is also probable, as Oldenberg5 suggests, from the Satapatha Brah- mana,6 that the Turva£as were included in the Pancalas, and as the latter name indicates, probably other tribes also. Or, if Hopkins' view7 is accepted that Turvasa was king of the Yadus, the latter may in part have been allied with the Krivis to form the Pancalas. 1 xm. 5. 4. 7- 2 viii. 20, 24 ; 22, 12. Elsewhere Krivi is doubtful in sense. In several passages (i. 30, 1 ; viii. 87, 1 ; ix. 9, 6, and perhaps i. 166, 6, where krivir-datl is an epithet of lightning) Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, i. 166, 341, understands the word to mean ' horse.' Elsewhere (ii. 17, 6 ; 22, 2 ; viii. 51, 8) he takes it to be a proper name, while in v. 44, 4, he is doubtful. In the passages last cited this view may very well be correct. 3 Altindisches Leben, 103. 4 Cf. Kava§a. 6 Buddha, 404. 6 xiii. 5, 4, 16. 7 Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 258 et seq. This view is hardly convincing, while the disappear- ance of the TurvaSas is easily to be accounted for by their being merged, along with the Krivis, in the Pancalas. The name of Krivi is lost in the Epic as completely as that of Turvasa (Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, 48, notes 4,5). Cf. Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 155, 157; Grierson, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 602-607 I Keith, ibid., 831 et seq. ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 152, 153 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, xli.; Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 407. Krita Vaita-hotra (' descendant of Vltahotra ') is mentioned in the Maitrayani Samhita (iv. 2, 6) in connexion with the Kurus. 1. Krufic,1 Krufica,2 Kraunca,3 are variant forms denoting the ' curlew' or 'snipe.' To it is attributed in the Yajurveda1 1 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 11, 6; Kathaka Samhita, xxxviii. 1 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xix. 73 et seq. ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, ii, 6, 2, 1-3. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 22. 31 (in xxv. 6 the sense is quite uncertain) ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 3. 3 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 12, 1. KroSa ] NAMES— KRUMU RIVER— MEASURE OF DISTANCE 199 the faculty, later assigned to the Hamsa, of extracting milk from water when the two fluids are mixed.4 4 Lanman, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 19, 151-158; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 150. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91, 92. 2. Kruric Ahgirasa is in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 the name of the seer of a Saman or Chant called the Kraufica. It is doubtless invented to explain the name of the Chant on the ordinary principle that Samans are called after their authors, though this rule has many exceptions.2 1 xin. 9, 11 ; 11, 20. 2 Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 68. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mytho- logie, 2, 160. Krumu is the name of a stream mentioned twice in the Rigveda — once in the fifth book1 and once in the last, in the Nadl-stuti, or 'praise of rivers.'2 There can be little doubt that this river is identical with the modern Kurum, a western tributary of the Indus.3 v. 53. 9- x. 75, 6. Roth, Nirukta, Erlduterungen, 43 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 14 ; Lud- wig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 200. Krumuka as the name of ' wood ' appears to be a variant form of Krmuka. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 1, 9, 3 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 4, 7, 3. Kraivya. Paneala, the king of the Krivis,1 is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana2 as having performed the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, on the Parivakra. Eggeling,3 however, takes the word as a proper name, l Kraivya, the Paneala king.' 1 So the St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Weber, Indian Literature, 125, n. ; Oldenberg, Buddha, 409, n. - xm. 5, 4, 7. 3 Sacred Books of the East, 44, 397 (but cf. p. 398, top). Krosa, as a measure of distance (lit. ' a shout,' as expressing the range of the voice), is found in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xvi. 13, 12. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 8, 432 et seq. In the later literature it is equivalent to about two miles. The word still survives in the vernacular form of Kos as the most popular measure of distance in India. 200 J A CKA L—MO UNTA IN—NA MES—BIRD [ Krosfr Krostr (lit. 'howler'), the 'jackal,' is mentioned in the Rigveda1 as by nature cowardly compared with the wild boar (Varaha). In the Atharvaveda2 it is spoken of as devouring corpses. The word also occurs in the Vajasaneyi Samhita,3 where the commentator glosses it with Srgala, another name of the jackal. See also Lopaia. 1 X. 28, I. 2 xi. 2, 2. 3 xxiv. 32. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 84. i. Kraufica. See Kruiic. 2. Kraufica, as the name of a mountain, occurs only in the latest Vedic literature.1 1 Taittiriya Aranyaka, i. 31, 2. Studien, 1, 78. See Weber, Indian Literature, 93 ; Indische Kraunciki-putra, ' son of a female descendant of Kraufica, ' is mentioned as a pupil of Vaittabhatiputra 1 in the last Vamsa (list of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.2 1 Vaidabhrti-putra in the Madhyam- dina recension, vi. 4, 32. 2 vi. 5, 2 (Kanva). Kraustuki, 'descendant of Krostuka,' is mentioned as a grammarian in the Nirukta,1 the Brhaddevata, 2 and the Chandas,3 but as an astrologer in a Parisista of the Athar- vaveda.4 2 iv. 137. Cf. Indische Studien, 1, 105. 3 5- 4 Weber, Berlin Catalogue of San- skrit MSS., 1, 94. See Boiling and von Negelein, The Parifistas of the Atharvaveda, 2, 438 et seq., where in Parisista lxviii (Svapnadhyayah), i. 2 ; ii. 8, the name appears as Krostuki. Cf. Weber, Jyotisa, 12 ; Indian Litera- ture, 61. Kvayi is the name of some species of bird in the Yajurveda,1 occurring in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice. The form in the Maitrayani Samhita2 is Kuvaya. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 29. 17, 1 2 iii. 14, 18. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, gg. K§attr ] JUJUBE FRUIT— ROYAL RETAINER 20 1 Kvala is a substance, perhaps1 identical with Kuvala, the fruit of the jujube, used to coagulate milk according to the Taittirlya Samhita.2 1 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2 "■ 5, 3. 5- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 227. Ksata is regarded by Zimmer1 as denoting a special disease (a sort of Phthisis pulmonalis) in the Atharvaveda,2 but the word is probably only an adjective.3 1 Altindisches Leben, 377. 2 vii. 76, 4 (where the reading is doubtful, the text having aksita. See Aksata). 3 Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva- veda, 509 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 442. Ksattr is a word of frequent occurrence in the later Samhitas and Brahmanas, denoting a member of the royal entourage, but the sense is somewhat uncertain. In the Rigveda1 it is used of a god as the * distributor ' of good things to his worshippers ; the same sense seems to be found in the Athar- vaveda2 and elsewhere.3 In one passage of the Vajasaneyi Samhita4 the interpretation 'doorkeeper' is given by the com- mentator Mahldhara, a sense which seems possible in other passages,5 while Sayana ascribes to it in one passage of the Satapatha Brahmana6 the more dignified meaning of antah- puradhyaksa, ' a chamberlain.' In other passages,7 again, the sense of ' charioteer ' is not unlikely. Later the Ksattr was regarded as a man of mixed caste.8 1 vi. 13, 2. 2 iii. 24, 7 ; v. 17, 4. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 6 ; Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 9, 16. 4 xxx. 13. Cf. Taittiriya Brahmana, i- 7, 3, 5- 5 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 5, 4, 2 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 9, 4; Katnaka Samhita, xvii. 13 ; Chandogya Upani- sad, iv. 1, 5 ; Paiicavimsa Brahmana, xix. 1, 4. 6 v. 3, 1, 7. Cf. on xiii. 4, 2, 5 (ayavyayddhyaksa), and Harisvamin on xiii. 5,4,6 (kosadhyaksa). The scholiast on the Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xv.3, 9, nas mantr'i duto va ; on xx. 1, 16, prafi- haro duto va. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 41, 61, etc., renders it ' chamberlain. ' 7 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 26 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 7, 1, with the scholiast's note, and ibid.,anuksattr, rendered as sarather anucara, ' the at- tendant of the charioteer ' ; Sahkha- yana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 1, 20, with the scholiast's note. 8 Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 481. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 2, 36 ; 17, 290 ; St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 202 RULING POWER— MILITARY CLASS [ K§at: I. Ksatra, in the general sense of ' dominion,' ' rule,' ' power,' as exercised by gods and men, occurs frequently from the Rigveda1 onwards. The word is also found in the concrete sense of ' rulers ' in the Rigveda 2 and later ;3 but in no case does it in the Rigveda certainly4 mean what it regularly denotes in the later Samhitas,5 the ruling class as opposed to the priests (Brahman), the subject people (Vi£, Vaisya), and the servile class (Sudra). See also Ksatriya. A Ksatra-pati is several times mentioned6 as an equivalent of ' king.' . 1 i. 24, 11; 136, 1. 3; iv. 17, 1; v. 62, 6, etc.; Av. iii. 5, 2 ; v. 18, 4, etc. So ksatra-sri, Rv. i. 25, 5 ; vi. 26, 8 ; ksatra-bhrt, ' bringers of lordship. ' Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 4, 7, 2 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, ii. 4, 6, 12 ; 7, 6, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxvii. 7, etc. 2 Singular: i. 157, 2 ; viii. 35, 17. 3 Plural: Av. iv. 22, 2; Vajasaneyi Samhita., x. 17 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 7. 6, 3- 4 See Roth, St. Petersburg Die tionary, s.v., and Varna. 5 Av. ii. 15, 4 ; ix. 7, 9 ; xii. 5, 8 ; xv. 10, 5, etc. ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 6, 1, 2 ; ii. 2, 11, 2, etc. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, v. 27 ; xiv. 24 ; xviii. 38, etc. See other citations under Varna. 6 Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 14, 2; Vajasaneyi Samhita, x. 17 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 8, 5 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, v. 4, 2, 2. 2. Ksatra seems to be the name of a man mentioned with others, including Manasa, Yajata, and Avatsara, in one quite obscure passage of the Rigveda.1 1 v. 44, 10. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 138. Ksatra-vidya, ' the science of the ruling class,' is mentioned in the Chandogya Upanisad.1 Sankara glosses the term with dhanur-veda, ' the science of the bow,' which is the most probable sense.2 1 vii. 1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. 2 Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 104. Ksatriya. — As the origin of caste, the relation of the castes, intermarriage, and cognate matters may most conveniently be discussed under Varna, this article will be confined to deter- mining, as far as possible, the real character of the class called Ksatriyas, or collectively Ksatra. The evidence of the Jatakas1 points to the word Khattiya 1 See Fick, Die sociale Gliederung im Buddha, 1, 95 et seq. ; Buddhist India, nordostlichen Indien zu Buddhas Zeit, 59 52 et seq. et seq. ; Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the K§atriya ] THE MILITARY CLASS 203 denoting the members of the old Aryan nobility who had led the tribes to conquest, as well as those families of the aborigines who had managed to maintain their princely status in spite of the conquest. In the epic2 also the term Ksatriya seems to include these persons, but it has probably a wider signification than Khattiya, and would cover all the royal military vassals and feudal chiefs, expressing, in fact, pretty much the same as the bar ones of early English history. Neither in the Jatakas3 nor in the epic4 is the term co-extensive with all warriors ; the army contains many besides the Ksatriyas, who are the leaders or officers, rather than the rank and file. In the later Samhitas5 and the Brahmanas6 the Ksatriya stands as a definite member of the social body, distinct from the priest, the subject people, and the slaves, Brahmana, Vaigya, and Sudra. It is significant that Rajanya is a variant to Ksatriya, and an earlier one. Hence it is reasonable to suppose that the Ksatriya and Rajanya are both of similar origin, being princely or connected with royalty. Moreover, the early use of Ksatriya in the Rigveda7 is exclusively con- nected with royal authority or divine authority. It is impossible to say exactly what persons would be in- cluded in the term Ksatriya. That it covered the royal house and the various branches of the royal family may be regarded as certain. It, no doubt, also included the nobles and their families : this would explain the occasional opposition of Rajanya and Ksatriya, as in the Aitareya Brahmana,8 where a Rajanya asks a Ksatriya for a place for sacrifice (deva-yajana). Thus, when strictly applied, Ksatriya would have a wider denotation than Rajanya. As a rule, however, the two expressions are identical, and both are used as evidence in what follows. That Ksatriya ever included the mere fighting 2 Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 73 et seq. 3 Fick, op. cit., 52, n. 2. 4 Hopkins, op. cit., 184 et seq., 190. 5 Av. vi. 76, 3. 4; xii. 5, 5. 44. 46, etc. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 5, etc. See Varna and Rajanya. 6 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 24, etc. ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 3, 2, 15 ; iv. 1, 4, 5. 6, etc. See Varna. 7 iv. 12, 3 ; 42, 1 ; v. 69, 1 ; vii. 64, 2 ; viii. 25, 8 ; 56, 1 ; x. 109, 3. Cf. Vaja- saneyi Samhita, iv. 19; x. 4; Tait- tirlya Brahmana, ii. 4, 7, 7. 8 vii. 20. Cf. Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxiv. 18, 2 ; Kathaka Samhita, xx. 1. 204 RELATION OF KSATRIYAS TO OTHER CLASSES [ Ksatriya man has not been proved: in the Rigveda9 and later10 others than Ksatriyas regularly fought ; but possibly if the nobles had retinues as the kings had, Ksatriya would embrace those retainers who had military functions. The term did not apply to all members of the royal entourage ; for example, the Gramani was usually a Vaisya. The connexion of the Ksatriyas with the Brahmins was very close. The prosperity of the two is repeatedly asserted11 to be indissolubly associated, especially in the relation of king (Raj an) and domestic priest (Purohita). Sometimes there was feud between Ksatriya and Brahmin.12 His management of the sacrifice then gave the Brahmin power to ruin the Ksatriya by embroiling him with the people13 or with other Ksatriyas.14 Towards the common people, on the other hand, the Ksa- triya stood in a relation of well-nigh unquestioned superiority.15 There are, however, references to occasional feuds between 9 In the following passages there is reference to the people (vis ) fighting : i. 69, 3; 126, 5 (cf., however, Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 121) ; iv. 24, 4 ; vi. 26, 1 ; vii. 79, 2; viii. 18, 18 ; 96, 15 ; probably also vii. 33, 6, where the Trtsunam vis ah means ' the subjects of the Trtsu princes,' as Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 136, thinks. In vi. 41, 5, on the other hand, the people and wars (prtandsu) are contrasted, the normal rule of the common folk being peace. 10 In Av. ix. 7, 9, the people are clearly designated as balam, or 'force,' a regular term later for an armed force. The later law books (e.g. , Gautama, vii. 6 ; Vasistha, ii. 22) allow even Brahmins to maintain themselves by the occupation of Ksatriyas in case of need. For the Epic, cf. Hopkins, op. cit., 94, 95 ; 184 et seq. 11 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 1, 10, 3 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 2, 3 ; iii. 1, 9 ; 2, 3; iv. 3, 9; Kathaka Samhita, xxix. 10 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, v. 27 ; vii. 21 ; xviii. 14 ; xix. 5 ; xxxviii. 14, etc. ; PancavimSa Brahmana, xi. 11,9; Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 22 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 2, 1, 7 ; iii. 5, 2, 11 ; 6, 1, 17 ; vi. 6, 3, 14. The superiority of the Rajanya to all other castes is asserted in Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 10, 1, etc. The superiority of the Brahmin to the Ksatriya is sometimes asserted — e.g., in the Atharvaveda hymns, v. 18. 19 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 3, 8 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 21 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 1, 9, 1 ; 3, 7, 8. So the Rajasuya sacrifice of the king is inferior to the highest sacrifice (the Vajapeya) of the priest (ibid., v. 1, 1, 12), and though the Brahmin goes after the king, he is yet stronger than he (v. 4, 2, 7, and v. 4, 4, 15). Cf. Hopkins, op. cit., 76. 12 Kathaka Samhita, xxviii. 5 ; Av. v. 18. 19. 13 E.g., Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2, 11, 2 ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 6, 5 ; ii. i, 9 ; iii. 3, 10; Kathaka Samhita, xxix. 8, etc. 14 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 3, 10. etc. 15 Kathaka Samhita, xvi. 4 ; xxi. 10 ; xxii. 9 ; xxix. 9. 10 ; Aitareya Brah- mana, ii. 33 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 2, 7, 15. 16, etc. ; Maitrayani Sam- hita, iv. 4, 9. 10; 6, 8, etc. X§atriya OCCUPATIONS OF THE KSATRIYA 205 the people and the nobles,16 in which no doubt the inferior numbers of the latter were compensated by their superior arms and prowess. In the Aitareya Brahmana17 the Vaisya is described as tributary to another (anyasya bali-krt), to be devoured by another (anyasyddya), and to be oppressed at will (yathdkama-jyeya). Probably these epithets apply most strictly to the relation of the king and his people, but the passage shows that the people were greatly at the mercy of the nobles. No doubt the king granted to them the right, which may have been hereditary, to be supported by the common people, whose feudal superiors they thus became. In return for these privileges the Ksatriyas had probably duties of protection to perform, as well as some judicial functions, to judge from an obscure passage of the Kathaka Samhita.18 The main duty of the Ksatriya in the small states19 of the Vedic period was readiness for war. The bow is thus his special attribute,20 just as the goad is that of the agriculturist; for the bow is the main weapon of the Veda. Whether the Ksatriyas paid much attention to mental occupations is uncertain. In the latest stratum of the Brahmana literature there are references to learned princes like Janaka of Videha, who is said to have become a Brahmin (brahma), apparently in the sense that he had the full knowledge which a Brahmin possessed.21 Other learned Ksatriyas of this period were 16 Cf. note 13 ; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 4, 6, 7 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 6, 7. 17 vii. 29. Cf. Raj an. 18 xxvii. 4 (tasmdd rajanyenadhyaksena vaisyam ghnanti, ' so with a Raj any a as a supervisor [?] they smite a Vaisya'). It is not clear whether han here means 'kill ' or ' beat.' 19 See Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, x5. 30. n. 2. 20 Av. xviii. 2, 60 ; Kathaka Samhita, xviii. 9 ; xxxvii. 1 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, v. 3, 5, 30 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, vi. 1, 3. In the Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 19, the list is longer — chariot, breastplate (Kavaca), bow and arrow (isu-dhanvan) — and in the prayer for the prosperity of the Ksatriya (called, as usual in the older texts, Rajanya), at the Asvamedha, the Rajanya is to be an archer and a good chariot-fighter ; Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 18, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 12 , 6 ; Kathaka Samhita, Asvamedha, v. 14 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxii. 2. So Indra is the god of the Ksatriyas, Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 3, 1 ; iv. 5, 8, etc. 21 Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 6, 2, 1. Cf. Kausltaki Upanisad, iv. 1. See Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 421 et seq. ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 426 et seq. Similarly at the Diksa a Ksatriya becomes temporarily a Brah- min, Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 23. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 4, 1, 3. 206 LEARNED KSATRIYAS [ K§atrij Pravahana Jaivali,22 Asvapati Kaikeya,23 and AjataSatru. Garbe,25 Grierson,26 and others believe they are justified ii holding the view that the Ksatriyas developed a specie philosophy of their own as opposed to Brahminism, which appears later as Bhakti, or Faith. On the other hand, there is clear evidence27 that the opinion of Ksatriyas on such topics were held in little respect, and it must be remembered that to attribute wisdom to a king was a delicate and effective piece of flattery. There are earlier references to royal sages (raj an- yarsi),28 but it is very doubtful if much stress can be laid on them, and none can be laid on the later tradition of Sayana.29 Again, the Nirukta30 gives a tradition relating how Devapi, a king's son, became the Purohita of his younger brother Samtanu ; but it is very doubtful if the story can really be traced with Sieg31 in the Rigveda32 itself. In any case, the stories refer only to a few selected Ksatriyas of high rank, while there is no evidence that the average Ksatriya was concerned with intellectual pursuits. Nor is there any reference to Ksatriyas engaging in agriculture or in trade or commerce. It may be assumed that the duties of administration and war were adequate to absorb his atten- tion. On the other hand, we do hear of a Rajanya 22 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. i, i ; Chandogya Upanisad, i. 8, i ; v. 3, i ; Muir, op. cit., 433-435 ; 515 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 117; Max Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 1 , lxxv. 23 Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, i, 2 et seq. 24 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 1 ; Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 1, 25 Beitrdgezur indischen Kulturgeschichte, 1 et seq. Cf. Deussen, Philosophy of the Upani shads, 17 et seq. ; Winterniz, Geschichte der indischen Litter atur, 1, 199. 26 Article ' Bhakti ' in Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics ; Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 843. 27 Satapatha Brahmana, viii. 1, 4, 10. Cf. Oldenber g, Buddha, 73, n. 1 ; Keith, Aitareya Ar any aha, 50, 257 ; Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 868, 883, 1140-1142. Professor Eggeling concurs in the view that the Ksatriya share in the religious movement was not substantially real. 28 E.g., in Pancavimsa Brahmana, xii. 12, 6 ; but see on this Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der DeutscJien Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 235, n., and Varna. 29 Cited in Muir, op. cit., i2, 265 et seq. 30 ii. 10. 31 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 91 et seq. See Devapi. 32 x. 98. The case of Visvamitra may also be cited ; but his royal rank, which is attested by the mention of him as a Rajaputra in the Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 17, is at most merely a matter of descent, and is of very doubt- ful authenticity. See under Varna. Ksatriya ] KSATRIYA S' RELATION TO THE KING 207 as a lute player and singer at the Asvamedha or horse sacrifice.33 Of the training and education of a Ksatriya we have no record; presumably, as in fact if not in theory later on, he was mainly instructed in the art of war, the science of the bow, and the rudimentary administrative functions which would devolve on him. At this early state of the development of the nobility which appears to be represented in the Rigveda, it was probably not unusual or impossible for a Vaisya to become a Ksatriya ; at least, this assumption best explains the phrase34 ' claiming falsely a Ksatriya's rank ' (ksatriyam mithuya dhdrayantam). The king and the Ksatriyas must have stood in a particularly close relation. The former being the Ksatriya par excellence, it is to him rather than to the ordinary Ksatriya that we must refer passages like that in the Satapatha Brahmana,35 where it is said that the Ksatriya, with the consent of the clansmen, gives a settlement to a man : clearly a parallel to the rule found among many peoples that the chief, but only with the consent of the people, can make a grant of unoccupied land. In the same Brahmana36 it is said that a Ksatriya consecrates a Ksatriya, a clear reference, as the commentator explains, to the practice of the old king consecrating the prince (kumdra) who is to succeed him ; and again,37 the Ksatriya and the Purohita are regarded as alone complete in contrast with other people, the parallel with the Purohita here suggesting that the Ksatriya par excellence is meant. On the other hand, the king is sometimes con- trasted with the Rajanya.38 The Sutra literature contains elaborate rules39 for the educa- 33 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 3, 5. ; 38 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 2, This mention is proof of the existence j 17, and see Rajanya. of a class of Ksatriya bards (as opposed 39 See references in Buhler, Sacred to priestly reciters), from whose pro- | Books of the East, 14, 395, 396. ductions the Epic naturally grew up. j Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 212 Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American j et seq.; Ludwig, Translation of the Oriental Society, 15, 258. Rigveda, 3, 231 et seq. ; von Schroeder, 34 vii. 104, 13. Cf, for a similarly ! Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 151 etseq.; false claim to be a Brahmin, x. 71, 8. | Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 4 et seq. 33 vii. 1, 1, 8. 88 xii. 8, 3, 19 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 254, n. 1. (where practically every passage on the subject is cited or referred to) ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 37 Cf. Eggeling, ibid., 41, 259. | 13, 98 et seq. (for the Epic parallels). 208 KING— WOUND— DWELLING— FALCON— MILK [ Ksapavan tion and occupations of Ksatriyas, but their contents cannot always be traced in the Brahmana literature, and their value is questionable. Ksa-pavan, ' protector of the earth,'1 is an epithet of a king,2 or denotes a king3 in the Rigveda. The word is significant, as showing the function of the king as the protector of the tribal territory. 1 The word occurs only in the nominative singular as ksapavan, which would be the regular form from a stem ksapavant ; but it is probably an irregu- larity for ksapava. Cf. Olden berg, Rgveda-Noten, i, 72. z 111. 55. 17. 3 i. 70, 5 ; vii. 10, 5 ; viii. 71, :. 29, 1. Cf. ksiti-pa, 'guardian of earth, king,' in later Sanskrit. Ksiti is in the Rigveda1 a regular word for 'dwelling,' and in particular the ksitir dhruvd, ' the secure dwelling,' is mentioned 2 in a context that shows it to be equivalent to the Vrjana or Grama regarded as a stronghold. From this sense is developed that of the peoples occupying the settlements,3 and in particular the five peoples4 (for whom see Pafica Janasah). 1 i. 65, 3; iii. 13, 4; v. 37, 4, etc. 2 i- 73, '4 {of. 2) ; vii. 88, 7. See Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 142. 3 Rv. iii. 38, 1 ; iv. 24, 4 ; 38, 5 ; v. 1, 10, etc. 4 i. 7, 9; 176, 3; v. 35, 2; vi. 46, 7; vh. 75. 4 : 79, I. Ksipta, ■ a wound ' (caused by shooting), or ' bruise ' (caused by throwing), is mentioned in the Atharvaveda,1 together with a remedy for it, the Pippali. 1 vi. 109, 1. 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 389. Ksipra-syena, ' swift falcon,' is the name of a bird in the Maitrayani Samhita (iii. 14, 11) and the Satapatha Brahmana x. 5, 2, 10). Ksira, ' milk,' also called Go or Payas, played a large part in the economy of the Vedic Indians.1 It was taken warm {pakva 1 The word ksira does not occur in Rv. ii.-vii. It is found in i. 109, 3 ; 164, 7; viii. 2, 9; ix. 67, 32; x. 87, 16 ( = Av. viii. 3, 15). See Hopkins, Samhita, iii. 4, 8, 7, etc Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 64, 73 et seq. See also Av. ii. 26, 4 ; v. 19, 5 ; x. 9, 12, etc. ; Taittirlya K§ura ] MILK— HYMN-WRITERS— RAZOR 209 as it came from the cow,2 or was used with grain to make a 'mess cooked with milk' (kslra-pdkam odanam).3 It was also used for mixing with Soma (Abhi£ri, Agir). From it butter (Ghrta) was made. Milk was also curdled, the Putika and Kvala plants, among others, being used for the purpose.4 The curdled milk (Dadhi) was undoubtedly used for food ; and a kind of cheese is perhaps referred to in one passage of the Rigveda.5 Goat's milk (aja-ksira) is also mentioned.6 2 i. 62, 9 ; 180, 3 ; iii. 30, 4. 3 Rv. viii. 77, 10 ; Av. xiii. 2, 20. Cf. kfira-sri, ' milk-mixed,' Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 4, 9, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, viii. 57, etc. 4 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 3, 5. 5 vi. 48, 18. 6 Satapatha Brahmana, xiv. 1, 2, 13 ; see Aja. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 63, 226, 226, 268. Ksiraudana, ' rice cooked with milk,' is mentioned frequently in the Satapatha Brahmana (ii. 5, 3, 4 ; xi. 5, 7, 5, etc.). Ksudra-suktas, ' makers of short hymns,' is the name given in the Aitareya Aranyaka1 to the authors of certain hymns of the Rigveda. Cf. Mahasukta. 1 ii. 2, 2. Cf. Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 212, and Macdonell, Brhaddevata, notes on iii. 116. Ksumpa is a word occurring only in one passage of the Rigveda,1 where it seems to mean a 'bush.' The Nirukta2 identifies it with the Ahichatraka, a ' mushroom.' 1 i. 84, 8. 2 v. 16. Cf. Benfey, Samaveda, Glossar, 53. Ksura occurs three times in the Rigveda. The word appears to have the general sense of ' blade '-1 in one passage,2 possibly also in another,3 where it is said that the hare swallowed a 1 Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 61, 69. Cf. 13, 292 (as * knife ' in the Epic). 2 i. 166, 10 (pavisti hsurah on the fellies of the Maruts' car ; possibly 'razors' may be meant, as Max Miiller VOL. I. says in his note on this passage, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 235, n. 4). 3 x. 28, 9, where Sayana renders it as meaning 'having claws.' The later tradition ascribes the swallowing to a goat. 14 2IO RAZOR— FIELD [ K§etra Ksura, and where the sense ' blade ' is adequate. In the third passage 4 there seems to be a reference to the sharpening of a razor on a grindstone5 (bhurijos, the dual denoting precisely, as Pischel6 points out, the two sides of the apparatus, between which the stone revolved like the modern grindstone). But Muir,7 following another view of Roth,8 adopts the sense ' the edge of scissors,' which, however, hardly suits the other passage, one in the Atharvaveda,9 where a Ksura is described as moving about on the bhurijos,10 as the tongue on the lip. The meaning * razor ' is perfectly clear in the Atharvaveda,11 where shaving by means of it is mentioned ; in many other passages12 either sense is adequate. A ksuro bhrjvdn occurs in the Yajur- veda:13 it seems to denote, as Bloomfield14 suggests, a razor with a strop (in the shape of a small grinding apparatus). Ksura-dhara15 denotes * the edge of a razor,' like ksurasya dhdra.10 In the Upanisads17 a razor-case (Ksura-dhana) is mentioned. See also Sma&FU. 4 viii. 4, 16 (sam nah sisihi bhurijor iva hsuram, ■ sharpen us like a razor on a grindstone or stropping apparatus '). 5 Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. e Vedische Studien, i, 243. 7 Sanskrit Texts, 5, 466. • St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. bhurij. 9 xx. 127, 4. 10 Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 197, translates bhurijos by 'on a strop. ' 11 vi. 68, 1. 3 ; viii. 2, 7. 12 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 6, 4, 5 ; iii. 1, 2, 7 ; ksura-pavi, Av. xii. 5, 20. 55; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 1, 5, 7; 5, 5, 6 ; v. 6, 6, 1 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, iii. 6, 2, 9, etc. ; MaitrayanI Samhita, i. 10, 14 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxvi. 8 ; Nirukta, v. 5. 18 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 12, 3. Cf. MaitrayanI Samhita, ii. 8, 7 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xv. 4 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, viii. 5, 2, 4. 14 American Journal of Philology, 17, 418. 15 Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 13, 9. 16 Bi-hadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 3, 2. 17 Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 20. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 266; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 239-243; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 38 et seq. Ksetra, ' field.' The use of this word in the Rigveda points clearly to the existence of separate fields1 carefully measured off,2 though in some passages the meaning is less definite, 1 x. 33, 6. Cf. hi. 31, 15; v. 62, 7. 2 i. no, 5. K§etriya ] FIELD— DISEASE 211 indicating cultivated land generally.3 In the Atharvaveda4 and later the sense of a separate field is clearly marked, though the more general use is also found.6 The deity Ksetrasya Pati,6 ' Lord of the Field,' should probably be understood as the god presiding over each field, just as Vastos Pati presides over each dwelling.7 It is a fair conclusion from the evidence that the system of separate holdings already existed in early Vedic times.8 See also Urvara, Khilya. 3 i. ioo, 18 ; ix. 85, 4; 91, 6; Ksetra- \ 13; Av. ii. 8, 5; ksetrasya patni, ' Mis- jesa, i. 33, 15, 'acquisition of land'; hsetra-sa, iv. 38, 1, 'gaining land'; ksetram - jay a, ' conquering cultivated land,' Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 2, 11. The wider sense of ' place ' also occurs, v. 2, 3; 45, 9; vi. 47, 20, etc., and often later. 4 iv. 18, 5; v. 31, 4; x. 1, 18; xi. 1, 22 ; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2, 1, 2 ; Chandogya Upanisad, vii. 24, 2, etc. 5 Av. ii. 29, 3 ; xiv. 2, 7 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 4, 1, 15. 16, etc. 6 Rv. iv. 37, 1. 2 ; vii. 35, 10; x. 66, tress of the Field,' 12, 1 ; ksetrmidm patih, 'Lord of Fields,' Vajasaneyi Sainhita, xvi. 18. 7 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 138. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 236; Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 1, 1, 8, where the Ksatriya, with the consent of the people, gives a settlement to a man : that is, presumably assigns to him a definite Ksetra for his own, probably measured out as recorded in Rv. i. no, 5. Ksetriya is a disease which is mentioned several times in the Atharvaveda, and against which three hymns are specially directed.1 It is also mentioned in the Kathaka Samhita.2 and the Taittiriya Brahmana.3 The commentators on the Athar- vaveda agree in taking it to be a hereditary disease. The word may mean * organic,'4 or possibly ' produced in the field,' as a theory of its origin. Wha t disease is really intended is quite uncertain. Weber5 considered that the aim of the Atharvan hymns was to drive away injury threatening the fields, but this is improbable. Bloomfield6 suggests 'scrofula' or 'syphilis.' The remedies mentioned throw no light on the symptoms. 14, 5; 1 ii. 8. 10 ; iii. 7. Cf. ii. iv. 18, 7. > xv. 1. 3 ii. 5, 6, 1-3, where the form is Ksetri, explained as a demon causing illness, merely an incorrect version of Av. iii. 10. 4 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 5 Indische Studien, 5, 145 ; 13, et seq. : 17, 208 ; Naxatra, 2, 292. 150 6 Atharvaveda, 60. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the AtJur- vaveda, 286 et seq. ; Whitney, Transla- tion of the Atharvaveda, 48, 49 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 391,. 392 ; Speijer, De ceremonia apud Indos qua jatakarma vocatur, 76-83 ; Panini, v. 2, 92, with the Kasika Vrtti. 14 — 2 212 RETAINERS— GARMENT— BIRD [ K§emadhrtvan Paundarika Ksema-dhrtvan Paundarika (* descendant of Pundarlka ') is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 as having sacrificed on the bank of the river Sudaman. 1 xxii. 18, 7. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, Ksema-dhanvan, HarivamSa, 824, etc. 1, 32. Later, the name is Ksaimi, 'descendant of Ksema,' is the patronymic of Suda- ksina in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 6, 3 ; 7, 1, etc.; 8,' 6). Ksoni. — This word, when used in the plural, denotes, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary and Ludwig,1 in several passages of the Rigveda,2 the free retainers of the king. Geldner3 at one time thought it referred to the wives of the king, pointing to polygamy ; but later4 he concluded that it means certain divine wives. 1 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 247. 2 i. 57, 4; 173, 7; viii. 3, 10; 13, 17; x. 95, 19. In ii. 34, 13; x. 22, 9, the sense is doubtful. 3 Bezzenberger, Beitrdge, II, 327. 4 Vedische Studien, 1, 279, 283. Ksauma, ■ a linen garment,' is mentioned in the Maitrayani Samhita (iii. 6, 7, etc.) and in the Sutras. Ksvinka is mentioned once in the Rigveda1 as a bird of prey. The word also occurs in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Taittiriya Samhita,2 where the com- mentary absurdly explains it as ' a red-mouthed female ape ' (mkta-tnukhT vdnari). 1 x. 87, 7. 2 v. 5, 15, I. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 93. Khadira ] NA VE— RHINOCEROS— ACACIA 213 Kha denotes in the Rigveda1 and later2 the hole in the nave of the wheel in which the axle is inserted. There was a difference, it seems, in the size of the hole in the wheel of a cart (Anas) and of a chariot (Ratha).3 See also 1. Yuga. 1 Rv. viii. 77, 3 ; 91, 7 ; x. 156, 3, where only the Kha is referred to. Cf. the adjective su-kha, ' having a good axle - hole, ' ' running easily ' ; later, ' agreeable.' Khahg-a. See Khadgra. 2 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, v. 12, 1 (Madhyamdina ; v. 10, 1 Kanva). 3 Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, 1, 3, 6 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 333. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 247. Khadga is the reading in the Maitrayani Samhita1 of the name of an animal which, in the text of the Vajasaneyi Samhita,2 variously appears as Khanga and Khadga. The rhinoceros seems clearly to be meant.3 In the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra4 a rhinoceros hide is mentioned as the covering of a chariot. in. 14, 21. xxiv. 40. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 86. xiv. 33, 26 {khadga-kavaca asvaratha). Khandika Audbhari (' descendant of Udbhara ') is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana1 as a teacher of Kesin, and in the Maitrayani Samhita2 as having been defeated by Kesin as a sacrificer. A Khandika appears in the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra3 as an enemy of Kesin. 1 xi. 8, 4, 1. 2 i. 4, 12, where Sandika is the read- ing of the MSS. 3 Caland, Uber das rituelle Sutra des Baudhayana, 20. Khadira is mentioned frequently from the Rigveda1 onwards2 as a tree with hard wood3 — the Acacia catechu. The Asvattha is referred to as engrafting itself upon it in the Atharvaveda,4 1 m. 53, 19. 2 Av. iii. 6, 1 ; v. 5, 5 ; viii. 8, 3 ; x. 6, 6 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 9, 3, etc. So khadira, ' made of Khadira- wood,' Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 5, 7, 1 ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 3, 3, 20; iii. 6, 2, 12, etc. 3 Av. x. 6, 6. 4 iii. 6, 1. Cf. viii. 8, 3. 214 FIRE-FLY— SPADE— CHANNELS-ASS [ Khadyota and from it the climbing plant Arundhati is said to have sprung.5 The sruva or sacrificial ladle is spoken of as having been made from it,6 no doubt because of its hardness. It is in the same passage also said to have sprung from the sap (rasa) of the Gayatri. There is no clear reference to Catechu having been prepared from its core,7 as it was later. The core (sara) was used for making amulets.8 5 Av. v. 5, 5. 6 Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 5, 7, 1. 7 It is called bahu - sara, ' of great strength,' in the Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 4, 9. 58. 8 Sankhayana Aranyaka, xii. 8. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 58, Kha-dyota (' sky-illuminator'), 'the firefly,' is mentioned in the Chandogya Upanisad (vi. 7, 3. 5). Khanitra, a ' shovel ' or ' spade ' for digging, is mentioned in the Rigveda1 and later.2 1 i. 179, 6 (possibly metaphorical : see Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 172; the passage is obscure). 2 Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 2, 4, etc. Khanitrima, ' produced by digging,' as an epithet of dpah, ' waters,' clearly refers to artificial water channels used for irrigation, as practised in the times of the Rigveda1 and the Atharvaveda.2 1 vii. 49, 2. 2 i. 6, 4 ; xix. 2, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 236; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 466. Khara, * ass,' is mentioned in the Aitareya Aranyaka,1 where a team of asses is alluded to. Probably the passages in the Satapatha Brahmana,2 where the word is used to denote an earth mound on which the sacrificial vessels were placed, pre- suppose the sense of ' ass,' the mound being shaped in this form.3 1 iii. 2, 4. 2 v. 1, 2, 15; xiv. 1, 2, 17; 2, 2, 30. Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, Khandava ] OWL— THRESHING-FLOOR— PULSE— GRAIN 215 Khargala is an ' owl ' or other nocturnal bird mentioned in one passage of the Rigveda.1 1 vii. 104, 17. Cf. Kausika Sutra, 107; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 93. Kharjura is the name of a tree (Phoenix silvestris) which is mentioned in the Yajurveda.1 1 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 4, 9, 2 ; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 10; xxxvi. 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 63. Khala, the * threshing-floor,' is mentioned in the Rigveda1 and the Atharvaveda.2 See Krsi. 1 x. 48, 7 ; Nirukta, iii. 10. 2 xi. 3, 9; khala-ja, 'produced on a threshing-floor,' viii. 6, 15; khalya, 4 being on a threshing-floor,' Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 9, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 238. Khala-kula is a word occurring in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,1 where Sayana glosses it by Kulattha, a kind of pulse (Dolichos uniflorus). 1 vi. 3, 22 (Madhyamdina = vi. 3, 13 Kanva). Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1. 355- Khalva is some sort of grain or leguminous plant, perhaps, as Weber1 thinks, the Phaselus radiatus. It is mentioned with other grains of all sorts in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.,2 and as being crushed with the Drsad in the Atharvaveda.3 It occurs also in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,4 where Sahkara glosses it with nispdva. 1 Indische Studien, 1, 355. 2 xviii. 12, where Mahidhara glosses it by canaka, ' chick-pea.' 3 ii. 31, 1 ; v. 23, 8. 4 vi. 3, 22 (Madhyamdina = vi. 3, 13 Kanva). Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 241. Khandava is mentioned in the Taittiriya Aranyaka1 as one of the boundaries of Kuruksetra. There seems no reason to doubt its identity with the famous Khandava forest of the Maha.bha.rata. The name occurs also in the Pancaviipsa Brahmana2 and the Satyayanaka.3 1 v. 1, 1. 3 Max Muller, Rgveda,2 iv, ci. 2 xxv. 3, 6. I Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 78. 2l6 RINGS— UNCULTIVATED LAND [ Khadi Khadi occurs frequently in the Rigveda denoting either anklets1 or armlets,2 or sometimes rings on the hands.3 Max Muller4 considers that the word means quoits, the later Cakra.6 The rings were sometimes of gold.6 1 v. 54, ii, and perhaps 53, 4. 2 This is what Khadis on the shoulders must mean.i. 166, 9 ; vii. 56, 13. 3 i. 168, 3 ; khadi-hasta, ' with rings on the hands,' 5, 58, 2. So Roth takes Khadin in vi. 16, 40 ; St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Khadin occurs also in ii. 34, 2; x. 38, 1. 4 Sacred Books of the East, 32, 120, 230. 5 Cf. vrsa-khadi, Rv. i. 64, 10. 6 Hiranya-khadi, Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 5, 12 ; viii. 23, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 262 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 149. Khan designates a measure of Soma in one passage of the Rigveda.1 1 iv. 32, 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 280. Khapgali, ' descendant of Khargala or Khrgala,' is the metronymic or patronymic of Lusakapi.1 1 Kathaka Samhita, xxx. 2 j Pancavimsa Brahmana, xvii. 4, 3. i. Khila,1 Khilya2 appear to have the same meaning. According to Roth,3 these terms denote the waste land lying between cultivated fields ; but he admits that this sense does not suit the passage of the Rigveda4 in which it is said that the god places the worshipper on an unbroken Khilya (abhinne khilye), and he accordingly conjectures the reading akhilya- bhinne, 'land unbroken by barren strips.' Pischel5 thinks that the meaning intended is broad lands, which were used for the pasturing of the cattle of the community, and were not broken up by cultivated fields. Oldenberg,6 however, points out that the sense is rather the land which lay between cultivated fields, but which need not be deemed to have been unfertile, as Roth thought. This agrees with the fact that in Vedic times separate fields were already known : see Ksetra. 1 Av. vii. 115, 4; Satapatha Brah- mana, viii. 3, 4, 1. 2 Rv. vi. 28, 2 ; x. 142, 3. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. So Whitney on A v., loc. cit. * vi. 28, 2. 5 Vedische Studien, 2, 205. 6 Rgveda-Noten, 1, 385, 386. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 236; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 499 ; Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, 228. Ganga ] SUPPLEMENTARY HYMNS— GANGES 217 2. Khila as a designation of certain hymns appended to the received text of the Rigveda occurs only in the Sutra period.1 The term is a metaphorical application of the preceding word, * a space not filled up,' 'a supplement.' 1 See Scheftelowitz, Die Apokryphen des Rgveda, 16 et seq. Khrgala, or, as the Paippalada recension of the Atharvaveda1 has it, Khugila, is an obscure expression found in two passages only — once in the Rigveda,2 and once in the Atharvaveda.1 In the former the meaning ' crutch ' seems required ; in the latter Sayana glosses it by ' armour ' (tanu-trdna) , but the sense is quite uncertain. 1 iii. 9.3. 1 u. 39, 4- Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 340 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, q8. Khela occurs in one passage of the Rigveda,1 where Pischel2 considers that a god, Vivasvant, is meant, and that races were run in his honour, explaining thus the phrase djd khelasya, as 4 in the race of Khela.' Roth3 thinks that a man is meant, and Sieg,4 following Sayana, sees in him a king whose Purohita was Agastya. See also Amsu. 1 i. 116, 15. 2 Vedische Studien, 1, 171- 173. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 127, 128. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 4, 28. G. Ganga, the modern Ganges, is mentioned directly in the Rigveda only once, in the Nadl-stuti or * Praise of Rivers.'1 But it is also referred to in the derivative form gdngyah as an epithet of Urukaksa.3 The name of this river does not occur 1 x. 75, 5. 2 vi. 45, 31. 3 The reference to the Ganga re- mains, even if with Oldenberg (Rgveda- Noten, 1, 396) we assume that a thicket i meant, and not a proper name (cf. Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, 2, 288). See also Weber, Proceed- ings of the Berlin Academy, 1898, 563, n. 1. 218 ELEPHANT— ASTROLOGER— GANDHARVA [ Gaja in the other Samhitas, but appears in the Satapatha Brahmana,4 where victories of Bharata Dauhsanti on both Ganga. and Yamuna are referred to, and in the Taittirlya Aranyaka5 especial honour is assigned to those who dwell between the Ganga. and the Yamuna, this being, no doubt, the region in which that text originated. The identification of the Ganga with the Apaya.6 made by Ludwig7 must be rejected : see Apaya. 4 xiii. 5, 4, ii. The victory on the Ganga represents the farthest extent of Bharata or Kuru rule. Cf. Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 23, and a verse in the Vaitana Sutra, xxxiv. 9, where the Sarasvati is also referred to. 6 Rv. iii. 23, 4. 7 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 200. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 4.5- Gaja, the common name of the elephant in Epic1 and later Sanskrit, is only found in the late Adbhuta Brahmana.2 See Hastin. 1 Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 265, 269. 2 Indische Studien, 1, 39. Ganaka, ' an astrologer,' occurs in the list of victims at the Purusamedha, or human sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.1 See also NaksatradarSa. 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 20; Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 4, 15, 1. Cf. Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 78. Gandharvayana Baleya (' descendant of Bali ') Agriivegya is mentioned as a Pancala in the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra (xx. 25). Gandhara is a later form of the name of the people called Gandhari in the Rigveda and Atharvaveda. In the Chandogya Upanisad1 the Gandharas are referred to as being distant from the writer. See also Gandhara. 1 vi. 14, 1. 2. See Oldenberg, Buddha, 399, n. ; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 219, n. On the other hand, Max Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 15, 106, thought the passage meant that the Gandharas were near the writer. taya Plata ] THE GANDHARIS— CAR-POLE— HOUSE 219 Gandhari is the name of a people in the north-west of India. In the Rigveda1 the good wool of the sheep of the Gandharis is referred to. The Gandharis are also mentioned with the Mujavants, Arig*as, and Magradhas in the Atharvaveda.2 Gandharis3 or Gandharis4 are also spoken of in the Srauta Sutras.5 Zimmer6 considers that they were settled in Vedic times on the south bank of the Kubha up to its mouth in the Indus, and for some distance down the east side of the Indus itself. They later formed a portion of the Persian empire, and detachments of Gandarians accompanied Xerxes in his expedition against Greece.7 1 i. 126, 7. 2 v. 22, 14. The latter two tribes are apparently the Eastern limit of the poet's knowledge, the two former the Northern. 3 Hiranyakesi Srauta Sutra, xvii. 6; Apastamba Srauta Sutra, xxii. 6, 18. 4 Baudhayana Srauta Sutra, xxi. 13. 5 See Caland, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 56, 553. 6 Altindisches Leben, 30, 31. 7 Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 23. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 206. Gabhasti denotes, according to Roth,1 the pole of a chariot in the epithet syuma- gabhasti, ' having reins as a pole,' used of the car of the gods in the Rigveda,2 and independently in the plural in the Taittirlya Brahmana.3 The meaning is, however, doubtful.4 Roth5 himself suggests that symna- gabhasti may refer to a sort of double reins. 1 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2 i. 122, 5 ; vii. 71, 3. 3 ii- 7- 13, 4- 55- 4 See Oldenberg, Rgveda- Noten, 1, 6 Op. cit., s.v. i. Gaya, ' house,' is a common word in the Rigveda,1 and sometimes occurs later.2 As its sense includes the inmates as well as their belongings, it is equivalent to ' household.' 1. 74, 2; v. 10, 3; 44, 7; vi. 2, etc. 2 Av. vi. 3, 3 ; 84, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxvii. 3. 2. Gaya Plata (' son of Plati ') is referred to in the Rigveda,1 two hymns of which he clearly claims to have composed, and which are attributed to him in the Sarvanukramanl and the 1 x. 63, 17 ; 64, 17 (as son of Plati). 220 POISON— A SAGE— CAR-SEAT [ Gara Aitareya Brahmana.2 In the Atharvaveda3 he appears with Asita and Ka£yapa as a half-mythical magician.4 2 V. 2. 3 i. 14, 4. Rv. v. 5i, 214. Cf. also the Khila after 15 ; Indische Studien, 3, 4 Bloomfield, American Journal of Philology, 17, 403. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 133 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 460. i. Gara, ■ poison,' is referred to in the Atharvaveda1 in the compound gara-gtrna, 'poisoned.' In the Satapatha Brah- mana2 it means simply a ' fluid.' 1 v. 18, 13. Cf. gara alone, Panca- vimsa Brahmana, xix. 4, 2 (see Indische Studien, 1, 33) ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, i. 9, 10; gara-gir, 'poisoned,' Pancavimsa Brahmana, xvii. 1, 9; xix. 4, 2. 10. 2 xi. 5', 8, 6. 2. Gara is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 as the author of a Saman or Chant, and as a friend of Indra. 1 ix. 2, 16. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 52. Garga is the name of a sage who is not mentioned in any of the Samhitas,1 but his descendants, the Gargclh Pravareyah, are referred to in the Kathaka Samhita.2 Garga himself does not occur till the Sutra period.3 1 The authorship of Rv. vi. 47 is attributed to Garga Bharadvaja in the Anukramani. 2 xiii. 12. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3.374 3 Garga - triratra, Garga- tryaha, a three-night or three-day feast of Garga. See AsValayana Srauta Sutra, x. 2 ; Sa.nkha.yana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 22, 2 ; Ka.tya.yana Srauta Sutra, xxiii. 2, 8. Gargfara, apparently the designation of a musical instrument, is mentioned once in the Rigveda.1 1 viii. 69, 9. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 144, n. 1 ; Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 289. Garta in the Rigveda x primarily denotes the seat of the chariot on which the archer sat. It seems to have been of considerable 1 vi. 20, 9. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, I Oriental Society, 13, 238, 239; Geldner, 246, 247. Zimmer wrongly takes this Vedische Studien, 3, 48, and cf. garta-sad, passage to refer to standing in the car. ' sitting on the car seat,' in Rv. ii. ^, See Hopkins, Journal of the American J 11. Gardabhimukha ASS— A TEACHER 221 size, being described as brhant,2 ' large.' The word then comes to denote the chariot3 itself, either really or metaphorically.4 2 v. 62, 8; 68, 5. 3 So probably in v. 62, 5 ; garta-ruh, ' mounting the chariot, ' in Rv. i. 124, 7 ; Nirukta, iii. 5, may refer merely to mounting the seat. The passage is obscure; see Geldner, Rigveda, Kbm- mentar, 22. 4 vii. 64, 4 (of the hymn). Gardabha, 'the ass,' is mentioned in the Rigveda1 as inferior to the horse. In the Taittirlya Samhita he again appears as inferior to the horse,2 but at the same time as the best bearer of burdens (bhdra-bhdritama) among animals.3 The same authority styles the ass dvi-retas, ' having double seed,'4 in allusion to his breeding with the mare as well as the she-ass. The smallness of the young of the ass, and his capacity for eating, are both referred to.6 The disagreeable cry of the animal is mentioned in the Atharvaveda,6 and in allusion to this the term ' ass ' is applied opprobriously to a singer in the Rigveda.7 A hundred asses are spoken of as a gift to a singer in a Valakhilya hymn.8 The mule (asvatara) is the offspring of an ass and a mare, the latter, like the ass, being called dvi- retas,9 ' receiving double seed,' for similar reasons. The male ass is often also termed Rasabha. The female ass, Gardabhi, is mentioned in the Atharvaveda10 and the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.11 1 iii. 53, 23. A car drawn by asses is referred to in the Aitareya Brah- mana, iv. 9 ; see also Khara. 2 v. i, 2, 1. 2. 3 v. 1, 5, 5. 4 v- 1> 5> 51 vn- 1> 1. 2; Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 57, 4 (Oertel, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 177-180) : of the Rasabha, Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 3, 1, 23. 5 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 1, 5, 5. 6 viii. 6, 10. 7 1. 29, 5. 8 viii. 56, 3. 9 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 1, 2. 3 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, vi. 1, 6 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 57, 4. 10 x. 1, 4. 11 i. 4, 8. For other references to the ass as Gardabha, see Av. v. 31, 3 ; Aita- reya Brahmana, iii. 34 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 5, 1, 9; xii. 7, 1, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 232, 233- Gardabhi-mukha is mentioned as a teacher in the Vamsa Brahmana.1 1 Indische Studien, 4, 384. 222 TEACHERS —WILD BOAR— OX [ Gardabhivipii Gardabhi-vipita, or Gardabhi-vibhlta, is the name of a teacher who was a Bharadvaja and a contemporary of Janaka, mentioned in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. 1 iv. i, ii (Madhyamdina = iv. 1, 5 Kanva). Garmut is the name of a kind of wild bean mentioned in the Taittirlya Samhita.1 The Kathaka Samhita2 has the form Ganmut, which is probably a false reading. The adjective garmuta, ' made from the Garmut bean,' is found in the Maitrayani Samhita.3 Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 71. * 11. 4, 4, 1. 2. 2 x. 11. 2, 4. ii. Galunta is a word occurring only once in the Atharvaveda,1 apparently in the sense of * swelling,'2 but Whitney3 translates it by l neck.' 3 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 343- 1 vi. 83, 3. 2 Bloomfield, Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, October, 1887, xvi ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 505. Galunasa Arksakayana ('descendant of Eksaka') is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana (i. 38, 4). Gavaya, the name of a species of ox (Bos gavaens) occurs frequently from the Rigveda1 onwards.2 It is mentioned with Gaura and Mahisa in the Vajasaneyi Samhita,3 where also a wild Gavaya is spoken of.4 1 iv. 2i, 8. 2 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 10 ; Kathaka Samhita, xvi. 17 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 28 ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 8 ; iii. 34 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 2, 3, 9 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 3, 14, etc. 3 xxiv. 28. 4 xiii. 49 ; Taittirlya Samhita, iv. 2, 10, 3 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7, 17 ; Kathaka Samhita, xvi. 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 83, 84. GavaSir, ' mixed with milk,' is a frequent epithet of Soma in the Rigveda.1 1 i. 137, 1 ; 187, 9; ii. 41, 3; iii. 32, 2 ; 42, 1. 7 ; viii. 52, 10; 101, 10. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 279. Gavyuti ] CATTLE RAIDS— GRASS— GRAZING LAND 223 Gav-isti (lit. * desire of cows ') in several passages of the Rigveda1 denotes ' conflict ' or ' battle,' evidently with reference to cattle raids. Gavya.2 is similarly used. 1 i- 91, 23; iii. 47, 4; v. 63, 5 ; vi. 31, 3; 47, 20; 59, 7; viii. 24, 2; ix. 76, 2. So Av. iv. 24, 5. ■ Rv. vii. 18, 7. Gavi-sthira Atreya (' descendant of Atri ') is mentioned as a Rsi, or seer, in the Rigveda1 and the Atharvaveda.2 1 v. 1, 12 ; x. 150, 5. 2 iv. 29, 5. See also Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 14, 1. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 126. Gavldhuka,1 Gavedhuka,2 is the name of a species of grass (Coix barbata). It is also referred to in the adjectival forms gavldhuka3 and gavedhuka} It was boiled with rice5 (gavldhuka- yavdgil) or barley6 (gavedhuka-saktavah) in preparing gruel. Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 6, 5 ; iv. 3, 8 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 5. Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 4, 11. 1 Taittirlya Samhita, v. 4, 3, 2. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 4, 13 3, 1, 10; xiv. 1, 2, 19. 3 Taittirlya Samhita, i. 8, 7, 1 ; 13 ; 3, 1, 10; j, 7. 9, 2; Taittirlya Brahmana, i. 7, 3, 6 ; 5 Taittirlya Samhita, v. 4, 3, 2. 6 Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 1, 1, 8. Gavya. See Gavyuti. 13; 3. x, 10; 3, 7. Gavya. See Gavisti. Gavyuti in the Rigveda1 means, according to Roth,2 grass land for the pasturing of cattle, in which sense Gavya is also found.3 Thence it derives the sense of a measure of distance found in the Paflcavimsa Brahmana.4 Geldner, on the other hand, takes the original meaning to be • road,' real6 or meta- phorical,7 thence a measure of distance,8 and finally ' land.'9 1 i. 25, 16; iii. 62, 16; v. 66, 3; vii. 77, 4, etc. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 28 ; St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3b. 4 Paiicavimsa Brahmana, xvi. 13, 12. 5 Vedische Studien, 2, 290, 291. 6 Rv. i. 25, 16. 7 Rv. vi. 47, 20 ; x. 14, 2. 8 Rv. viii. 60, 20, and n. 4. 9 Rv. iii. 62, 16 ; vii. 62, 5 ; 65, 4 viii. 5, 6. 224 NAMES— SONG [ G-angya Gangya, ' being on the Ganges,' is the epithet of Urukaksa1 or of a thicket2 in the Rigveda.3 1 Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Cf. Wackernagel, Altindische Gram- matik, 2, 288 ; Weber, Episches im vedischen Ritual, 28. 2 Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 398. vi. 45. 3i. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 2, 291, Gangyayani, ' descendant of Gangya,' occurs as the patrc nymic of Citra in the Kausltaki Upanisad.1 1 i. 1. There is a v.l. Ga.rgya.yani. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 395. Gatu. See Gatha. Gatha in the Rigveda1 usually means only 'song,' 'verse,' like Gatu.2 In one passage,3 however, it already has a more special sense, as it is classed with Narasamsi and Raibhi, a collocation repeatedly found later.4 The commentators identify the three terms with certain verses of the Atharvaveda,5 but Oldenberg6 has shown that this identification is incorrect for the Rigveda. Gathas are often mentioned elsewhere,7 and are referred to as metrical in the Aitareya Aranyaka,8 where the Rc, Kumbya, and Gatha are classed as forms of verse. The Aitareya Brahmana9 distinguishes between Rc and Gatha as divine and human respectively. According to the usage of the 1 viii. 32, 1 ; 71, 14 ; 98, 9 ; ix. 99, 4 ; gatha, i. 167, 6; ix. 11, 4; gdtha-pati, • lord of song,' i. 43, 4 ; gdtha-nl, ' lead- ing a song,' i. 190, 1 ; viii. 92, 2 ; rju- gatha, 'singing correctly, ' v. 44, 5; gathin, 'singer,' i. 7, 1. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17. 65. 2 i. 151, 2 ; ii. 20, 5 ; iii. 4, 4 ; iv. 4, 6 ; v. 87, 8 ; x. 20, 4 ; 122, 2. 3 x. 85, 6. 4 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 11, 2; Kathaka Samhita, Asvamedha, v. 2 ; Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 32 ; Kausltaki Brahmana, xxx. 5 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, xi. 5, 6, 8, where Raibhi does not occur ; Gopatha Brahmana, ii. 6, 12. 5 Viz. , Gatha. = Av. xx. 127, 12 et sea. ; NarasamsI = Av. xx, 127, 1-3 ; Raibhi = Av. xx. 127, 4-6; while ibid., 7-10, are known as Pariksityah (scil., rcah). 6 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 42, 238. Bloom- field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 689 et seq., seems to accept the identification even for the Rigveda. 7 Av. x. 10, 20 ; xv. 6, 4 (distinct from Narasamsi) ; Satapatha Brah- mana, iii. 2, 4, 16 ; xi. 5, 7, 10 ; xiii. 1, 5, 6 ; 4, 2, 8 ; 5, 4, 2 ; Taittiriya Aran- yaka, ii. 10 (distinct from Narasamsi) ; Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 17, 9, etc. 8 ii. 3, 6, with Keith's note ; Sata- patha Brahmana, xi. 5, 7, 10. 9 vii. 18. The story of Sunahsepa is described as sata-gdtham, ' told in a hundred Gathas.' Ii Gathina ] NON-VEDIC SONG— NAMES 225 Brahmanas and the liturgical literature, as stated by the St. Petersburg Dictionary, the Gathas are, though religious in content, distinguished from Re, Yajus, and Saman as non- Vedic — that is, are not Mantras. This view is consistent with the fact that the phrase Yajna-gfatha, meaning a verse summarizing a sacrificial usage, is not rare. The Satapatha Brahmana10 preserves several Gathas, which generally accord with this description as epitomizing the sacrifices of famous kings, and the Maitrayani Samhita11 states that a Gatha. is sung at a wedding. Sometimes12 Gatha is qualified as Narasamsl, where it must be a eulogy of a generous donor. 10 xiii. 5, 4, etc., and see xiii. 4, 2, 8, where the Gathas are plainly Danas- tutis, or 'praises of gifts,' just as the Narasamsi verses are declared to be in the Brhaddevata, iii. 154. 11 iii. 7, 3. 12 Taittinya Brahmana, i. 3, 2, 6. So Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 98, takes Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 6, 8, where Say ana hesitates between identifying the two and distinguishing them. It seems reasonable to regard Gatha as the wider term which covers, but is not coextensive with, Narasamsl. Cf. Sayana's example of a Gatha in his commentary on Aitareya Aranyaka, ii. 3, 6 : pratah pratar anrtam, te vadanti, ' they every morning tell an untruth,' which is clearly not a Narasamsi. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 689 et seq. ; Weber, Episches im Vedischen Ritual, 4 et seq. ; Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 493. Gathin is mentioned as the son of KuSika and father of Visvamitra in the Sarvanukramani. It is difficult to say whether this tradition is correct ; it derives some support from the Aitareya Brahmana (vii. 18), where reference is made to the divine lore {daiva veda) of the Gathins, which is said to be shared by Sunahsepa as a result of his adoption by Visvamitra. See Gathina. Gathina. — The sons of Visvamitra are described in the Aitareya Brahmana1 as Gathinas, or descendants of Gathin, who, according to tradition, was their grandfather ;2 and Visvamitra himself is styled Gathina in the Sarvanukramani. 1 vii. 18. Cf. Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, vii. 18 ; Weber, Episches im Vedischen Ritual, 16, n. 3. VOL. I. 2 Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 348 et seq. ; Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, 32 et seq. 15 226 NAMES [ Gamdama Gam-dama is the form in the Paficavimsa Brahmana1 of the name of Ekayavan, which in the Taittirlya Brahmana2 is read as Kamdama. 1 xxi. 14, 20. I tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts 2 ii. 7, ii, 2. Cf. Hopkins, Transac> \ and, Sciences, 15, 69. Gandhara, ' a king of Gandhara ' named Nagnajit, is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana.1 In the Satapatha Brahmana2 he or some descendant figures as Svarjit Nagriajita or Nagnajit, and as giving an opinion on the ritual, which is rejected with the observation that the author was merely a princely person {rdjanya-bandhu). 1 vii. 34, in the list of teachers who handed down the knowledge of the substitute for Soma. 2 viii. 1, 4, 10. Gargi Vacaknavi is referred to in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a female contemporary and rival of Yajnavalkya. 1 iii. 6, 1 ; 8, 1. Cf Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 118. Gargi-putra, 'son of Gargi,' occurs as the name of three teachers in the last Vam£a (list of teachers) in the Madhyamdina recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 4, 30). The earliest of these three was the pupil of Badeyiputra and the teacher of the second Gargiputra. The latter was the teacher of Paragarlkaundiniputra, the teacher of the third Gargiputra. Gargrya, ' descendant of Garga,' is the patronymic of Balaki in the Brhadaranyaka1 and the Kausltaki2 Upanisads. Two Gargyas are mentioned in the second Vam^a (list of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 3 : one of them is the pupil of Gargya, who again is the pupil of Gautama. Others occur in the Taittirlya Aranyaka4 and in the Nirukta,6 as well as later in the ritual Sutras. Thus the family was evidently long connected with the development of liturgy and grammar. 1 ii. 1, 1. 3 iv. 1. 3 iv. 6, 2 (Kanva). 4 i- 7, 3- 6 i. 3. 12 ; iii. 13. Girik§it Auccamanyava ] NAMES— MOUNTAIN 227 Gargyayana, ' descendant of Gargya,' is mentioned as a pupil of Uddalakayana in the second Vamsa (list of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (iv. 6, 2 Kanva). Gargyayani, * descendant of Gargya,' is a variant reading for Garigyayani as the patronymic of Citra in the Kausitaki Upanisad (i. 1). Galava is mentioned as a pupil of Vidarbhlkaundinya in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 It is possibly the same man that is referred to regarding a point of ritual in the Aitareya Aranyaka.2 A grammarian of this name is mentioned in the Nirukta.3 1 ii. 5, 22 ; iv. 5, 28 (Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3 Kanva). 2 v. 3, 3- 3 iv. 3. Cf. Panini, vi. 3, 61 ; vii. 1, 74 ; 3. 99 ; viii. 4, 67. Giri, ' mountain ' or ' height,' is a word that occurs repeatedly in the Rigveda.1 Thus reference is made to the trees on the hills, hence called ' tree-haired ' (vrksa-kesdh),2 and to the streams proceeding from the hills to the sea (samudra)? The term is frequently coupled with the adjectival parvata.4 The Rigveda mentions the waters from the hills,5 and the Athar- vaveda6 refers to the snowy mountains. Actual names of mountains, as Mujavant, Trikakud, Himavant, are very rare. References to Krauiica, Mahameru, and Mainaga, are confined to the Taittirlya Aranyaka, while Navaprabhramgana can no longer be considered a proper name.7 1 i. 56, 3 ; 61, 14 ; 63, 1 ; iv. 20, 6 ; vi. 24, 8, etc. 2 Rv. v. 41, 11. J Rv. vii. 95, 2. 4 Rv. i. 56, 4 ; viii. 64, 5 ; Av. see Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 411 ; viii. 32, 4 ; x. 68, 1, etc 6 xii. 1, 11. See Himavant. 7 Av. xix. 37, 8, with Whitney's note in his Translation ; Macdonell, Journal iv. 7, 8; vi. 12, 3; 17, 3; ix. 1, 18, ! of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909,1107. etc. i Cf. Zimmer, Allindisches Leben, 47. 5 Rv. vi. 66, 11, on which passage, ! Giri-ksit Aucca-manyava, 'descendant of Uccamanyu,' is mentioned in the Paiicavimsa Brahmana (x. 5, 7) as a con- temporary of Abhipratarin Kak§aseni. 15—2 228 NAMES— BDELLIUM [ Girija Babhravya Giri-ja Babhravya, ' descendant of Babhru,' is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (vii. i) as having been taught by Srauta the method of dividing the sacrificial animal (pasor vibhakti). Gugfgfulu, ' bdellium,' is referred to in one passage of th< Atharvaveda1 as produced by the Sindhu2 and by the sea. The latter source presumably alludes, as Zimmer3 assumes, to sea- borne trade, bdellium being the gum of a tree, not a product of the sea. It is, however, possible that in this passage some other substance may be meant. The word in this form also occurs elsewhere in the Atharvaveda4 and later ;5 it is often6 mentioned in the older form of GulgTilu, between which and Guggulu the manuscripts constantly vary. Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 8, 5 ; Panca- vimsa Brahmana, xxiv. 13 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 5, 2, 16. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 675 ; Lassen, Indische Alterthums- kunde, i2, 339 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 957, 958. 1 xix. 38, 2. 2 Or ' from streams ' (saindhava), as Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. guggulu, suggests. 3 A Itindisches Leben, 28. 4 ii- 36, 7. 5 Aitareya Brahmana, i. 28. 6 Taittirlya Samhita, vi. 2, 8, 6 ; Gurigu. — The descendants of Guhgu are referred to as Gungus in a hymn of the Rigveda,1 apparently as friends of Atithigrva. Possibly a people may be meant. 1 x. 48, 8. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 165. Gupta is the name in the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 42) of VaipaScita Dardhajayanti Gupta Lauhitya. All the three other names being patronymics show that he was descended from the families of Vipascit, Drdhajayanta, and Lohita. Gulgulu. See Gug-gulu. Gptsa-mada is the name of a seer to whom the Sarvanu- kramani attributes the authorship of the second Mandala of the Rigveda. This tradition is supported by the Aitareya Brah- ii Grha] VULTURE— COW— HOUSE 229 mana1 and the Aitareya Aranyaka.2 The Kausltaki Brahmana3 speaks of him as a Bhargava, ' descendant of Bhygu,' with a variant Babhrava, ' descendant of Babhru,' but the later tradition keeps to the former patronymic.4 The Grtsamadas are often mentioned in the second Mandala of the Rigveda,5 and are also called Sunahotras,6 but never Gartsamadas or Saunahotras, and Grtsamada himself never occurs there.7 V. 2, 4. 2 ii. 2, 1. 3 xxii. 4. Cf. Gartsamadi, xxviii. 2. 4 Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 226 et seq. 5 ii. 4, 9; 19, 8; 39, 8; 41, 18. 6 ii. 18, 6; 41, 14. 17. 7 Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 42, 200, 201. Cf Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 118; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 287. Grdhra, 'the vulture,' is often mentioned from the Rigveda1 downwards.2 The swiftness of its flight3 and its fondness for devouring carrion are especially noticed.4 More generally the word is used to designate any bird of prey, the eagle (Syena) being classed as the chief of the Grdhras.5 1 1. 118, 4; 11. 39, I j vii. 104, 22; x. 123, 8. 2 Av. vii. 95, 1 ; xi. 2, 2 ; 9, 9 ; 10. 8. 24 ; Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 4, 7, 1 ; v. 5, 20, 1 ; MaitrayanI Samhita, iv. 9, 19 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, iv. 29 ; Adbhuta Brahmana in Indische Studien, 1, 40 ; etc. 3 Rv. ii. 39, 1. 4 Av. xi. 10, 8. 24 ; MaitrayanI Sam- hita, loc. cit. 5 Rv. ix. 96, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 88 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 225. Grsti, ' a young cow,' which has only calved once, occurs in the Rigveda1 and the Atharvaveda,2 as well as in the later Sutra literature.3 3 Kausika Sutra, 19. 24, etc. 11. 13, 3 5 viii. 9, 24 ; xix. 24, 5. Grha is used in the singular,1 or oftener in the plural,2 to denote the ' house ' of the Vedic Indian. Dama or Dam has 1 Rv. iii. 53, 6 ; iv. 49, 6; viii. 10, I, etc. ; Av. vii. 83, 1 ; x. 6, 4 ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 21. 2 Rv. ii. 42, 3 ; v. 76, 4 ; x. 18, 12 ; 85, 26 ; 142, 4 ; 165, 2 ; Av. i. 27, 4 ; iii. 10, 11 ; vi. 137, 1 ; Aitareya Brah- mana, ii. 31 ; viii. 26 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, ii. 32 ; iv. 33 ; xviii. 44 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 2, 22 ; 6, 1, 19, etc. 230 HOUSE [ Grha the same sense, while Pastya and Harmya denote more especially the home with its surroundings, the family settle- ment. The house held not only the family, which might be of considerable size, but also the cattle3 and the sheep4 at night. It was composed of several rooms, as the use of the plural indicates, and it could be securely shut up.5 The door (Dvar, Dvara) is often referred to, and from it the house is called Durona. In every house the fire was kept burning.6 Very little is known of the structure of the house. Presum- ably stone was not used,7 and houses were, as in Megasthenes' time,8 built of wood. The hymns of the Atharvaveda9 give some information about the construction of a house, but the details are extremely obscure, for most of the expressions used do not recur in any context in which their sense is clear. According to Zimmer,10 four pillars (Upamit) were set up on a good site, and against them beams were leant at an angle as props (Pratimit). The upright pillars were connected by cross beams (Parimit) resting upon them. The roof was formed of ribs of bamboo cane (vamsa),11 a ridge called Visuvant, and a net (Aksu), which may mean a thatched covering12 over the bamboo ribs. The walls were filled up with grass in bundles {palada), and the whole structure was held together with ties of 3 Rv. vii. 56, 16 ; Av. i. 3, 4 ; ix. 3, 13. 4 Rv. x. 106, 5 ; Av. iii. 3. 5 Rv. vii. 85, 6. 6 Rv. i. 69, 2. Cf. the Garhapatya Agni, Av. v. 31, 5 ; vi. 120, I ; 121, 2 viii. io2; ix. 6, 30; xii. 2, 34; xviii. 4, 8 Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 39; xix. 18 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 6. 12; Kausi- taki Brahmana, ii. 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 6, 1, 28 ; vii. 1, 1, 6, etc. 7 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 153. Muir's view, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 461, that clay was used can only apply to the minor finishing of the walls of a house. 8 Arrian, Indica, x. 2. 9 iii. 12 ; ix. 3. See Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 343 et seq. ; Weber, Indische Studien, 17, 234 et seq. ; 1 Whitney, Translation of the Athar- vaveda, 525 et seq. 10 Op. cit., 153. No certainty can attach to the rendering of the words. 11 It seems likely that, as the ribs were of bamboo and were probably fixed in the ridge, the roof was wagon- headed, like the huts of the Todas at the present day (see illustrations in Rivers, The Todas, pp. 25, 27, 28, 51), and the rock-cut Chaityas, or Assembly Halls, of the Buddhists in Western India, in some of the earliest of which the wooden ribs of the arched roof are still pre- served. See Fergusson, History of Indian Architecture ,2 2, 135, cf. 126. 12 Av. ix. 3, 8, where Bloomfield, op. cit., 598, thinks of a wickerwork roof ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 1, 136, of a pole with countless holes. HO USEHOLDER—FA MILY—t various sorts (nahana, pranaha, samdamsa, parisvanjalya).13 In connexion with the house, mention is made of four terms which, though primarily sacrificial in meaning, seem to designate parts of the building: Havirdhana, 'oblation-holder'; Agnisala,14 ' fire- place '; Patninam Sadana, ' wives' room '; and Sadas, ' sitting room.' Slings or hanging vessels (Sikya) are also mentioned.15 Reedwork (ita) is spoken of, no doubt as part of the finishing of the walls of the house.16 The sides are called Paksa. The door with its framework was named Ata. 13 Av. ix. 3, 4. 5. 14 Zimmer conjecturally identifies the Agnisala with the central room, the Havirdhana with a place for keep- ing the grain, etc. (e.g., Av. iii. 3, 4), the Patninam Sadana with the women's apartments, and the Sadas with the subsidiary buildings. 15 Av. ix. 3, 6. See Whitney, op. cit., 526; Bloomfield, op. cit., 597. 16 Av. ix. 3, 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 148-156. Grha-pa1 or Grha-pati2 is the regular name, from the Rigveda onwards, of the householder as master of the house. Similarly the mistress is called Grha-patni.3 For the powers and position of the Grhapati see Pitr. 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 11. 2 Rv. vi. 53, 2 ; Av. xiv. 1, 51 ; xix. 31, 13 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 6, 8, 5; viii. 6, 1, ii, and repeatedly as an epithet of Agni, Rv. i. 12, 6 ; 36, 5 ; 60, 4 ; vi. 48, 8 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, ii. 27 ; iii. 39 ; ix. 39 ; xxiv. 24, etc. 3 Rv. x. 85, 26; Av. iii. 24, 6. Cf. Garhapatya, Rv. i. 15, 12; vi. 15, 19; x. 85, 27. 36. Grhya denotes the members of the house or family in the Satapatha Brahmana. 1 ii. 5, 2, 14 ; 3, 16 ; 6, 2, 4; iii. 4, 1, 6 ; xii. 4, 1, 4. Cf. grhah, i. 7, 4, 12. Gairi-ksita, ' descendant of Giriksit,' is the patronymic of Tpasadasyu in the Rigveda,1 and of the Yaskas in the Kathaka Samhita.2 v- 33. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 155, 174. 2 xiii. 12; Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 474, 475- 1. Go {a)> 'ox' or 'cow.'1 These were among the chief sources of wealth to the Vedic Indian, and are repeatedly 1 i. 83, 1 ; 135, 8 ; ii. 23, 18, etc. ; gava uksanah, i. 168, 2 ; Av. iii. IX, 8 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 20 ; gavo dhenavah, Rv. i. 173, 1 ; vi. 45, 28 ; x. 95, 6; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 19, etc. 232 MILKING-TIME [ Go referred to from the Rigveda onwards.2 The milk (Ksira) was either drunk fresh or made into butter (Ghrta) or curds (Dadhi), or was mixed with Soma or used for cooking with grain (Kslraudana). The cows were milked thrice a day, early (pratar-doha), in the forenoon (Samgava), and in the evening (sayam-doha)? Thrice a day they were driven out to graze, according to the Taittiriya Brahmana4 (prdtah, samgave, say am). The first milking was productive, the last two scanty.3 According to the Aitareya Brahmana,5 among the Bharatas the herds in the evening are in the Gostha, at midday in the Samgavini. This passage Sayana expands by saying that the herds go home to the Sala, or house for animals, at night so far as they consist of animals giving milk, while the others stayed out in the Gostha, or open pasturage ; but both were together in the cattle-shed during the heat of the day. The time before the Samgava, when the cows were grazing freely on the pastureland, was called Svasara.6 When the cows were out feeding they were separated from the calves, which were, how- ever, allowed to join them at the Samgava,7 and sometimes in the evening.8 While grazing the cattle were under the care of a herdsman (Gopa, Gopala) armed with a goad,9 but they were liable to all sorts of dangers, such as being lost, falling into pits, breaking limbs,10 2 The five sacrificial animals are man, goat, sheep, ox, horse, Sankh- ayana Srauta Sutra, ix. 23, 4 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, ii. 4, 3, 13 ; iii. 1, 2, I3 ) iv- 5> 5, Io; x^v- *i x) 32- 3 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 3, 1. 4 i. 4, 9, 2. The exact sense of this notice is obscure. Strictly speaking, the cows were driven out from the cattle- shed in the morning, spent the heat of the day in the Samgavini, were then driven out during the evening to graze, and finally came or were driven home, as is often mentioned : Rv. i. 66, 5 ; 149, 4 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 41. 5 iii. 18, 14. 6 Rv. ii. 2, 2 ; 34, 8 ; v. 62, 2 ; viii. 88, 1 ; ix. 94, 2. The going of the cows to their pasture in the morning is often referred to— e.g., Rv. i. 25, 16 ; x. 97, 8. 7 Rv. ii. 2, 2 ; viii. 88, 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 1, 1, 3; Sahkara on Chandogya Upanisad, ii. 9, 4; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, i. 12,4; Narayana on ASvalayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 12, 2. 8 Gobhila Grhya Sutra, iii. 8, 7 ; Rv. ii. 2, 2. See Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 111-114. 9 Pavlravan, Rv. x. 60, 3, is probably so meant. The usual name was A?lra, the significant mark of a Vaisya. Cf. Rv. vii. 33, 6. 10 Rv. i. 120, 8 ; vi. 54, 5-7. Also Pusan was the special deity expected to guard cattle, and hence is called anasta- pasu, ' losing nokine.' See Rv. x. 17,2, and Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 36. Go] CATTLE AS WEALTH— BEEF 233 and being stolen. The marking of the ears of cattle was repeatedly adopted, no doubt, to indicate ownership.11 Large herds of cattle were well-known, as is shown by the Danastutis, or ' praises of gifts,' in the Rigveda,12 even when allowances are made for the exaggeration of priestly gratitude. The importance attached to the possession of cattle is shown13 by the numerous passages in which the gods are asked to prosper them, and by the repeated prayers14 for wealth in kine. Hence, too, forays for cattle (Gavisti) were well known ; the Bharata host is called the * horde desiring cows ' (gavyan gramah) in the Rigveda -,15 and a verbal root gup,1Q ' to protect,' was evolved as early as the Rigveda from the denominative go-paya, * to guard cows.' The Vedic poets17 do not hesitate to compare their songs with the lowing of cows, or to liken the choir of the singing Apsarases to cows.18 The cattle of the Vedic period were of many colours: red (rohita), light (sukra), dappled {prsni), even black (krsna).19 Zimmer20 sees a reference to cows with blazes on the face in one passage of the Rigveda,21 but this is uncertain. Oxen were regularly used for ploughing or for drawing wagons (anadvah), in which case they were, it seems, usually castrated.22 Cows were not properly used for drawing carts, though they at times did so.23 The flesh of both cows and bulls was sometimes eaten (Mamsa). Cattle were certainly the 11 Rv. vi. 28, 3 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 2, 9, and cf. Astakarni and Svadhiti. 32 Rv. viii. 5, 37, etc. Cf. Panca- vimsa Brahmana, xvii. 14, 2 ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 21. 23 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 8 et seq. 13 Rv. i. 43, 2 ; 162, 22 ; v. 4, 11 ; ix. 9, 9, etc.; Av. i. 31, 4; ii. 26, 4; v. 29, 2 ; vi. 68, 3 ; viii. 7, 11 ; x. 1, 17. 29; xi. 2, 9. 21, etc. ; Taittiriya Sam- hita, iii. 2, 3, 1 ; v. 5, 5, 1 ; vi. 5, 10, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 59. 14 Rv. i. 83, 1 ; iv. 32, 17 ; v. 4, 11 ; viii. 89, 2, etc. IB 33, ii- 16 Rv. vii. 103, 9; Av. x. 9, 7, 8; xix. 27, 9. 10. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 358, n. 13. 17 Rv. vii. 32, 22 ; viii. 95, 1 ; 106, 1 ; ix. 12, 2, etc. 18 Rv. x. 95, 6. It is, however, un- certain whether the names of Apsarases are meant in this passage. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 5, 517. 19 Rv. i. 62, 9. Various other colours ! are mentioned in the lists of animals at the Asvamedha, or human sacrifice, in the Yajurveda, but apparently as exceptional. 20 Altindisches Leben, 226. 21 i. 87, 1. It is also rendered as ' the heavens with stars.' 22 Av. iii. 9, 2 ; vi. 138, 2 ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8. 9, 1 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 151, n. See Mahanirafta. 23 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 4, 13. 234 PRODUCTS OF THE COW— COW-KILLER [ Go objects of individual ownership, and they formed one of the standards of exchange and valuation (see Kraya). (b) The term Go is often applied to express the products of the cow. It frequently means the milk,1 but rarely the flesh2 of the animal. In many passages it designates leather used as the material of various objects, as a bowstring,3 or a sling,4 or thongs to fasten part of the chariot,5 or reins,6 or the lash of a whip.7 See also Carman, with which Go is sometimes synonymous.8 1 Rv. i. 33, io ; 151, 8; 181, 8; ii. 30, 7; iv. 27, 5; ix. 46, 4; 71, 5. 2 Rv. x. 16, 7 (in the funeral ritual). 3 Rv. vi. 75, 11; x. 27, 22; Av. i- 2, 3. 4 Rv. i. 121, 9. 5 Rv. vi. 47, 26 ; viii. 59, 5. 6 Rv. vi. 46, 14. 7 Rv. vi. 53, 9. 8 Rv. x. 94, 9. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 22J (c) Gavah means the stars of heaven in two passages of the Rigveda,1 according to Roth.2 1 i. 154, 6; vii. 36, 1. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 5. 2. Go Angirasa (' descendant of Angiras ') is the reputed author of a Saman or Chant in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 There is little doubt that he is mythical.2 1 xvi. 7, 7. Cf. Latyayana Srauta Sutra, vi. 11, 3. 2 Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 160 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 68. Go-ghata, * a cow-killer,' is enumerated in the list of victims at the Purusamedha, or human sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.1 See Mamsa. 1 Vajasaneyi Sainhita, xxx. 18; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 16, 1. Gotama is mentioned several times in the Rigveda,1 but never in such a way as to denote personal authorship of any hymn.2 It seems clear that he was closely connected with the 1 Rv. i. 62, 13 ; 78, 2 ; 84, 5 ; 85, 11 iv. 4, 11. 2 Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutsche* Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 215. Gotra ] GOT AM A— FAMILY 235 Arigirases, for the Gotamas frequently refer to Angiras.3 That he bore the patronymic Rahugana is rendered probable by one hymn of the Rigveda,4 and is assumed in the Satapatha Brah- mana,5 where he appears as the Purohita, or domestic priest, of Mathava Videgrha, and as a bearer of Vedic civilization. He is also mentioned in the same Brahmana6 as a contemporary of Janaka of Videha, and Yajnavalkya, and as the author of a Stoma.7 He occurs, moreover, in two passages of the Atharvaveda.8 The Gotamas are mentioned in several passages of the Rigveda,9 Vamadeva and Nodhas being specified as sons of Gotama. They include the Vaj asravases. See also Gautama. 3 Cf. Rv. i. 62, 1; 71, 2; 74, 5; 75- 2 : 78» 3 J iv.. 2, 5 ; 16, 8, etc.. 4 Rv. i. 78, 5. Cf. Oldenberg, loc. tit., 236, n. 1. 5 i. 4, i, 10 et seq. ; xi. 4, 3, 20. The former passage is wrongly cited by Sayana on R v. i. 81, 3. See Weber, Indische Studien, 2, 9, n. 6 xi. 4, 3, 20. 7 xiii. 5, 1, 1 ; Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, ix. 5, 6 ; 10, 8, etc. 8 iv. 29, 6 ; xviii. 3, 16. See also Sadvimsa Brahmana in Indische Studien, 1, 38; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 2, 6. 9 i. 60, 5; 6i, 16; 63, 9; 77, 5 ; 78, 1; 88, 4; 92, 7; iv. 32, 9. 12; viii. 88, 4. Cf. Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 10. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, no, 123 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 170, 180; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 151, 152. Gotami-putra, ' son of Gotami,' is mentioned as a pupil of Bharadvajl-putra in the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 5, 1). See also Gautami-putra. Gotra occurs several times in the Rigveda1 in the account of the mythic exploits of Indra. Roth2 interprets the word as ' cowstall,' while Geldner3 thinks ' herd ' is meant. The latter sense seems to explain best the employment which the term shows in the later literature as denoting the ' family ' or ' clan,' and which is found in the Chandogya Upanisad.4 In the Grhya Sutras5 stress is laid on the prohibition of 1 i- 5i,3; ii- 17,1; 23, 18; iii. 39,4; 43, 7 ; viii. 74, 5 ; x. 48, 2 ; 103, 7. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Vedische Studien, 2, 275, 276, where he divides the passages according as real or mythical herds are meant. 4 iv. 4, 1. So Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra, i. 4, 16, etc. ; Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, iv. 4, etc. ; Kausitaki Brahmana, xxv. 15. 5 Gobhila Grhya Sutra, iii. 4, 4 ; Apastamba Dharma Sutra, ii. 5, n, 15. 16, in Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 387. For sapinda, see Gau- tama Dharma Sutra, xiv. 13 ; Vasistha Dharma Sutra, iv. 17-19. X 236 PROHIBITED DEGREES IN MARRIAGE [ Godana marriage within a Gotra, or with a Sapinda of the mother of the bridegroom — that is to say, roughly, with agnates and cognates. Senart6 has emphasized this fact as a basis of caste, on the ground that marriage within a curia, phratria, or caste (Varna) was Indo-European, as was marriage outside the circle of agnates and cognates. But there is no evidence at all 7 to prove that this practice was Indo-European, while in India the Satapatha8 expressly recognizes marriage within the third or fourth degree on either side. According to Sayana, the Kanvas accepted marriage in the third degree, the Saurastras only in the fourth, while the scholiast on the Vajrasuci9 adds to the Kanvas the Andhras and the Daksinatyas, and remarks that the Vajasaneyins forbade marriage with the daughter of the mother's brother. All apparently allowed marriage with the daughter of a paternal uncle, which later was quite excluded. Change of Gotra was quite possible, as in the case of Sunah- Sepa and Grtsamada, who, once an Angirasa, became a Bhargava.10 6 Les Castes dans I'Inde, 210 ct seq. 9 See Weber, Indische Siudicn, 10, Cf. De la Vallee Poussin, Le Vedisme, 73-76. 15. 10 Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 7 Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic j 157; Festgruss an Roth, 108. Society, 1909, 471, 472. Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 61 et seq. ; 8 i. 8, 3, 6. ' Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 323. Go-dana appears to mean ' the whiskers ' in the Satapatha Brahmana,1 where the person, being consecrated, first shaves off the right and then the left ' whisker.' Later on the Godana- vidhi, or ceremony of shaving the head, is a regular part of the initiation of a youth on the attainment of manhood and on marriage ;2 but though the ceremony is recognized in the Atharvaveda,3 the name4 does not occur there. 1 iii. 1, 2, 5. 6. 2 ASvalayana Grhya Sutra, i. 19 ; Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 28, etc. 3 vi. 68. See KauSika Sutra, liii. 17- 20. But Av. ii. 13 is not to be classed here as in the KauSika ; it refers to the giving of a new garment to a child, and the removal of its first wrap. See veda, 56, 57, correcting Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 173, and Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 322, 323. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 306, 574, 665. 4 The meaning ' whisker ' id a secon- dary one, derived, doubtless, from the ' gift of a cow ' (go-dana), accompanying the ceremony of shaving the whiskers Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- I or hair. Gopati ] BO IVSTRING—LIZA RD— WHEA T—LORD 237 Godha. — (a) The sense of ' bowstring ' seems certain in one passage of the Rigveda,1 and possible in another.2 Roth3 also adopts this meaning in the only passage of the Atharva- veda4 where the word occurs. 1 X. 28, IO. II. 2 viii. 69, 9. See Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 53. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 1. 4 iv. 3, 6. (b) In one passage of the Rigveda1 the sense of 'musical instrument' is recognized by Roth and by Hillebrandt2 for this word. 1 viii. 69, 9. 2 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 144, n. 1. (c) Elsewhere1 an animal seems to be meant, perhaps the 4 crocodile,' as Ludwig2 and Weber3 think; perhaps a large ' lizard,' as Roth and Zimmer4 assume. An animal is probably also meant in the Atharvaveda.5 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 15, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 35 ; Pafica- vimsa Brahmana, ix. 2, 14 ; Baudha- yana Srauta Sutra, ii. 5 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 221 ; Satyayanaka in Sayana on Rv. viii. 91 ; Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 29. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 499. 3 Indische Studien, 18, 15, 16. Bloom- field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 368, renders the word vaguely by ' dragon.' 4 Altindisches Leben, 95. 5 iv. 3, 6, where Whitney offers no rendering at all. Go-dhuma, * wheat,' is frequently referred to in the plural in the Yajurveda Samhitas1 and Brahmanas,2 and is expressly distinguished from * rice ' (Vrihi) or ' barley ' (Yava).3 ■ Groats ' {saktavah) made of this grain are also mentioned.4 The word occurs in the singular in the Satapatha Brahmana.5 1 Maitrayani Samhita, i. 2, 8 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xviii. 12; xix. 22. 89; xxi. 29, etc. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 7, 1, 2 ; 2, 9 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 3, 22 (Madhyamdina = vi. 3, 13 Kanva), etc. 3 Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 3, 7, 2. 4 Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 9, 1, 5. 5 v. 2, 1, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 241. Go-pati, ' lord of cows,' is freely used in the Rigveda1 to denote any lord or master, a natural usage considering that cattle formed the main species of wealth. 1 i. 101. 4 ; iv. 24, 1 ; vi. 45, 21 ; vii. 18, 4, etc. Av. iii. 14, 6, etc. 238 NAMES— COW-HERD— RIVER GOMATI [ Gopavana Gopa-vana is the name of a poet of the race of Atri in the Rigveda.1 See Gaupavana. 1 viii. 74, ii. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 215; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 107. Go-pa and Go-pala, ' protector of cows,' occur in the Rigveda1 and later, but the former is usually metaphorical in sense, applying to any protector, while the latter has the literal force of ' cow-herd.' 1 Gopd: Rv. i. 164, 21; ii. 23, 6; iii. 10, 2; v. 12, 4, etc. ; Gopala: Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxx. 11; Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 1, 5, 4. Gopa, in the sense of • guardian, * occurs in the PancavimSa Brahmana, xxiv. 18, in a compound. Gopitha, in the sense of 'protection,' occurs in Rv. v. 65, 6; x. 35, 14, etc. Goptr, 'protector,' first occurs in Av. x. 10, 5, and is thereafter common. Go-bala (' ox-strength ') Varsna (' descendant of Vrsni ') is mentioned as a teacher in the Taittiriya Samhita (iii. 11, 9, 3) and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (i. 6, 1). Go-mati, ' possessing cows,' is mentioned as a river in the Nadi-stuti, or ' Praise of Rivers,' in the tenth Mandala of the Rigveda.1 In that hymn a river flowing into the Indus must be meant, and its identification2 with the Gomal, a western tributary of the Indus, cannot be doubted. In one other passage of the Rigveda3 the accentuation of Gomati shows that a river is meant. It is possible that in a third passage* the reading should be changed to gomatir from gomatir. Geldner5 suggests that in the two last passages the Gumti, or rather its four upper arms (hence the use of the plural) is meant : this accords well with the later use of the name and with the general probability of the river here intended being in Kuruksetra, as the centre of Vedic civilization.6 I 1 x. 75, 6. 2 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 14 ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 200. 3 viii. 24. 30. 4 v. 61, 19. See Oldenberg, Rgveda- Noten, 1, 355.356- 5 Vedische Studien, 3, 152, n. 2. 6 Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 218 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 19, 19 et seq. ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 174 ; Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 1141. Gosrati Vaiyaghrapadya ] GA YA L—H UNTSMA N—NA MES 239 Go-mayu, ' lowing like a cow,' does not occur as the name of the 'jackal ' till the late Adbhuta Brahmana.1 1 Indische Studien, 1, 40. Go-mrgfa, a species of ox, now called Gayal (Bos gavaeus), is mentioned in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda Samhitas1 and Brahmanas.2 In the Taittiriya Samhita3 it is declared to be neither a wild nor a tame animal ; this presumably means that it was semi- domesticated, or perhaps that it was both tamed and found wild. With the name of this animal may be compared the Mrga Mahisa, which is clearly mentioned as wild in the Rigveda.4 See also Gayava. 1 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 11; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 1. 30. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 3, 4, 3 ; 5, 2, 10 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 8, 20, 5. 3 ii. 1, 10, 2. 4 ix. 92, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 83, 84 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 338, n. 1. Golattika is the name of some unknown animal in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.1 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 16, 1 ; I saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 37. Cf. Zimmer, Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 18; Vaja- | Altindisches Leben, 99. Go-vikartana (' cow- butcher ') designates the ' huntsman ' in the Satapatha Brahmana (v. 3, 1, io).1 See Gogfhata. 1 Cf. Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 16, 1; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 18; Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 82. * Go-vyaca. See Vyaea. Go£arya is the name of a protege" of the Asvins in the Rigveda (viii. 8, 20 ; 49, 1 ; 50, 10). Go-6ru Jabala is mentioned as a sage in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 7, 7). Go-Sruti Vaiyagrhra-padya (' descendant of Vyaghrapad ') is mentioned as a pupil of Satyakama in the Chandogya Upanisad (v. 2, 3). In the Sankhayana Aranyaka (ix. 7) the name appears as Gosruta. 240 BIRD— NAMES— GRAZING GROUND [ Gosadl Go-sadI (* sitting on a cow ') is the name of a bird in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.1 1 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 5 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 24. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 94. Go-suktin is mentioned in the Sarvanukramani as the author of Rigveda viii. 14 and 15, and a Saman or Chant of his seems to be referred to in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xix. 4, 9), under the title of Gausukta. But see Gausukti. Go-stha, ' standing-place for cows,' denotes not so much a 'cowstall ' as the * grazing ground of cows,' as Geldner1 shows from a passage of the Aitareya Brahmana2 and from a note of Mahidhara on the Vajasaneyi Samhita.3 This sense suits adequately all the passages of the Rigveda4 where it occurs, and it greatly improves the interpretation of a hymn of the Atharvaveda,5 besides being acceptable elsewhere.6 See also Go. 1 Vedische Studien, 3, 112, 113. 2 iii. 18, 14. 3 iii. 21. 4 i. 191, 4; vi. 28, 1 ; viii. 43, 17. 8 iii. 14, 1. 5. 6, where Whitney's rendering ' stall ' is very unsatisfac- tory, and Bloomfield's • stable ' is no better. B Av. ii. 26, 2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 21 ; v. 17 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 8, 3, 2, etc. ; Kathaka Samhita, vii. 7; Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 2, 11. Gautama, 'descendant of Gotama,' is a common patro- nymic, being applied to Aruna,1 Uddalaka Aruni,2 KuSri,3 Sati,4 Haridrumata.5 Several Gautamas are mentioned in the Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as pupils of Agfni- veSya,6 of Saitava and Praclnayogrya,7 of Saitava,s of Bharad- 1 Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, 1, 4. 2 Ibid., xi. 4, 1, 3; 5, 1, 2; Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 7; Chan- dogya Upanisad, v. 3, 6 et seq. ; Kausitaki Upanisad, i. 1 ; Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana, i. 42, 1. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, x. 5, 5, 1. 4 Vamsa Brahmana in Indische Studien, 4. 373. 5 Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 4, 3. 6 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 6, 1 (Kanva). 7 Ibid., ii. 6, 2. 8 Ibid., iv. 6, 2. Gaura ] PA TRONYMICS—OX 241 vaja,9 of Gautama,10 and of Vatsya.11 A Gautama is also referred to elsewhere. ii. 5, 20. 22 ; iv. 5, 26 Madhyamdina). The Madhyamdina, ii. 5, 20 ; iv. 5, 26, knows a Gautama, pupil of Vaijavapa- yana and Vaisthapureya. 9 Ibid., ii. 6, 2 (Kanva = ii. 5, 22 iv. 5, 27 Madhyamdina). 10 Ibid., ii. 6, 3; iv. 6, 3 (Kanva = ii. 5, 22 ; iv. 5, 28 Madhyamdina). 11 Ibid., ii. 6, 3; iv. 6, 3 (Kanva= Gautami-putra (' son of a female descendant of Gotama ') is mentioned in the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 5, 2) as a pupil of Bharadvajlputra. In the Madhyamdina (vi. 4, 31) a Gautamiputra is a pupil of Atreyi- putra, pupil of a Gautamiputra, pupil of Vatsiputra. See also Gotamiputra. Gaupa-vana {' descendant of Gopavana ') is mentioned as a pupil of Pautimasya in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (ii. 6, 1 ; iv. 6, 1). Gaupayana ('descendant of Gopa'). The Gaupayanas appear in the legend of Asamati, Kirata, and Akuli, which is first met with in the Brahmanas.1 1 PaiicavimSa Brahmana, xiii. 12, 5 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, iii. 167 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 41) ; Satyayanaka in Sayan a on Rv. x. 57 (Max Miiller's edition, 42,c et seq.) ; Brhaddevata, vii. 83 et seq., with Mac- donell's notes. Gaupalayana (' descendant of Gopala ') is the patronymic of Sucivrksa in the Maitrayani Samhita.1 It is also the patro- nymic of Aupoditi, Sthapati of the Kurus, in the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra,2 and, as Gaupaleya, of Upoditi or Aupoditi in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.3 1 iii. 10, 4 (p. 135, line 9). Cf. Aita- reya Brahmana, iii. 48, 9, where Aufrecht reads Gaupalayana . ^ xx. 25. 3 xii. 13, Upoditi. 11. where the edition has Gaura, a species of ox (Bos gaurus), is frequently mentioned with the Gavaya from the Rigveda1 onwards.2 As the Vaja- saneyi Samhita3 expressly mentions wild (dranya) Gauras, they 1 i. 16, 5 ; iv. 21, 8 ; 58, 2 ; v. 78, 2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 28 ; Aitareya vii. 69, 6; 98, 1, etc. Brahmana, iii. 34, etc. 2 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 10; 3 xiii. 48. VOL. I. 16 542 A SEER— TEA CHERS [ Gauriviti gaktya must usually have been tame. The female, Gauri, is also often referred to.4 The compound term Gaura-mrga (* the Gaura wild beast ') is sometimes met with.5 * Rv. i. 84, 10; iv. 12, 6; ix. 12, 3 ; and in the obscure verse i. 164, 5 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 32 ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 8. Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 83, 224 Gauri- viti £aktya (< descendant of Sakti ') or Gauriviti, as the name is also spelt,1 is the Ksi, or Seer, of a hymn of the Rigveda,2 and is frequently mentioned in the Brahmanas.3 According to the Jaiminiya Brahmana,4 he was Prastotr at the Sattra, or sacrificial session, celebrated by the Vibhinduklyas and mentioned in that Brahmana. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 3, 7; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xi. 5; xii. 13; xxv. 7. 2 v. 29, 11. 3 Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 19 ; viii. 2 ; and see n. 1 . 4 iij 233 (Journal of the American Oriental Society \ 18, 38). Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 126 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 215. Gau£ra (' descendant of Gusri ') is the name of a teacher *t*rf*t**fa9e "mentioned in the Kausitaki Brahmana (xvi. 9; xxiii. 5). See t\ ^5.«»i.; GauSla. GauSrayani (' descendant of Gausra ') is the patronymic of a teacher, Citra, in the Kausitaki Brahmana (xxiii. 5). GauSla, a variant ol GauSra, is the name of a teacher repre- sented as in disagreement with Budila ASvatara Agvi in the Aitareya Brahmana.1 1 vi. 30. Cf. Gopatha Brahmana, ii. 6, 9 (GoSla). Gau-sukti is the name of a pupil of Isa Syavasvi according to the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana1 in a Vamsa (list of teachers). It is also the name, in the Pancavimsa Brahmana,2 1 iv. 16, 1. 2 xix. 4, 9. Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 30. Grata ] PLANETS 243 of a teacher who appears to have been needlessly invented to explain the Gausukta Saman (chant), which is really the Saman of Gosuktin. Graha (' seizing ') is a term applied to the sun in the Sata- patha Brahmana,1 most probably not in the later sense of 1 planet,' but to denote a power exercising magical influence.2 The sense of ' planet ' seems first to occur in the later literature, as in the MaitrayanI Upanisad.3 The question whether the planets were known to the Vedic Indians is involved in obscurity. Oldenberg4 recognizes them in the Adityas, whose number is, he believes, seven : sun, moon, and the five planets. But this view, though it cannot be said to be impossible or even unlikely, is not susceptible of proof, and has been rejected by Hillebrandt,5 Pischel,6 von Schroeder,7 Macdonell,8 and Bloom- field,9 among others. Hillebrandt10 sees the planets in the five Adhvaryus mentioned in the Rigveda,11 but this is a mere con- jecture. The five bulls (uksanah) in another passage of the Rigveda12 have received a similar interpretation with equal uncertainty,13 and Durga, in his commentary on the Nirukta,14 even explains the term bhumija, ' earth-born,' which is only men- tioned by Yaska, as meaning the planet Mars.15 Thibaut,16 who is generally sceptical as to the mention of planets in the Veda, thinks that Brhaspati there refers to Jupiter ; but this is extremely improbable, though in the Taittiriya Samhita17 Brhaspati is made the regent of Tisya. A reference to the 1 iv. 6, 5, i. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 432, n. 2. 3 vi. 16. See Weber, Indian Litera- ture, 98, n. 4 Religion des Veda, 185 et seq. ; Zeit- schrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 50, 56 et seq. 5 Vedische Mythologie, 3, 102 et seq. 6 Gbttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1895, 447- 7 Vienna Oriental Journal, 9, 109. 8 Vedic Mythology, p. 44. 9 Religion of the Veda, 133 et seq. 10 Vedische Mythologie, 3, 423. 11 iii. 7, 7. 12 i. 105, 10. Cf. also i. 105, 16, with Oldenberg 's note. 13 Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 24, 36. 1* i. 14. 15 See Weber, Jyotisa, 10, n. 2. 16 Astronomie, Astrologie, und Mathe- matik, 6. 17 iv. 4 10, 1. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. J02-104. l6 — 2 244 THROW OF DICE— VILLAGE [ Grabha planets is much more probable in the seven suns (sapta surydh) of the late Taittiriya Aranyaka.18 On the other hand, Ludwig's efforts to find the five planets with the sun, the moon, and the twenty- seven Naksatras (lunar mansions) in the Rigveda, as corresponding to the number thirty-four used in connexion with light19 (jyotis) and the ribs of the sacrificial horse,20 is far- fetched. See also Sukra, Manthin, Vena. i. 7. See on them Weber. Omina und Portenta, 339 ; Indische Studien, 2, 238 ; 9, 363 ; 10, 240, 271 ; Jyotisa, 10 ; Ramayana, 28, n. 2. 19 x. 55, 3. 20 i. 162, 18. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 183 et seq. ; Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 354 et seq. ; Max Miiller, Rgveda, iv.2, xxx. et seq. ; Whitney, Oriental and Linguistic Essays, 2, 412, n. Journal of the American Oriental Society 1 6, lxxxviii. Grabha (lit. ' grasping ') designates the ' throw ' of dice in the Rigveda.1 See also Glaha. 1 viii. 81, 1 ; ix. 106, 3. Cf. Liiders, Das Wurfelspiel im alien Indien, 49, 50. Grama. — The primitive sense of this word, which occurs frequently from the Rigveda1 onwards, appears to have been ' village.' The Vedic Indians must have dwelt in villages which were scattered over the country, some close together,2 some far apart, and were connected by roads.3 The village is regularly contrasted with the forest (aranya), and its animals and plants with those that lived or grew wild in the woods.4 The villages contained cattle, horses, and other domestic animals, as well as men.5 Grain was also stored in them.6 In the evening the cattle regularly returned thither from the forest.7 The villages were probably open, though perhaps a fort (Pur) might on 1 i. 44, 10; 114, 1 ; ii. 12, 7 (perhaps to be taken as in n. 10); x. 146, 1; 149, 4, etc. ; Av. iv. 36, 7.8; v. 17, 4 ; vi. 40, 2, etc. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, hi. 45 ; xx. 17, etc. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 2, 4, 2 ; Aitareya Brahmana, hi. 44. 3 Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 6, 2. 4 Animals : Rv. x. 90, 8 ; Av. ii. 34, 4 ; iii. 10, 6; 31, 3; Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 2, 2, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, vii. 7; xiii. 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, ix. 32 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xvi. 1, 9 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, iii. 8. 4, 16, etc. Plants: Taittiriya Samhita, v. 2, 5, 5 ; vii. 3, 4, 1, etc. 5 Av. iv. 22, 2 ; viii. 7, 11, etc. 6 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 3, 13 (Kanva = 22, Madhyamdina). 7 Rv. x. 149, 4 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 1, 1. Grama ] VILLAGE 245 occasion be built inside.8 Presumably they consisted of detached houses with enclosures, but no details are to be found in Vedic literature. Large villages (mahdgrdmdh) were known.9 The relation of the villagers is difficult to ascertain with precision. In several passages10 the word occurs with what appears to be the derivative sense of ' body of men.' This sense presumably started from the use of the word to denote the 'village folk,' as when Saryata Manava is said in the Satapatha Brahmana11 to have wandered about with his ' village' (gramena) ; but, as Zimmer12 observes, this restricted sense nowhere appears clearly in the Rigveda,13 where indeed the ' folk ' (jana)14 of the Bharatas is in one passage15 called the ' horde seeking cows ' (gavyan gramah). Zimmer16 tends to regard the Grama as a clan, and as standing midway between the family and the tribe (Vis). The Grama may, however, perhaps be regarded more correctly17 as an aggregate of several families, not necessarily forming a clan, but only part of a clan (Vis), as is often the case at the present day.18 Vedic literature tells us very little about the social economy of the village. There is nothing to show that the community as such held land. What little evidence there is indicates that individual tenure of land was known (see Urvara, Ksetra), but this, in effect though not in law, presumably meant tenure by a family rather than by an individual person. The expression 8 As nowadays. See Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 144, citing Hiigel, Kashmir, 2, 45- 9 Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 13, 4. 10 Rv. i. 100, 10 ; iii. $$, 11 ; x. 27, 1 ; 127, 5; Av. iv. 7, 5 ; v. 20, 3 (where, however, ' villages ' is quite probable) ; Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 1, 5, 2 ; vi. 7, 4, 9; xii. 4, 1, 3. Cf, n. 1. 11 iv. 1, 5, 2. 7. 12 Altindisches Leben, 161. 13 See passages cited in n. 10. 14 Rv. iii. 53, 12. 15 Rv. iii. 33, 11. 16 Op. cit., 159, 160, where, however, his language is not very clear. Cf. Hopkins, Religions of India, 27, who points out that Zimmer is inaccurate in identifying the tribe with Vis. It is the clan, a division below that of the tribe (Jana). 17 A village might contain a whole clan, but probably it contained at most a section of a clan. By family is meant a Hindu joint family ; but the extent to which such families existed, and the number of persons included, cannot even be conjectured from the avail- able evidence. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 393; Leist, Altarisches Jus Gentium, 34. 18 Cf. Baden Powell, Village Com- munities in India, 85 et seq. 246 VILLAGE [ Grama * desirous of a village ' (grama-kdma) , which occurs frequently in the later Samhitas,19 points, however, to the practice of the king's granting to his favourites his royal prerogatives over villages so far as fiscal matters were concerned. Later20 the idea developed that the king was owner of all the land, and parallel with that idea the view that the holders of such grants were landlords. But of either idea there is no vestige in Vedic literature beyond the word grama-kdma, which much more probably refers to the grant of regalia than to the grant of land, as Teutonic parallels show.21 Such grants probably tended to depress the position of the actual cultivators, and to turn them into tenants, but they can hardly have had this effect to any appreciable extent in early times. The village does not appear to have been a unit for legal purposes in early days,22 and it can hardly be said to have been a political unit. The village no doubt, as later, included in its members various menials, besides the cultivating owners, and also the Brahmanas and Ksatriyas who might hold interest in it by royal grant or usage without actually cultivating land, such as chariot-makers (Ratha-kara), carpenters (Tak§an), smiths (Karmara), and others, but they did not presumably, in any sense, form part of the brotherhood.23 All alike were politically subject to the king, and bound to render him food or service or other tribute, unless he had transferred his rights to 19 Taittirlya Samhita, ii. 1, 1, 2 ; | Powell, Village Communities in India, 3, 2 ; 3, 9, 2 ; Maitrayani Samhita, I 83 ; Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, ii. 1,9; 2, 3 ; iv. 2, 7, etc. ; Hopkins, I 48. It may be mentioned that we have Transactions of the Connecticut Academy | no Vedic evidence as to the non-sale of Arts and Sciences, 15, 32, thinks that of land by the members of a family, grama here means ' herd ' (of cattle). except the indications mentioned under 20 Cf. Baden Powell, Indian Village ; Urvara. The later evidence is over- Community, 207 et seq. Whether or not i whelming for grama, meaning ' village.' the idea is already found in Manu, Cf. Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 2, 4 ; ix. 34, is disputed and uncertain. See | Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 14 ; KauSika Raj an. The germ of it lies in a differ- Sutra, 94. ent sphere — the right of the K§atriya, with the consent of the clan, to appor- tion land (Satapatha Brahmana, vii. - Cf. Foy, Die konigliche Geivalt, 20, n. ; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 93 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental 1, 1, 8). I Society, 13, 78, 128. 21 Cf. Pollock and Maitland, History " Cf. Baden Powell, Indian Village of English Law, 2, 237 et seq. ; Baden Community, 17, 18. Grama ] VILLAGE ■47 others of the royal family or household, as was no doubt often the case, either in whole or part. The king's share in a village is referred to as early as the Atharvaveda.24 At the head of the village was the Grama-ni, or ' leader of the village,' who is referred to in the Rigveda,25 and often in the later Samhitas and in the Brahmanas.26 The exact meaning of the title is not certain. By Zimmer27 the GramanI is regarded as having had military functions only, and he is certainly often connected with the Senani, or ' leader of an army.' But there is no reason so to restrict the sense : pre- sumably the GramanI was the head of the village both for civil purposes and for military operations. He is ranked in the ^atapatha Brahmana28 as inferior to the Suta, or * charioteer,' with whom, however, he is associated29 as one of the Ratnins, the ' jewels ' of the royal establishment. The post was especially valuable to a Vaisya, who, if he attained it, was at the summit of prosperity (gatasrT).30 The Gramani's connexion with the royal person seems to point to his having been a nominee of the king rather than a popularly elected officer. But the post may have been sometimes hereditary, and sometimes nomi- nated or elective : there is no decisive evidence available. The use of the singular presents difficulties : possibly the GramanI of the village or city where the royal residence was situated was specially honoured and influential.31 24 iv. 22, 2. Cf. n. 20. 81 x. 62, 11 ; 107, 5. 28 Av. iii. 5, 7 ; xix. 31, 12 ; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 4, 4 ; MaitrayanI Sam- hita, i. 6, 5 (grama- ijlthya, ' the rank of GramanI' : cf. Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 4, 5, 2); Kathaka Samhita, viii. 4; x. 3; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 15; xxx. 20; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 4, 8 ; 7, 3, 4 ; ii. 7, 18, 4 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 4, 1, 7; v. 4, 4, 8; viii. 6, 2, 1 (grama- mthya) ; Bihadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 3, 37. 38, etc. 27 Altindisches Lcbcn, 171. « v. 4, 4, 18. 29 ISatapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 1, 5. w Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 4, 4 ; MaitrayanI Samhita, i. 6, 5. Cf. Weber, Indische Studicn, 10, 20, n. 2. 81 Presumably, there must have been many Gramams in a kingdom, but the texts seem to contemplate only one as in the royal entourage. Cf. also Eggel- ing, Sacred Books of the East, 41, 60, n. ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 96; Rhys Davids, op. cit., 48, thinks that he was elected by the village council or a hereditary officer, because the appointment is only claimed for the king in late authorities like Manu, vii. 115. But there is not even so much authority for election or heredity, and we really cannot say how far the power of the early princes extended : it probably varied very much. Cf. Eajan and Citraratha. 248 JUDGE— DISEASES— DICE— PRIEST [ Gramyavadin Gramyavadin apparently means a 'village judge' in the Yajurveda.1 His Sabha, ' court,' is mentioned in the MaitrayanI Samhita. 1 Taittinya Samhita, ii. 3, 1,3; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 4 ; MaitrayanI Samhita, ii. 2, 1. Graha, ■ the seizer,' is the name of a disease in the Satapatha Brahmana.1 In the Atharvaveda2 it perhaps means * paralysis' of the thigh.3 ■ 1 iii. 5, 3, 25 ; 6, 1, 25. 2 xi. 9, 12. 3 If the reading of the commentary uru-grahaih be adopted ; but Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 653, retaining the reading of the text uru- grahaih, renders the compound as an adjective, ' wide-gripping.' Cf. Bloom- field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 635. Grahi, 'the seizer,' appears in the Rigveda1 and the Athar- vaveda2 as a female demon of disease. Her son is sleep (svapna) .3 1 1. 161, 1. 2 ii. 9, 1 ; 10, 6. 8 ; vi. 112, 1 ; 113, 1 ; viii. 2, 12; 3, 18; xvi. 7, 1; 8, 1; xix. 45, 5. 3 xvi. 5, 1 ; or perhaps ' dream ' is meant. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 154- Grisma. See Rtu. Graivya. in the Atharvaveda,1 appears to denote ' tumours on the neck ' (grivdfi), 1 vi. 25, 2; vii. 76, 2. Cf. Bloomfield, Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, October, 1887, xix. ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 472. Glaha denotes the ' throw ' at dice, like Grabha, of which it is a later form, occurring in the Atharvaveda.1 1 iv. 28, 1 et seq. Cf. Liiders, Das Wilrfelspiel im alten Indien, 49. Glava Maitreya (' descendant of Maitri ') is mentioned in the Chandogya Upanisad,1 where he is said to be the same as 1 Vaka Dalbhya. He appears as Pratistotr at the snake festival of the Pancavimsa Brahmana,2 and is referred to in the Sadvimsa Brahmana.3 1 i. 12, 1. 3. Cf. Gopatha Brah- mana, i. 1, 31. 2 xxv. 15, 3. 1.4. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35, 38. Ghrnlvant ] BOILS— MILK-POT— FODDER 249 Glau occurs in the Atharvaveda1 and in the Aitareya Brah- mana2 as the name of some symptom of a disease, probably, as Bloomfield3 thinks, * boils.' In the one passage of the Vajasaneyi Samhita,4 where it is found the sense is obscure, some part of the sacrificial victim being perhaps meant.5 Cf. Galunta. 1 vi. 83, 3. 2 i. 25. 3 Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, October, 1887, xv. ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 17, 503 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 343. 4 xxv. 8 ; Maitrayaiii Samhita, iii. 15, 7- 5 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 500, takes glau as ' owl.' GH. Gharma denotes in the Rigveda1 and later2 the pot used for heating milk, especially for the offering to the Asvins. It hence often3 denotes the hot milk itself, or some other hot drink. iii. 53, 14; v. 30, 15; 43, 7; 76, 1, etc. 2 Av. vii. 73, 6 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, viii. 61 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 18. 22, etc. 3 Rv. i. 119, 2; 180, 4; vii. 70, 2 ; i viii. 9, 4, etc. ; Av. iv. 1, 2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxxviii. 6, etc. Cf. Nirukta, vi. 32 ; xi. 42 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 271; St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Ghasa means * fodder' in the Atharvaveda1 and later.2 In the Rigveda3 Ghasi is used of the fodder of the horse victim at the Asvamedha. 1 Av. iv. 38, 7 ; viii. 7, 8 ; xi. 5, 18, etc. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xi. 75 ; xxi. 43 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, 9, 3 ; Tait- tirlya Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 10, etc. 3 i. 162, 14. Ghrnlvant is the name of some animal in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.1 In the parallel passage of the MaitrayanI Samhita2 Ghrnavant is the reading. Elsewhere the word is adjectival.3 xxiv. 39. iii. 14, 20. 3 Rv. x. 176, 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 99. 250 MELTED BUTTER— TEACHERS [ Ghrta Ghrta, the modern Ghee or 'clarified butter,' is repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda1 and later2 both as in ordinary use and as a customary form of sacrifice. According to a citation in Sayana's commentary on the Aitareya Brahmana,3 the dis- tinction between Ghrta and Sarpis consisted in the latter being butter fully melted, while the former was butter melted and hardened (gham-bhuta), but this distinction cannot be pressed. Because the butter was thrown into the fire, Agni is styled 'butter-faced' (ghrta-pratika),4 'butter-backed' (ghrta-prstha) ,5 and ' propitiated with butter ' (ghrta-prasatta) ,6 and ' fond of butter ' (ghrta-pri7). Water was used to purify the butter : the waters were therefore called ' butter-cleansing ' {ghrta-pu).8 In the Aitareya Brahmana9 it is said that Ajya, Ghrta, Ayuta, and Navanlta pertain to gods, men, Pitrs, and embryos respectively. ; 53, 1 i. 134, 6; ii. 10, 4; iv. io, 5. 7. 9; v. 12, 1, etc. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, ii. 22, etc. ; Av. iii. 13, 5, etc. ; Satapatha Brah- mana, i. 8, 1, 7 (with Dadhi, Mastu, Amiksa) ; ix. 2, 1, 1 (Dadhi, Madhu, Ghjrta), etc. 3 i. 3 (p. 240, edition Aufrecht). 4 Rv. i. 143, 7; iii. 1, 18; v. 11, x. 2i, 7, etc. 5 Rv. i. 164, 1 ; v. 4, 3 ; 37, 1 ; vii. 4, etc. 6 Rv. v. 15, 1. 7 Av. xii. i, 20 ; xviii. 4, 41. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 22; Ghrta-kau£ika is mentioned in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) of the Madhyamdina recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a pupil of ParaSaryayana. 1 ii. 5, 21 ; iv. 5, 27. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 384. Ghora Angirasa is the name of a mythical teacher in the Kausitaki Brahmana1 and the Chandogya Upanisad,2 where he is teacher of the strange Krsna Devaklputra. That the name is certainly a mere figment is shown by the fact that this ' dread descendant of the Ahgirases ' has a counterpart in Bhisaj Atharvana,3 'the healing descendant of the Atharvans,' while in the Rigveda Sutras4 the Atharvdno vedah is connected 1 xxx. 6. Cf. Asvalayana Srauta Siitra, xii. 10. 2 iii. 17, 6. 3 Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 459. 4 ASvala^ana Srauta Sutra, x. 7 ; Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 2 ; Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 181. Caka ] GHOSA— PRIEST 251 with bhesajam and the Afigiraso vedah with ghoram. He is accordingly a personification of the dark side of the practice of the Atharvaveda.5 He is also mentioned in the Asvamedha section of the Kathaka Samhita.6 5 Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva- veda, xx, xxi, xxxviii ; Atharvaveda, 8, 23 ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 189, 190; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,2, 160, n. 4. Ghosa. See Ghosa. Ghosavant. See Svara. Ghosa is mentioned as a protegee of the Asvins in two passages of the Rigveda,1 probably as the recipient of a husband, who is perhaps referred to in another passage2 as Arjuna, though this is not likely. Sayana finds a reference there to a skin disease, which is considered in the later tradition of the Brhaddevata3 to have been the cause of her remaining unwed, but this view is not tenable. According to Sayana, her son, Suhastya, is alluded to in an obscure verse of the Rigveda4; Oldenberg,5 however, here sees a reference to Ghosa herself, while Pischel6 thinks that the form (ghose) is not a noun at all, but verbal. 1 i. 117, 7; x. 40, 5. Cf. x. 39, 3. 6. 2 i. 122, 5. See Oldenberg, Rgveda- Noten, 1, 123. 3 vii. 41-48, with Macdonell's notes. 4 i. 120, 5. 5 Op. cit. ,119. Suhastya is apparently invented from x. 41, 3, probably assisted by the fact that Vadhrimati was given a son, Hiranyahasta, by the Asvins (Rv. i. 117, 24). 6 Vedische Studien, 1,4; 2, 92. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 143 ; fiber Methode bei Inter- pretation des Rigveda, 43 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 247 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, P. 52. c. Caka is mentioned with Pisahga as one of the two Unnetr priests at the snake festival in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35, who reads Cakka ; 10, 142, n. 3, 144 252 WHEEL— BRAHM ANY DUCK [ Cakra Cakra, the ' wheel ' of a chariot or wagon, is repeatedly mentioned from the Rigveda1 onwards, often in a metaphorical sense. The wheel was fixed on the axle (Aksa) when the chariot was required for use ; this required considerable strength, as is shown by a reference in the Rigveda.2 The wheel consisted normally of spokes (Ara), and a nave (Nabhi),3 in the opening (Kha) of which the end of the axle (Ani) was inserted. An indication of the importance attached to the strength of the wheel is the celebration of the car of the god Ptisan as having a wheel that suffers no damage.4 The usual number of wheels was two,5 but in seven passages of the Rigveda6 a chariot is called ' three-wheeled,' in a few others ' seven- wheeled,'7 while in one of the Atharvaveda8 it is styled ' eight- wheeled.' Zimmer9 argues that these epithets do not refer to real chariots, pointing out that in all the passages where tri-cakra, l three- wheeled,' occurs there is a mythical reference. On the other hand, Weber10 thinks that there might have been chariots with three wheels, one being in the centre between the two occupants. This is not very conclusive ; at any rate, the seven-wheeled and the eight-wheeled chariots can hardly be regarded as indicating the existence of real vehicles with that number of wheels. In the Satapatha Brahmana11 the potter's wheel (kauldla- cakra) is referred to. 1 i. 130, 9; 155, 6; 164, 2. 11. 14; I by the Rbhus, who are three in J74> 5 ; iv- i> 3. etc. number). 2 Av. xi. 7, 4 ; xix. 53, 1. 2, etc. 7 Rv. i. 164, 3. 12 ; ii. 40, 3. 3 Rv. viii. 41, 6. 8 xi. 4, 22. 4 Rv. vi. 54, 3. 9 Altindisches Leben, viii., ix. 6 Rv. viii. 5, 29; Chandogya Upani- ' 10 Proceedings of the Berlin Academy, sad, iv. 16, 5 ; Kausitaki Upanisad, i. 4. 1898, 564, quoting Virchow, Zeitschrift 6 i. 118, 2; 157, 3; 183, 1; viii. 58, 3; fur Ethnologie, 5, 200. x. 41, 1 ; 85, 14 (all of the ASvins' j ** xi. 8, 1, 1. chariot); iv. 36, 1 (of a chariot made Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 247. Cakra-vaka is the name, apparently derived from the nature of its cry, of a species of gander (Anas casarca), the modern Chakwa, as it is called in Hindi, or Brahmany duck in English.1 It is mentioned in the Rigveda2 and in the list of victims at the 1 Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 309, n. 4. 2 ii. 39, 3. Candala, Candala ] EVIL EYE— CANDALA CASTE 253 Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda,3 while in the Atharvaveda4 it already appears as the type of conjugal fidelity, its characteristic in the classical literature. 3 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 3. 13 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 22. 32 xxv. 8. 4 xiv. 2, 64. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 89. Caksus, ' eye.' The ' evil eye ' {ghorain caksus) was well known in the Atharvaveda, which contains spells to counteract its influence.1 As remedies against it are mentioned salve from Mount Trikakubh2 and the Jangfida plant.3 In the wedding ceremony the wife is entreated not to have the evil eye (aghora- caksus).4 The structure of the eye, and its division into white (sukla), dark {krsna), and the pupil (kamnaka) are repeatedly referred to in the later Brahmanas.5 The disease Alaji appears to have been an affection of the eyes. 1 ii. 7 ; xix. 45, are so employed in the ritual. 2 Av. iv. 9, 6. 3 Av. xix. 35, 3. 4 Paraskara Grhya Sutra, i. 4 ; Sankh- ayana Grhya Sutra, i. 16. 5 Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 2, 26 ; Jaiminlya Brahmana, i. 254. 324 ; Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana, i. 26, 1 ; 34, 1 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 2, 2 ; Aitareya Aranyaka, ii. 1, 5, etc. So the man {purusa) in the eye is repeatedly mentioned : Chandogya Upanisad, i. 7, 5; iv. 15, 1; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii- 3» 5; iv. 2, 2; v. 5, 2. 4, etc.; Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana, i. 27, 2, The Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 2, 3, adds the water (apah) in the eye, the upper and the lower lids (vartanl), and seven red lines (lohinyo rajayah). Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 149. Candala,1 Candala,2 are the variant forms of the name of a despised caste, which in origin was probably a tribal body,3 but which in the Brahminical theory was the offspring of Sudra fathers and Brahmin mothers.4 The references to the caste in the Yajurveda Samhitas and in the Upanisads show clearly that it was a degraded one, but they yield no particulars. 1 Chandogya Upanisad, v. 10, 7 ; I 3 Fick, Die sociale Gliederung, 204 24, 4 ; Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, iv. 9 ; et seq. Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, ii. 12; vi. i, etc. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 21 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 17, 1 ; Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, iv. /, 22. 4 Apparently accepted for the Vedic period by Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, -21J. Cf. von Schroeder, Indiens Liter atur und Cultur, 433. Q UA DR UPED— MOON— GOLD [ Catu§pad Catus-pad, ' quadruped,' is a regular name for animals from the Rigveda1 onwards, being frequently contrasted with Dvipad, 1 biped.'2 Catus-pada, as an adjective applying to pasavah, * animals,' is also found.3 1 Rv. i. 49, 3 ; 94, 5 ; 119, 1 ; iii. 62, 14, etc. ; Av. iv. 11, 5; x. 8, 21 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, viii. 30 ; ix. 31 ; xiv. 8. 25, etc. ; Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 2 ; viii. 20, etc. 2 Rv. x. 117, 8 ; Av. vi. 107, 1, etc. 3 Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 18 ; vi. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 7, 3, 2 ; vi. 8 2, 17, etc. i. Candra,1 Candra-mas,2 are the names of the ' moon,' the latter occurring from the Rigveda onwards, but the former being first used in this sense by the Atharvaveda. Very little is said about the moon in Vedic literature, except as identified with Soma,3 both alike being described as waxing and waning. Reference is, however, made to the regular changes of the moon, and to its alternation with the sun,6 to which it, as Soma, is declared in the Rigveda to be married.6 Mention is also made of its disappearance at the time of new moon,7 and of its birth from the light of the sun.8 In the Atharvaveda9 reference is made to demons eclipsing the moon (grahds candramasah). For the phases of the moon, and the month as a measure of time, see Masa. For the moon and its mansions, see Naksatra. 1 Av. ii. 15, 2 ; 22, 1 ; iii. 31, 6, etc. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxii. 28 ; xxxix. 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 2, 2, 16, etc. 2 Rv. i. 105, 1 ; viii. 82, 8 ; x. 64, 3 ; 85, 19 ; Av. xi, 6, 7 ; Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, i. 28; xxiii. 10. 59, etc. 3 See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 112, 113. The identification is clearly found in the later parts of the Rigveda. 4 Rv. x. 55, 5. Cf. Av. x. 8, 32. 5 Rv. x. 68, 10. Cf. i. 62, 8; 72, 10. 6 x. 85, 18. 19. 7 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 4, 18; iv. 6, 7, 12 ; xi. 1, 6, 19 ; xiv. 4, 2, 13 ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 28, 8 ; perhaps Rv. x. 138, 4. 8 Rv. ix. 71, 9; 76, 4; 86, 32; Samaveda, ii. 9, 2, 12, 1 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 463 et seq. Cf. Surya. 9 xix. 9, 10. Av. vi. 128 is also regarded by the KauSika Sutra, c. 3, as referring to an eclipse of the moon. See Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 533. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 349, 350, 352- 2. Candra appears to denote 'gold' in a certain number of passages from the Rigveda onwards.1 1 Rv. ii. 2, 4; iii. 31, 5; Av. xii. 2, Brahmana, vi. 6; Satapatha Brah- 53; Jaittiriya Samhita, i. 2, 7, 1; mana, iii. 3, 3, 4, etc. Cf. the Kathaka Samhita, ii. 6 ; Vajasaneyi adjective candrin in Vajasaneyi Sam- Samhita, iv. 26; xix. 93; Pailcavimsa | hita, xx. 37; xxxi. 31. Camu ] SACRIFICIAL AND DRINKING VESSELS 255 Capya is found in the Vajasaneyi Samhita1 and the Sata- patha Brahmana2 as the name of a sacrificial vessel. 1 xix. 88 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. I 2, 9 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxviii. 3. xii. 7, 2, 13; 9, 1, 3. Camasa denotes a 'drinking vessel,' usually as employed for holding Soma at the sacrifice. It is frequently mentioned from the Rigveda onwards.1 It was made of wood (vrksa),2 and is hence called dru.3 According to the Satapatha Brahmana,4 it was made of Udumbara wood. 1 Rv. i. 20, 6; no, 3; viii. 82, 7; x. 16, 8; 68, 8; 96, 9, etc.; Av. vii. 73, 3; xviii. 3, 54; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii. 13, etc. ; Nirukta, xi. 2 ; xii. 38. 2 Rv. x. 68, 8. 3 Rv. i. 161, 1. 4 vii. 2, 11, 2. Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 280 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 167, 168. Camu is a term of somewhat doubtful sense occurring repeatedly in the Rigveda, and connected with the preparation of Soma. Zimmer1 considers that in the dual it denotes the two boards between which, in his opinion, the Soma was crushed (cf. Adhisavana). Roth,2 however, appears to be right in taking the normal sense to designate a vessel into which the Soma was poured from the press, and Hillebrandt3 shows clearly that when it occurs in the plural4 it always has this sense, corresponding to the Graha-patras of the later ritual, and that sometimes it is so used in the singular5 or dual6 also. In some cases,7 however, he recognizes its use as denoting the mortar in which the Soma was pressed : he may be right here, as this mode of preparation was probably Indo-Iranian.8 In a derivative sense Camu appears in the Satapatha Brah- mana9 to denote a trough, either of solid stone or consisting of 1 Altindisches Leben, 277, 278. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s. v. Cf. Grassmann, Rigveda, 1, 15. 3 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 164-175. 4 Rv. iii. 48, 5 ; viii. 2, 8 ; 82, 7. 8 ; ix. 20, 6; 62, 16; 63, 2; 92, 2; 93, 3; 97, 21. 37. 46; 99, 6. 8. 5 Rv. ix. 107, 18 ; x. 91, 15. 6 Rv. ix. 69, 5 ; 71, 1 ; 72, 5 ; 86, 47 ; 96, 20. 21 ; 97 2. 48 ; 103, 4 ; 107, 10 ; 108, i°- 7 Singular: Rv. v. 51, 4; viii. 4, 4; 76, 10; ix. 46, 3; x. 24, 1. Dual: i. 28, 9; iv. 18, 3; vi. 57, 2; ix. 36, 1. 8 Hillebrandt, op. cit., 1, 158-164. 9 xiii. 8, 2, 1 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 430, n. 1. In Sankh- ayana Srauta Sutra, xiv. 22, 19, the sense is doubtful. Cf Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 105 et seq. 256 YAJURVEDA SCHOOL— POT [ Caraka bricks, used by the Eastern people to protect the body of the dead from contact with the earth, like modern stone-lined graves or vaults. Caraka primarily denotes a * wandering student,' a sense actually found in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 More especially it denotes the members of a school of the Black Yajurveda, the practices of which are several times referred to with disapproval in the Satapatha Brahmana.2 In the Vaja- saneyi Samhita3 the Caraka teacher (Carakacarya) is enumerated among the sacrificial victims at the Purusamedha, or human sacrifice. His dedication there to ill-doing is a clear hint of a ritual feud. 1 in. 3, i. 2 iii. 8, 2, 24 (where the reference is to Taittiriya Samhita vi. 3, 9, 6 ; 10, 2, or some parallel passage) ; iv. 1, 2, 19 ; 2» 3. I5 1 4< *• IO ! yi- 2» 2» *• IO > viii. 1, 3, 7 ; 7, 1, 14. 24. 3 xxx. 18; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 16. 1. Its occurrence in the latter text renders improbable von Schroeder's view, Indiens Liter atur und Caltur, 188, that Caraka included all the Black Yajurveda schools. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 2, 287, n. 2 ; 3, 256, 257, 454 ; Indian Literature, 87; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 212. Caraka-brahmana is the name of a work from which Sayana quotes in his commentary on the Rigveda.1 1 viii. 66, 10; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 41. Caracara (' running about '), a term found classed with Sarisrpa in the Yajurveda Samhitas,1 must apparently denote some kind of animal. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 13, 3 ; Kathaka Samhita, xv. 3 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 12, 10 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxii. 29. Caru designates a ' kettle ' or ' pot ' from the Rigveda onwards.1 It had a lid (apidhana) and hooks (anka) by which it could be hung over a fire.2 It was made of iron or bronze3 1 Rv. i. 7, 6 ; vii. 104, 2 ; ix. 52, 3 ; I 1,2; Kathaka Samhita, v. 6 ; xxxii. 6 ; x. 86, 18 ; 167, 4 ; Av. iv. 7, 4 ; ix. 5, 6 ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 4, 4. 9, etc. xi. 1, 16 ; 3, 18 ; xviii. 4, 16 et seq., etc. 2 Rv. i. 162, 13 ; Av. xviii. 4, 53. It is called panca-bila, ' with five open- 3 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 3, 4, 5. ings,' in the Taittiriya Samhita, i. 6, Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 271. I Car?ani ] HIDE— PEOPLE 257 (ayasmaya). The word is also secondarily used4 to denote the contents of the pot, the mess of grain which was cooked in it. 4 Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 10, 1 ; I 3, 1, etc. Aitareya Brahmana, i. 1 ; Satapatha 9, 216. Brahmana, i. 7, 4, 7 ; ii. 5, 3, 4 ; iii. 2, | Cf. Weber, Indische Studitn, Carman, denoting ' hide ' in general, is a common expression from the Rigveda onwards.1 The oxhide was turned to many- uses, such as the manufacture of bowstrings, slings, and reins (see Go). It was especially often employed to place above the boards 2 on which the Soma was pressed with the stones.3 It was possibly also used for making skin bags.4 Carmanya denotes leather-work generally in the Aitareya Brahmana.6 The art of tanning hides (mid) was known as early as the Rigveda,6 where also the word for ' tanner ' (carmamna) occurs.7 Details of the process are lacking, but the Satapatha Brahmana8 refers to stretching out a hide with pegs (sankubhih) , and the Rigveda9 mentions the wetting of the hide. 1 Rv. i. 85, 5; no, 8; 161, 7; iii. 60, 2 ; iv. 13, 4, etc. ; Av. v. 8, 13 ; x. 9, 2 ; xi. 1, 9, etc. ; Taittinya Sam- hita, iii. 1, 7, 1 ; vi. 1, 9, 2, etc. The stem carma, neuter (loc, carme), is found in the Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 7, 2, 2. 2 Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, i, 148-150; 181-183. 3 Rv. x. 94, 9 ; 116, 4. 4 Rv. x. 106, 10, is so taken by Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 228, who compares Odyssey, x. 19. 5 v. 32. Cf. paricarmanya, Sankha- yana Aranyaka, ii. 1. 6 viii. 55, 3 (a late hymn). 7 viii. 5, 38 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 15 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 13, 1. For the form, cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 38, n. 1 ; p. 249, n. 4. 8 ii. 1, I, 9. 9 i- 85. 5- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 228, 253- Car§ani, used in the plural, denotes in the Rigveda1 ' men ' in general or * people,' conceived either as active beings2 or as cultivators3 in opposition to nomads. The expression 'king of men ' (raja carsanlnam) is frequently found.4 The ' people ' are 1 Rv. i. 86, 5 ; 184, 4 ; iii. 43, 2 ; iv. 7, 4; v. 23, 1 ; vi. 2, 2 ; x. 180, 3, etc. 2 If derived from car, ' move,' which is probable. VOL. I. 8 If derived from krs, ' plough ' or ■ till.' 4 Rv. iii. 10, 1 ; v. 39, 4 ; vi. 30, 5 ; viii. 70, 1 ; x. 139, 1, etc. 17 258 TOP OF SACRIFICIAL POST— NAMES [ Ca§ala also mentioned in connexion with war.6 In the Atharvaveda6 ' animals ' (pasu) and * men ' (carsani) are spoken of together. For the five carsanayah,7 see Panca Janasah. 6 Rv. i. 55, i ; 109, 6 ; iv. 31, 4 ; 37, 8 ; vi. 31, 1, etc. 6 xiii. 1, 38. 7 Rv. v. 86, 2 ; vii. 15, 2 ; ix. ioi, 9. For the derivation, see Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, 185, and especially 122, ia (from car, * move ') ; Monier Williams, Dictionary, s.v. (from hrs, ' plough '). Casala, the mortar-shaped top-piece of the sacrificial post (Yupa), is mentioned from the Rigveda onwards.1 In one passage of the Satapatha Brahmana2 it is directed to be made of wheaten dough (gaudhuma). 1 Rv. i. 162, 6 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 3, 4, 2. 7 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxvi. 4, etc. ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 11, 8, etc. 2 v. 2, 1, 6. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Boohs of the East, 26, 168, n. 1 ; 41, 31, n. 1. Cakra is the name of a man, variously styled Revottaras Sthapati Patava Cakra1 and Revottaras Patava Cakra Sthapati,2 who is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana only. He is there said to have been expelled by the Srnjayas, but to have restored to them their prince Dustaritu despite the opposition of the Kauravya king Balhika Pratipiya.2 He must have been a sage rather than a warrior, as the first passage of the Satapatha Brahmana1 shows him in the capacity of a teacher only. Cf. Sthapati. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 1, 17. 2 Ibid. , xii. 9, 3, 1 et seq. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 205- 207 ; 10, 85, n. i ; Indian Literature, 123 ; Eggeling, Sacred Boohs of the East, 44, 269 et seq., whose version is followed above. Cakraya$a, * descendant of Cakra,' is the patronymic of Usasta or Usasti.1 1 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 5, 1 ; Chandogya Upanisad, i. 10, 1 ; 11, 1. Candala. See Candala. Caksusa, a word occurring once only in the Atharvaveda,1 is, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, a patronymic (of Suyaman, a personification). Whitney2 treats it as probably a simple adjective (' of sight '). 1 xvi. 7, 7. 2 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 800. Caturmasya ] SEASONAL SACRIFICES 259 Catur-masya, 'four-monthly,' denotes the festival of the Vedic ritual held at the beginning of the three seasons of four months each, into which the Vedic year was artificially divided.1 It is clear that the sacrifices commenced with the beginning of each season,2 and it is certain that the first of them, the Vaisvadeva, coincided with the Phalguni full moon,3 the second, the Varuna-praghasas, with the Asadhi full moon,4 and the third, the Saka-medha, with the Karttiki full moon.6 There were, however, two alternative datings : the festivals could also be held in the Caitri, the Sravani, and Agrahayani (Margasirsi) full moons,6 or in the Vaisakhi, BhadrapadI, and Pausi full moons.7 Neither of the later datings is found in a Brahmana text, but each may well have been known early, since the Taittiriya Samhita8 and the Pancavimsa Brahmana9 both recognize the full moon in the month Caitra as an alternative to the full moon in the month Phalguna, for the beginning of the year. Jacobi considers that the commencement of the year with the full moon in the asterism Phalguni, which is supported by other evidence,10indicates that the year at one time began with the winter solstice with the moon in Phalguni, corresponding to the summer solstice when the sun was in Phalguni. These astronomical conditions, he believes, existed in the time of the Rigveda,11 and prevailed in the fourth millennium B.C. The alternative 1 Taittiriya Samhita, i. 6, io, t, ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 4,9,5; ii. 2, 2,2; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 36 ; ii. 5, 2, 48; 6, 4, 1 ; v. 2, 3, 10; xiii. 2, 5, 2 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, v. 1, etc. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 36 (cf. xiv. 1, 1, 28) ; Kausitaki Brahmana, v. 1. 3 In the month Phalguna, or Feb- ruary-March. 4 In the month Asadha, or June- July. 5 That is, in the month Karttika, when the moon is in the asterism Krttika : Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 6, 3, 13 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, v. 1, etc. 6 Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, hi. 13, 1 ; 14, 1. 2; 15, 1. These are the full- moon days in the months Caitra (March-April), Sravana (July-August), and Margasirsa (November-December) respectively. 7 Deva's Paddhati on Katyayana Srauta Sutra, pp. 430, 450, 497. These are the full-moon days in the months Vaisakha (April - May), Bhadrapada (August- September), and Pausa (De- cember-January) respectively. 8 vii. 4, 8, 1. 2. 9 v. 9, 8. 11. 10 Indian Antiquary, 23, 156 et seq. ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 49, 223 et seq. ; 50, 72-81. 11 vii. 103, 9 ; x. 85, 13. Cf. Festgruss an Rudolf von Roth, 68 et seq. 17 — 2 26o BEGINNING OF THE YEAR— NAMES [ Candhanayai dates would then indicate periods when the winter solstice coincided with the Caitri or the Vaisakhl full moon. But Oldenberg12 and Thibaut13 seem clearly right in holding that the coincidence of Phalguni with the beginning of spring,14 which is certain, is fatal to this view, and that there is no difficulty in regarding this date as consistent with the date of the winter solstice in the new moon of Magna, which is given by the Kausitaki Brahmana,15 and which forms the basis of the calculations of the Jyotisa.16 The full moon in Phalguna would be placed about one month and a half after the winter solstice, or, say, in the first week of February, which date, according to Thibaut, may reasonably be deemed to mark the beginning of a new season in India about 800 B.C. At the same time it must be remembered that the date was necessarily artificial, inasmuch as the year was divided into three seasons, each of four months, and the Indian year does not in fact consist of three equal seasons. The variations of the other datings would then not be unnatural if any school wished to defer its spring festival, the Vaisvadeva, to the time when spring had really manifested itself. See also Samvatsara. 12 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 630 et seq. ; 49. 475- 476; 50. 453-457- 18 Indian Antiquary, 24, 86 et seq. 14 See Taittiriya Brahmana, i. i, 2, 6. 8; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 1, 2-4. So the Phalguni full moon is ii. 1, 3, 1; vii. 2, 4, 26; xi. 2, 7, 32; xii. 8, 2, 34; xiii. 5, 4, 28; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. i, 2, 5; Kathaka Samhita, xiii. 1. 7, etc. See Weber, Naxatra, 2, 352. 15 xix. 3. 16 Thibaut, Astronomie, Astrologie, und called 'the mouth of the seasons Mathematik, 17, ii (rtunam mukham) — e.g., Paficavimsa Brahmana, xxi. 15, 2; Kathaka Sam- hita, viii. 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 6, 9 ; and the first season is always spring : Satapatha Brahmana, i. 5, 3, 8-14 ; Cf. Weber, Naxatra, 2, 329 et seq. ; Whitney , Journal of the A merican Oriental Society, 16, lxxxvi., lxxxvii. ; Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 1101-1104. Candhanayana is the patronymic of Anandaja in the Vamsa Brahmana.1 1 Indische Studien, 4, 372, 383. Cayamana is the patronymic in the Rigveda (vi. 27, 5. 8) of Abhyavartin. Citraratha ] BIRDS— NAMES 261 Casa, the * blue woodpecker ' (Coracias indica), is mentioned in the Rigveda,1 as well as in the list of victims at the Asva- medha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.2 1 x. 97, 13. 2 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 4; 15, 9 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 23; xxv. 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 92. Ciceika is a bird mentioned with the equally unknown Vpsarava in one hymn of the Rigveda.1 It may perhaps be compared with the Citaka mentioned by Darila in his commen- tary on the Kausika Sutra.2 1 X. I46, 2. 2 xxvi. 20; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 266. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 90 Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 2, 589. Citra is the name of several persons, (a) The Rigveda1 con- tains a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') of a prince Citra. The later legend2 attributes this panegyric to Sobhari, and describes Citra as king of the rats. 1 viii. 21, 18. 2 Brhaddevata, vii. 58 et seq,, with Macdonell's notes. (b) Citra Gangyayani or Gargyayani is mentioned in the Kausitaki Upanisad1 as a contemporary of Aruni and Svetaketu. 1 i. 1. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 395; Keith, Sahkhayana Aranyaka, 16, n. 1. (c) Citra Gausrayani is mentioned as a teacher in the Kausi- taki Brahmana.1 1 xxiii. 5. Cf. Weber, loc. cii. Citra-ratha ('having a brilliant car') is the name of two persons. (a) It designates an Aryan prince, who, with Arna, was defeated by Indra for the Turvasa-Yadus on the Sarayu (per- haps the modern Sarju in Oudh), according to the Rigveda (iv. 30, 18). The locality would accord with the close connexion of Turvasa and Krivi or Paneala. 262 NAMES— MEDICINAL WOOD [ Citra (b) Citraratha is also the name of a king for whom the Kapeyas performed a special kind of sacrifice (dvirdtra) , with the result, according to the Pancavimsa Brahmana,1 that in the Caitrarathi family only one member was a Ksatra-pati, the rest dependents. Apparently this must mean that the Caitrarathis were distinguished from other families of princes by the fact that the chief of the clan received a markedly higher position than in most cases, in which probably the heads of the family were rather an oligarchy than a monarch and his dependents. See Raj an. 1 xx. 12, 5. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions I Sciences, 15, 52, 53 ; Weber, Indische of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and I Studien, 1, 32; Indian Literature , 68, n. Citra. See Naksatra. Cilvati is the name of an unknown animal in the Gopatha Brahmana (i. 2, 7). Cipudru designates some substance mentioned in a hymn of the Atharvaveda1 as of use in healing. The commentator Sayana reads Cipadru, and explains the word as a kind of tree. This interpretation is supported by the fact that the Kausika Sutra2 refers to the employment of splinters of Palasa wood in the ritual application of this hymn.3 Whitney4 suggests that the form of the word should be Cipudu. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 350-352; Atharvaveda, 62; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 386. The text of Roth and Whitney reads by error Slpudru. Cumuri is the name of an enemy of Dabhiti, for whom he, along with his friend Dhuni, is mentioned in the Rigveda1 as having been defeated by Indra. Elsewhere2 the two are spoken of, along with Sambara, Pipru, and Susna, as having been crushed by Indra, who destroyed their castles. It is impossible to say whether real men or demons are meant, but in favour of 1 vi. 20, 13 ; x. 113, 9. In vi. 26, 6, Cumuri alone is mentioned, and Dasas or Dasyus generally are stated to have 1 vi. 127, 2. 2 xx vi. 34. 3 Av. vi. 127^ 4 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 376 been subdued for Dabhiti in iv. 30, 21 ; ii. 13, 9. See also ii. 15, 9 ; vii. 19, 4. 2 Rv. vi. 18, 8. Caikitaneya ] NAMES— THE CEDI PEOPLE 263 a man being denoted by Cumuri is the form of the name, which seems not to be Aryan.3 3 Wackernagel, A Itindische Grammatik, 1, xxii. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 275 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 162. Cuda Bhagavitti (' descendant of Bhagavitta') is mentioned in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a pupil of Madhuka Paingya. 1 vi. 3, 9 (Kanva = vi. 3, 17. 18 Madhyamdina). The text of the Kanva has, as usual, Cula. Curna appears to denote an aromatic powder in the phrase curna-hasta, used of the Apsarases in the Kausltaki Upanisad (i. 4). Cedi is the name of a people who, with their king Ka§u, the Caidya, are mentioned only in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts'), occurring at the end of one hymn of the Rigveda,1 where their generosity is celebrated as unsurpassed. They occur later in the Epic with the Matsyas, and lived in Bandela Khanda (Bundelkhand).2 In Vedic times they were probably situated in much the same locality. 129 ; Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 332; Oldenberg, 1 vm. 5, 37-39. 2 Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, i2, 688, n. 3 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, Buddha, 402. Celaka Sandilyayana ('descendant of Sandilya ') is mentioned as a teacher in the Satapatha Brahmana (x. 4, 5, 3). Caikitaneya ('descendant of Cekitana') is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana.1 The Caikita- neyas are also referred to there2 in connexion with the Saman which they worshipped. Brahmadatta Caikitaneya is brought into connexion with the Saman in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,3 and Vasistha Caikitaneya is known to the Sadvimsa4 and Vamsa Brahmanas.5 The word is a patronymic, formed from i- 37. 7; n. 5. 2. i. 42, 1. i. 3. 24. 5 Indische Studien, 4, 373, 384. 264 NAMES— THIEF [ Caikitayana Caikitana, according to Sankara,6 but more probably from Cekitana,7 a name found in the Epic. 6 On Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, I 7 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. loc. cit. Caikitayana, 'descendant of Cikitayana1 or Cekita,'2 is the patronymic of Dalbhya in the Chandogya Upanisad.3 1 Sankara on Chandogya Upanisad, I 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. i. 8, 1. 3 i. 8, 1. Caitra is the patronymic of Yajiiasena in the Kathaka Samhita (xxi. 4). Caitra-rathi. See Citraratha and Satyadhivaka. Caitriyayana is the patronymic or metronymic of the teacher Yajiiasena in the Taittiriya Samhita (v. 3, 8, 1). Caidya. See Cedi. Cailaki, ' descendant of Celaka,' is the patronymic of Jlvala in the ^atapatha Brahmana (ii. 3, 1, 34). Cora, 'thief,' is only found in the Taittiriya Aranyaka, a late work, in its last book (x. 65). The Vedic terms are Taskara Tayu, Stena, and Paripanthin. Cyavatana Marutasva (' descendant of Marutasva ') is apparently the name of a prince in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts '), in the Rigveda.1 Two distinct persons may, however, be meant. 1 v- 33» 9- Cf- Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3. 155. Cyavana,1 Cyavana,2 are variant forms of the name of an ancient Rsi, or seer. The Rigveda3 represents him as an old decrepit man, to whom the Asvins restored youth and strength, making him acceptable to his wife, and a husband of maidens. 1 This form is found even in the Nirukta (iv. 19), regularly in all the Vedic texts other than the Rigveda, and in the Epic. 2 The Rv. has this form through- out. 3 i. 116, 10 ; 117, 13 ; 118, 6 ; v. 74, 5 ; vii. 68, 6; 71, 5 ; x. 39, 4. Chadis ] AN ANCIENT SEER— GOAT 265 The legend is given in another form in the Satapatha Brah- mana,4 where Cyavana is described as wedding Sukanya, the daughter of Saryata. He is there called a Bhrgu or Ahgirasa, and is represented as having been rejuvenated by immersion in a pond — the first occurrence of a motive, later very common in Oriental literature. Another legend about Cyavana is apparently alluded to in an obscure hymn of the Rigveda,5 where he seems to be opposed to the Paktha prince Turvayana, an Indra worshipper, while Cyavana seems to have been specially connected with the Asvins. This explana- tion of the hymn, suggested by Pischel,6 is corroborated by the Jaiminiya Brahmana,7 which relates that Vidanvant, another son of Bhrgu, supported Cyavana against Indra, who was angry with him for sacrificing to the Asvins ; it is also note- worthy that the AsVins appear in the Satapatha Brahmana8 as obtaining a share in the sacrifice on the suggestion of Sukanya. But a reconciliation of Indra and Cyavana must have taken place, because the Aitareya Brahmana9 relates the inauguration of Saryata by Cyavana with the great Indra consecration (aindrena mahabhisekena). In the Pancavimsa Brahmana10 Cyavana is mentioned as a seer of Samans or Chants. xix. 3, 6; xiv. 6, 10; 4 iv. 1, 5, 1 et seq. 6 x. 61, 1-3. 6 Vedische Studien, 1, 71-77 ; accepted by Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 2, 465- 7 iii. 121-128 ; Journal of the American Oriental Society, 11, cxlvi ; 26, 43 et seq. 8 iv. 1, 5, 13 et seq. 9 viii. 21, 4; Pischel, op. cit., 1, 75. ±v xni. 5, 12 xi. 8, 11. Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 243, 250-254 ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 156 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 51, 52; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 26, 43 et seq. ; Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 56, 57. CH. Chaga is the name of the * goat ' in the Taittiriya Samhita (v. 6, 22, 1). Cf. Aja and Chaga. Chadis is used once in the Rigveda,1 and not rarely later,2 to denote the covering of a wagon or the thatch of a house, or 1 x. 85, 10 (of Surya's bridal car). 2 Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 2, 9, 4 io» 5- 7 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, v. 28 Aitareya Brahmana, i. 29; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 5, 3, 9, etc. 266 CONSTELLATION— VEDIC HYMN [ Chandas something analogous to these. Weber3 thinks that in one passage of the Atharvaveda4 the word designates a constella- tion, and Whitney,6 who does not decide whether that interpre- tation is necessary, suggests that the constellation 7, £, 77, tt Aquarii may be meant, since the next verse mentions Vicrtau, which is the constellation \ and v Scorpionis, and is not far from Aquarius. See also Chardis. 3 Indische Studien, 17, 208. 4 iii. 7. 3- 5 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 95. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva- veda, 336. i. Chandas in the Rigveda usually denotes a ' song of praise ' or ' hymn.' l The original sense of the word, as derived from the verb chand, 'to please,' was probably 'attractive spell,' 'magic hymn,'2 which prevailed on the gods. In a very late hymn of the Rigveda,3 as well as in one of the Atharvaveda,4 the word is mentioned in the plural (chandamsi), beside Be (rcah), Saman (samani), and Yajus, and seems to retain its original meaning, not improbably with reference to the magical subject-matter of the Atharvaveda. From denoting a (metrical) hymn it comes to mean 'metre' in a very late verse of the Rigveda,5 in which the ' Gayatri, the Tristubh, and all (sarva) the metres (chandamsi) are mentioned. In the later Samhitas three6 or seven7 metres are enumerated, and in the Satapatha Brahmana8 eight. By the time of the Rigveda Pratisakhya(J the metres were subjected to a detailed examination, though much earlier references are found to the number of syllables in the several metres.10 Later the word definitely denotes a Vedic text generally, as in the Satapatha Brahmana.11 1 Rv. x. 85, 8 (an obscure verse) ; 114, 5; Av. iv. 34, i; v. 26, 5; vi. 124, 1 ; xi. 7, 8, etc. 2 Cf. Roth in St. Petersburg Dic- tionary, 8.V. 3 Rv. x. 90, 9. 4 Av. xi. 7, 24. 6 x. 14, 16. 6 Av. xviii. 1, 17; Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, i. 27, etc. 7 Av. viii. 9, 17. 19, etc. 8 viii. 3, 3, 6, etc. 9 xvi. 1 et seq. Cf. Max Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, xcv. et seq. 10 Kathaka Samhita, xiv. 4 ; Jaitti- rlya Samhita, vi. 1, 2, 7. 11 xi. 5, 7, 3. So Gobhila Grhya Sutra, iii. 3, 4. 15, etc. Chaga ] ROOF— CHANTER-DWELLING— GOAT 267 2. Chandas occurs in one passage of the Atharvaveda1 in the adjectival compound brhac-chandas, which is used of a house, and must mean 'having a large roof.' Bloomfield2 accepts the reading as correct, but Whitney3 considers emendation to Chadis necessary. 1 iii. 12, 3. 2 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 150. 345 3 Translation 105. of the Atharvaveda, Chando-ga, ■ metre-singing,' is the term applied to reciters of the Samans, no doubt because these chants were sung according to their order in the Chandaarcika of the Samaveda. It is only found in the Satapatha Brahmana,1 and often in the Sutras.2 1 X. 5, 2, IO. 2 Baudhayana Srauta Sutra, ii. 2 ; xxii. 4 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, x. 8, 33 ; xiii. 1, etc. Cf. Oldenberg, Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1908, 720. Chardis occurs often in the Rigveda,1 and occasionally later,2 denoting a secure dwelling-place. The word appears to be incorrectly written, because the metre shows that the first syllable is always short. Roth3 accordingly suggested that Chadis should be read instead. But Chadis means ' roof,' while Chardis never has that sense. Bartholomae4 is therefore prob- ably right in suggesting some other form, such as Chadis. 1 i. 48, 15; 114, 5; vi. 15, 3; 46, 9. 12, etc. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 2, 9, 2 ; 3,6, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiii. 19 ; xiv. 12. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. \ Oldenberg, Prolegomena, 477. 4 Studien, 1, 47; 2, 58. Cf. Wacker- nagel, Altindische Grammatik, 1, xii. n. 2 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deu- tschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 55, 312. Chaga, ' goat,' is found in the Rigveda,1 and not rarely later.2 See Aja and Chaga. 1 i- 162, 3. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix.89; xxi. 40. 41 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 3, 4 ; v. 1, 3, 14 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 11, 2. 268 DOMESTIC ANIMALS— HEALING PLANT— BAT [ Jagat J. Jagat, ' moving,' is applied sometimes in the Atharvaveda, and later to the domestic animals in particular, as opposed to wild animals (svapad)} Occasionally the cow is mentioned separately, when the word jagat covers the rest of the domesti- cated animals.2 1 Av. viii. 5, ii, etc. 2 Av. i. 31, 4; x. 1, 29; xix. 47, 10; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 59. In the Rv. the sense of animal in general is usually sufficient ; but cf. jagafi in i. 157. 5; vi. 72, 4. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 150, n. Jarigida is the name of a healing plant mentioned in the hymns of the Atharvaveda.1 It was used as an amulet against the diseases, or symptoms of disease, Takman, Balasa, ASarika, ViSarlka, Prstyamaya,2 fevers and rheumatic pains, Viskandha and Samskandha,3 Jambha, and so on. But it is also regarded as a specific against all diseases, and as the best of healing powers.4 It is said to be produced from the juices (rasa) of ploughing (krsi),5 but this need only mean that it grew in cultivated land, not that it was itself cultivated. What plant the name designates is quite uncertain, for it disappears in the later literature. Caland6 takes it in the Kau^ika Sutra to be the Terminalia arjuneya. 1 11. 4 ; xix. 34. 35. 2 Av. xix. 34, 10. 3 Av. ii. 4, 1 ; xix. 34, 1. 5. 4 Av. xix. 34, 9. 7. 5 Av. ii. 4, 5. 6 Altindisches Zauberritual, 15, render- ing KauSika Sutra, viii. 15. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 433 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 42 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 141; Grohmann, ibid., 9, 417; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 65, 66, 390. Jatu, the 'bat,' occurs in the Atharvaveda,1 and is mentioned as one of the victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.2 1 ix. 2, 22. 2 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 6; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 25. 26. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 86. Jana PEOPLE 269 Jana, besides meaning * man ' as an individual, with a tendency to the collective sense, commonly denotes a * people ' or ' tribe ' in the Rigveda and later. Thus, the ' five tribes ' (Panea Janah or Janasah) are frequently referred to, and in one hymn of the Rigveda1 the ' people of Yadu ' (yadva jana) and the Yadus (yddvah) are synonymous. Again, the king (raj an) is described as ' protector {gopd) of the people (janasya),'2 and there are other references to king and Jana.3 The people of the Bharatas (bhdrata jana) is also mentioned ;4 there is no ground to assume with Hopkins5 that Jana in this case means a clan or horde (Grama), as distinguished from a people. It is difficult to say exactly how a people was divided. Zimmer6 argues from a passage in the Rigveda7 that a people was divided into cantons (ViS), cantons into joint families or clans, or village communities (Grama, Vrjana), and these again into single families. He thinks that the four divisions are reflected in the passage in question by Jana, Vis, Janman, and Putralj, or sons, and argues that each village community was originally founded on relationship. But it is very doubtful whether this precise division of the people can be pressed. The division of the Jana into several Vis may be regarded as probable, for it is supported by the evidence of another passage of the Rigveda,8 which mentions the Vis as a unit of the fighting men, and thus shows that, as in Homeric times and in ancient Germany, relationship was deemed a good principle of military arrangement. But the subdivision of the Vis into several Gramas is very doubtful. Zimmer9 admits that neither Grama10 1 viii. 6, 46. 48. 2 Rv. iii. 43, 5. So Soma is called gopati janasya, ' protector of the people,' Rv. ix. 35, 5. 3 Rv. v. 58, 4. 4 Rv. iii. 53, 12. See also Bharata. Cf. also x. 174, 5 = Av. i. 29, 6. 5 Religions of India, 26, 27. It is true that the Bharatas are called a gavyan gramah, ' a horde eager for booty,' in Rv. iii. 33, n; but Grama has there merely a general application . See n . 10 . 6 Altindisches Leben, 159, 160. 7 ". 26, 3. 8 x. 84, 4. Viiah may have the same sense in several other passages — iv. 24, 4; v. 61, 1; vi. 26, 1; vii. 79, 2; viii. 12, 29 — but it need not necessarily bear this sense. But in x. 91, 2, there is a clear contrast between Vis and Jana. 9 Op. cit., 161. He also relies on Ry- v- 53. I][> where the Maruts are divided into sardha, vrata, and gana; but these words are vague. 10 Rv. iii. 33. 11. See n. 5. 270 DIVISIONS OF THE PEOPLE [ Jana nor Vrjana11 has the special sense of a subdivision of the Vis when used for war, for both words only denote generally an armed host. He finds other designations of the village host in Vra12 and in Vraja,13 but it is sufficient to say that the former passage is of extremely doubtful import,14 and that the latter has no reference to war at all. It is therefore impossible to state in what exact relation the Grama in Vedic times stood to the Vis or to the family (Kula or Gotra). The confusion is increased by the vagueness of the sense of both Grama and Vis. If the latter be regarded as a local division, then no doubt the Grama must have been a part of a district ; but if a Vis was a unit of relationship, then a Grama may have contained families of different Vises, or may have sometimes coincided with a Vis', or have contained only a part of a Vis. But in any case the original state of affairs must have been greatly modified by the rise of the system of caste, and the substitu- tion of a hierarchical for a political point of view. The elements of the people were represented by the family — either as an individual family inhabiting one home (Kula), and con- sisting often, no doubt, of a joint family of brothers, or as a patriarchal family of sons who still lived with their father — and by the clan, the later Gotra, which included all those who claimed a common ancestor. The Gotra may be regarded as roughly corresponding to the Latin gens and the Greek yevos, and possibly the Vis may be the equivalent of the curia and (j>prjTprj, and the Jana of the tribus and <\>vkov or (j)v\rj.L6 These three divisions may also be seen in the Vis, Zantu, and Daqyu of the Iranian world, where the use of Vis suggests that in the Indian Vis a relationship based on blood rather than locality is meant — and perhaps even in the vicus, pagus, and civitas of the old German polity described in the Germania10 of Tacitus. The family in some form appears as the third element of the Jana in a passage of the Rigveda,17 where the house (grha) is equations, for which cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 393 et seq. The exact parallelism cannot in any case be pressed. 17 x. 91, 2, where janam janam and viiam viiam occur, and where a con- trast must be meant. 11 Rv. vii. 32, 27 ; x. 42, 10. 12 Rv. i. 126, 5 {yisya iva vrah). 13 Rv. x. 179, 2 = Av. vii. 72, 2. 14 Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 121, 319. 15 Cf. Iliad, 2, 362. 16 Chap. vii. Zimmer gives other Janaka J PEOPLE AND FAMILY— KING JANAKA 271 contrasted with the Jana and the Vis. Possibly, too, another passage18 contrasts the adhvara, or family sacrifice, with that of the Jana or Vis, rather than, as Zimmer19 thinks, the village with the two larger units. But it is significant of the particu- larism of the Vedic Indians that while the king maintained a fire which might be regarded as the sacred fire of the tribe, there is no sure trace20 of any intermediate cult between that of the king and that of the individual householder. The real elements in the state are the Gotra and the Jana, just as ultimately the gens and tribus, the yevos and (j>v\ovf are alone important. It may be that Vis sometimes represents in the older texts what later was known as the Gotra. See Vi£. This appears clearly when the constitution of society in the Brahmana period is considered. The tribe or people still exists, and is presupposed, but the division into Vis disappears. The real division is now the separate castes (Varna), but the numerous sections into which each of them is divided appear to be based in part on the ancient Gotra. is RV. vii. 82, 1. 19 Altindisches Leben, 435. 20 Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 126. Cf. Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 158 ; von Schroeder, Indiens Liter atur und Cultur, 32, 33 ; Jolly, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- scha/t, 50, 512 et seq. 2. Jana Sarkaraksya (' descendant of Sarkaraksa ') is mentioned as a teacher in the Satapatha Brahmana (x. 6, 1, 1. et seq.) and the Chandogya Upanisad (v. II, 1 ; 15, 1). He was a contemporary of Asvapati Kaikeya, and of Aruna AupaveSi and his son Uddalaka Aruni. Janaka, king of Videha, plays a considerable part in the Satapatha Brahmana1 and the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,2 as well as in the Jaiminiya Brahmana3 and the Kausltaki Upanisad.4 He was a contemporary of Yajiiavalkya Vaja- 1 xi. 3, i, 2 ; 4, 3, 20 ; 6, 2, 1 et seq. 2 iii. i, 1 ; iv. 1, 1 ; 2, 1 ; 4, 7 ; v. 14.8. 3 i. 19, 2 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 23, 329); ii. 76 (ibid., 15, 238). 272 KING JANAKA OF VIDE HA [ Janaka saneya,5 of Svetaketu Aruneya, and of other sages.6 He had become famous for his generosity and his interest in the dis- cussion of the nature of Brahman, as ultimate basis of reality, in the life-time of Ajatasatru of Kasi.7 It is significant that he maintained a close intercourse with the Brahmins of the Kuru-Pancalas, such as Yajnavalkya and Svetaketu ; for this indicates that the home of the philosophy of the Upanisads was in the Kuru-Pancala country rather than in the east. There is a statement in the Satapatha Brahmana8 that he became a Brahmin (brahmd). This does not, however, signify a change of caste, but merely that in knowledge he became a Brahmin (see Ksatriya). Janaka is occasionally mentioned in later texts : in the Taittirlya Brahmana9 he has already become quite mythical; in the ^ankhayana £rauta Sutra10 a sapta-rdtra or seven nights' rite is ascribed to him. It is natural to attempt to date Janaka by his being a con- temporary of Ajatasatru, and by identifying the latter with the Ajatasattu of the Pali texts11: this would make the end of the sixth century B.C. the approximate date of Janaka.12 But it is very doubtful whether this identification can be supported : Ajatasatru was king of Kaii, whereas Ajatasattu was king of Magadha, and his only connexion with Kasi was through his marriage with the daughter of Pasenadi of Kosala.13 More- over, the acceptance of this chronology would be difficult to reconcile with the history of the development of thought ; for it would make the rise of Buddhism contemporaneous with the Upanisads, whereas it is reasonably certain that the older Upanisads preceded Buddhism.14 Nor do the Vedic texts know anything of Bimbisara or Pasenadi, or any of the other princes famed in Buddhist records. 6 Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 3, 1, 2; 4, 3, 20 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, loc. tit. ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, loc. cit. 6 Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 6, 2, 1 et seq. 7 Kausitaki Upanisad, loc. cit. ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 1. 10. 8 xi. 6, 2, 9 iii. 10, 9, 9. 10 xvi. 26, 7. n Vincent Smith, Early History of India, 26 et seq. 12 Hoernle, Osteology, 106. 13 Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 3 et seq. 14 See e.g., von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur and Cultury 243 ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 224 ; Deussen, Philosophy of the Upanisads, 23 et seq. ; Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 25, 29. Janamejaya ] PEOPLE— KING JANAMEJAYA 273 The identification15 of Janaka of Videha and the father of Sita is less open to objection, but it cannot be proved, and is somewhat doubtful. In the Sutras Janaka appears as an ancient king who knew of a time when wifely honour was less respected than later.16 15 Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 135 ; Von Schroeder, op. cit., 189 ; Mac- donell, op. cit., 214. 16 Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 48. Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 426 et seq. ; Max Muller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 421 et seq. ; Von Schroeder, op. cit., 187-189 ; Weber, IndischeStudien, 1, 175, 231 ; Oldenberg, Buddha, 31, n., who properly emphasizes the difficulty of attaching much importance to the names of the leaders of the thought of the Upanisads. Janata, a word frequently found in the later Samhitas1 and the Brahmanas,2 denotes the people as a community (cf. Sabha) or as a religious unit. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2, 1,4; 6, 4 ; 3, 4, 2 ; Kathaka Samhita, ix. 17 ; Av. v. 18, 12, etc. 2 Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 4, 6, 1 ; ii. 3, 1, 3 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 7. 9 ; iii. 31 ; v. 9, etc. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 153, n. Jana-pada in the Brahmanas denotes both the ' people,' as opposed to the king,1 and the 'land' or * realm.'2 The ' subjects ' are also denoted by the adjectival jdnapada.3 1 Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 14 (plural); Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 2, 17. 2 Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 3, 9, 9 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 20; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 1 1, 5 ; viii. 1, 5. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, xiv. 5, 1, 20. i. Janam-ejaya ('man-impelling') is the name of a king, a Pariksita,1 famous towards the end of the Brahmana period. He is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana2 as owning horses which when wearied were refreshed with sweet drinks, and as a performer of the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice.3 His capital, according to a Gatha quoted in the Satapatha4 and the Aitareya Brahmanas,5 was Asandivant. His brothers Ugrasena, Bhimasena, and Srutasena are mentioned as having 1 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 1 et seq. ; Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 34 ; viii. 11. 21 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, :xvi. 8, 27, etc. VOL. I. 2 *i. 5, 5. 13- * xiii. 5, 4, 1-3. 4 xiii. 5, 4, 2. 5 viii. 21. 18 274 NAMES— WIFE [ Janamejaya by the horse sacrifice purified themselves from sin. The priest who performed the sacrifice for him was Indrota Daivapi Saunaka.6 On the other hand the Aitareya Brahmana,7 which also mentions his Asvamedha, names Tura Kavaseya as his priest. It also contains an obscure tale stating that at one sacrifice of his he did not employ the Kasyapas, but the Bhutaviras, being, however, induced by the Asitamrgfas to have recourse to the Kasyapas again.8 He was a Kuru prince; see Pariksit. The Gopatha Brahmana9 tells an absurd tale about him, evidently as of an ancient hero. 6 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 1 ; i 9 i. 2, 5. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, loc. cit. Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 123- 7 viii. 21. Cf. iv. 27 ; vii. 34. j 125 ; 134-136 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der 8 vii. 27. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, \ Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 1, 204 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 438, j 37, 65 et seq. ; 42, 239 ; Pargiter, Journal n. 229; Eggeling, Sacred Boohs of the j of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, 28 East, 43, 345, n. I et seq. 2. Janam-ejaya is in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 the name of a priest who officiated at the snake sacrifice. 1 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35. Jana-Sruta (' famed among men ') Kandviya is the name of a pupil of Hrtsvaiaya, mentioned in a Vamsa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 40, 2), and of Varakya, a pupil of Jayanta, referred to in the same Brah- mana (iii. 41, 1 ; iv. 17, 1). Cf. Jana£ruti. Jani, Jam. — These words appear to denote 'wife,' usually applying to her in relation to her husband (Pati). The more general sense of ' woman ' is doubtful ; for when Usas is called a fair Jam,1 ' wife ' may be meant, and the other passage2 cited for this sense by Delbriick,3 which refers to the begetting of children, seems to demand the sense of ' wives.' Since the words usually appear in the plural,4 it is possible they may 1 Rv. iv. 52, I. 2 v. 61, 3- 3 Die indogermanischen Verwandschafts- nanten, 413. 4 i. 85, 1 ; iv. 5, 5 ; 19, 5 ; vii. 18, 2 ; 26, 3 ; ix. 86, 32 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xii. 35 ; xx. 40. 43, etc. Cf. Rv. x. 43, 1. In x. no, 5, the phrase is patibhyo na janayah, where both plurals may be generic. Jabala ] PARENTS— MAN— RELATIONS— BRIDESMAN 275 refer not to ' wives ' proper, but to Hetairai. This is, how- ever, rendered unlikely because the Rigveda5 uses the phrase patyur janitvarn, denoting 'wifehood to a husband,' as well as the expression janayo na patnih,6 Mike wives (who are) mistresses,'7 besides containing passages in which the word has reference to marriage.8 The singular occurs in the dialogue of Yama and Yarn!.9 5 x. 18, 8. Cf. janitvana in viii. 2, 42. 6 i. 62, 10; 186, 7. 7 The distinction of sense was prob- ably this : jani meant ' wife,' as bearing children (from jan, ' beget '), while patnl was 'wife,' as being 'mistress' of the house (feminine of pati, 'lord,' ' husband '). 8 v. 61, 3. So in x. 40, 10, the word seems certainly to refer to marriage. Janitr1 and Janitri2 are frequent words, in the Rigveda and later, for ■ father ' and ' mother ' regarded as the ' begetter ' and the ' bearer ' respectively of the child. See Pitr, Matr. 1 Rv. i. 129, 11 ; 164, 33 ; iii. I, 10; 54, 9, etc.; Av. iv. 1, 7; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 87, etc. 2 Rv. iii. 48, 2; 54, 14; Av. vi. no, 13 ; ix. 5, 30, etc. Jantu, besides the general sense of ' man,' has also in a few passages1 the more restricted sense of 'follower' or 'subject.' The ' followers of Svaitreya ' 2 may be compared with the ' subjects (visah) of Tp^askanda.'3 1 Rv. 1. 94, 5 ; x. 140, 4. 2 Rv. v. 19, 3. 3 Rv. i. 172, 3. Janman appears to have the sense of ' relations ' in two passages of the Rigveda,1 being used collectively in the second of them. 1 iii. 15, 2; ii. 26, 3 (where janena, I Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 160, and visa, janmana, putraih, is the series). | see Jana and Vis\ Janya has in the Rigveda (iv. 38, 6) and the Atharvaveda (xi. 8, 1) the special sense of ' bridesman.' Jabala is the name of the mother of an illegitimate son, Satyakama, in the Chandogya Upanisad (iv. 4, 1. 2. 4). 1 8—2 276 INSECT— AN ANCIENT SAGE— DISEASE [ Jabhya Jabhya, ' snapper,' denotes in the Atharvaveda1 an insect destructive to grain. 1 vi. 50, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 237. Jamad-agui is one of the somewhat mythical sages of the Rigveda, where he is frequently mentioned. In some passages1 his name occurs in such a way as to indicate that he is the author of the hymn; once2 he is thus associated with Visva- mitra. In other passages3 he is merely referred to, and the Jamadagnisare mentioned once.4 In the Atharvaveda,5 as well as the Yajurveda Samhitas6 and the Brahmanas,7 he is quite a frequent figure. Here he appears as a friend of Visvamitra8 and a rival of Vasistha.9 He owed his prosperity to his catu- ratra, or ' four-night ' ritual, with which his family were also very successful.10 In the Atharvaveda11 Jamadagni is connected with Atri and Kanva, as well as Asita and Vitahavya. He was Adhvaryu priest at the proposed sacrifice of Sunahsepa.12 1 Rv. iii. 62, 18 ; viii. 101, 8 ; ix. 62, 24 5 65, 25. 2 Rv. x. 167, 4. 3 Rv. vii. 96, 3 ; ix. 97, 51. 4 Rv. iii. 53, 15. 16. 5 ii. 32, 3 (cf. Taittiriya Aranyaka, iv. 36 ; Mantra Brahmana, ii. 7, 1) ; iv. 29, 3 ; v. 28, 7 ; vi. 137, 1 ; xviii. 3, 15. 16. 6 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2, 12, 4 ; iii- I. 7. 3; 3. 5. 2; v. 2, 10, 5; 4, 11, 3; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7, 19 ; iv. 2, 9 ; Kathaka Samhita, xvi. 19 ; xx. 9 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, iii. 62 ; xiii. 56. 7 Pancavimsa Brahmana, ix. 4, 14 ; xiii. 5, 15 ; xxi. 10, 5-7 ; xxii. 7, 2 ; Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 16 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 2, 2, 14; Taittiriya Aranyaka, i. 9, 7 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 2, 4 ; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 3, 11 ; iv. 3, 1, etc. 8 Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 1, 7, 3 ; v. 4, 11, 3; Pancavhpsa Brahmana, xiii. 5, 15. 9 Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit. 10 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxi. 10, 5-7. 11 ii. 32, 3; vi. 137, 1. 12 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 16. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 53, 54 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the A thar- vaveda, 319 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 95- Jambha occurs twice in the Atharvaveda as the name of a disease or a demon of disease. In one passage1 it is said to be cured by the Jahgida plant; in the other2 it is described as samhanuh, ' bringing the jaws together.' Weber3 argued from 1 ii. 4, 2. viii. i, 16. 3 Indische Studien, 13, 142. Jarabodha ] NAMES OF TEACHERS 277 the Kausika Sutra4 that it was a child's ailment, especially ' teething.' Bloomfield5 considers it to mean ' convulsions,' while Caland6 thinks it denotes ' tetanus.' Whitney7 decides for ' lockjaw ' or ' convulsions.' 4 xxxii. 1. 5 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 283. 6 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 53, 224 ; Altin- disches Zauberritual, 103. 7 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 42. Cf. Zimmer, Altindischss Leben, 392. Jambhaka, as the name of a demon, presumably identical with the demon causing Jambha, is mentioned in the Vaja- saneyi Samhita1 and the Sahkhayana Aranyaka.2 1 xxx. 16. 2 xii. 25. Cf. Keith, Sahkhayana Aranyaka, 67, n. 7. Jayaka Lauhitya (' descendant of Lohita ') is mentioned in a Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 42, 1) as a pupil of Yasasvin Jayanta Lauhitya. Jayanta is the name of several teachers in the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana : (a) Jayanta Parasarya ('descendant of Para£ara') is mentioned as a pupil of VipaSeit in a Vamsa (list of teachers).1 (b) Jayanta Varakya (' descendant of Varaka ') appears in the same Vamsa1 as a pupil of Kubera Varakya. His grandfather is also mentioned there as a pupil of Kamsa Varakya. (c) A Jayanta Varakya, pupil of Suyajna Sandilya, perhaps identical with the preceding, is found in another Vamsa.2 (d) Jayanta is a name of YaSasvin Lauhitya.3 See also Daksa Jayanta Lauhitya. 1 in. 41, 1. 2 iv. 17, 1. 3 iii. 42, 1. Not only is the forma- tion of the name a late one {cf. Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, xzogd, and Mac- donell, Vedic Grammar, igia), but the Upanisad in which it occurs is also a late one. Jara-bodha, a word occurring only once in the Rigveda,1 is of doubtful meaning. It is held by Ludwig2 to be the name of 1 i. 27, 10. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 103. 278 EMBRYONIC MEMBRANE— SINGER [ Jarayu a seer. Roth3 regards it as a mere adjective meaning ' attending to the invocation,' which is perhaps the most probable inter- pretation. Oldenburg,4 however, thinks that the word is a proper name, the literal sense being ' alert in old age.' 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Cf. Nirukta, x. 8. 4 Rgveda-Noten, i, 23. He compares the rsi bodha-pratlbodhau of Av. v. 30, 10. Jarayu is found once in the Atharvaveda1 in the sense of a ' serpent's skin.' Usually2 it denotes the outer covering (chorion) of the embryo, as opposed to the ulva, the inner covering (amnion). Living things are occasionally classified according to their mode of origin. In the Chandogya Upanisad3 they are divided into (a) anda-ja, * egg-born ' ; (6) jiva-ja, * born alive,' or born from the womb ; (c) udbhij-ja, ' propagated by sprouts.' In the Aitareya Aranyaka4 the division is fourfold : (a) anda-ja ; (b) Jaru-ja, that is, jarayu-ja (found in the Atharvaveda,6 and needlessly read here by Bohtlingk6) ; (c) udbhij-ja; and (d) sveda-ja, ' sweat-born,' explained as 'insects.' 1 i- 27, 1. 2 Rv. v. 78, 8; Av. i. n, 4; vi. 49, 1 ; ix. 4, 4 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, 6, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, x. 8 ; xix. 76 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 3 ; £atapatha Brahmana, hi. 2, 1, 11, etc ; Chan- dogya Upanisad, iii. 19, 2, etc. 3 vi. 3, 1. 4 ii. 6. 5 i. 12, 1. 6 See jaru in Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 430, 6. Cf. Deussen, Philosophy of the Upani- shads, 196, 292 ; Keith, Aitareya Aran- yaka, 235. 1. Jaritr is the regular term in the Rigveda,1 and occasion- ally later,2 for a singer of hymns of praise or worshipper. 1 i. 2, 2; 165, 14; ii. 33, 11; iii. 60, I 2 Av. v. 11, 8; xx. 135, 1, etc. 7, etc. 2. Jaritr. — According to Sieg,1 mention is made in one hymn of the Rigveda2 of Jaritr, one of the Sarhgas. That hymn he seeks to bring into connexion with the epic3 tradition 1 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 44 et seq. 2 x. 142. 3 Mahabharata, i. 222, 1 et seq. Jala§abh.e§aja ] NAMES— SESAMUM 279 of the Rsi Mandapala, who wedded Jarita, a female Sarriga bird — apparently a hen sparrow (cataka) — and had four sons. These being abandoned by him and exposed to the danger of being consumed by a forest fire, prayed to Agni with the hymn Rigveda x. 142. This interpretation is very doubtful, though Sayana4 appears to have adopted it. 4 On Rv. x. 142, 7. 8. Jarutha, mentioned in three passages of the Rigveda,1 appears to denote a demon defeated by Agni.2 Ludwig, how- ever, followed by Griffith,3 sees in him a foe slain in a battle in which Vasistha, the traditional author of the seventh Mandala of the Rigveda, was Purohita, or domestic priest. 1 vii. 1, 7; 9, 6; x. 80, 3. 2 Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Nirukta, vi. 17. 3 Hymns of the Rigveda, 2, n, n. Jartila, ' wild sesamum,' is mentioned in the Taittirlya Samhita (v. 4, 3, 2) as an unsuitable sacrificial offering. In the Satapatha Brahmana (ix. I, 1, 3) sesamum seeds are regarded as combining the qualities of cultivation (viz., edibility) with those of wild growth (because they are produced on unploughed land). Jarvara was Grhapati or ' householder ' at the snake festival described in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35. Jala Jatukarnya ('descendant of Jatukarna'), is mentioned in the Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra (xvi. 29, 6) as having obtained the position of Purohita, or domestic priest, of the three peoples or kings of Kaii, Videha, and Kosala. Jalasa-bhesaja, ' whose remedy is Jalasa,' is an epithet of Rudra in the Rigveda1 and the Atharvaveda.2 The word 1 i. 43, 4 ; viii. 29, 5. | 3, and jalasa as an adjective is found in 2 ii. 27, 6. It also occurs in the | Rv. ii. ^^, 7 ; viii. 35, 6. Nilarudra Upanisad (a very late work), 28o REMEDY— DOLPHIN— POLECA T [ Jasa Jalasa occurs in a hymn of the Atharvaveda,3 where it denotes a remedy, perhaps, for a tumour or boil.4 The commentator on this passage and the Kausika Sutra5 regard Jalasa as meaning ' urine,' which seems a probable interpretation.6 But Geldner7 thinks that rain-water, conceived as urine, is meant ; and the Naighantuka8 identifies jalasa and udaka ' water.' 3 vl 57. 4 Bloomfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 321 et seq. ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 489. 5 xxxi. 11. 6 Bloomfield, American Journal Philology, 12, 425 et seq. of 7 Vedische Studien, 3, 139, n. 2. 8 i. 12. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 323, 324 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 76, 77 ; Hopkins, Proceedings of the A merican Oriental Society, 1894, cl. Jasa is the name of some aquatic animal or fish in the Atharvaveda1 and the Taittiriya Samhita.2 The commentary on the latter text explains it by makara, probably meaning ' dolphin.' The word also occurs in the Gopatha Brahmana.3 Cf. Jhasa. 1 xi. 2, 25. There are various read- ings : jhasa, jakha, jagha. 3 v. 5, 13, 1. 3 "• 2, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 96; Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- veda, 624. Jahaka, the ' polecat,' is mentioned as a victim at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.1 Sayana2 thinks it means a jackal living in holes (vila-vdsl krosta). 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 18, 1 ; I saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 36. Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 17; Vaja- I Altindisches Leben, 86. 2 On Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit. Cf. Zimmer, Jahnu occurs only in the plural in the legend of Sunahgepa, who is said to have obtained, as Devarata, both the lordship of the Jahnus and the divine lore of the Gathins.1 A Jahnava, or descendant of Jahnu, was, according to the Pancavimsa 1 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 18 {Jah- nunam cadhipatye daive vede ca Gaihinam) ; AsValayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 14 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 27 (p. 195, i. 21, ed. Hillebrandt, where the read- ing is different and the sense altered : Jahnunam cddhitasthire daive vede ca Gathinah. The two ca?s cannot be justified, and the text must be in- correct). Jati ] KING JAHNU— GOLD— FAMILY 281 Brahmana,2 Visvamitra, who is said, by means of a certain catd-rdtra or ' four-night ' ritual, to have secured the kingdom for the Jahnus in their conflict with the Vrcivants. He is here described as a king. Again, in the Aitareya Brahmana,3 Visvamitra is addressed as a raja-putra, * prince,' and Bharata- rsabha, 'bull of the Bharatas.' It is therefore clear that the Brahmanas, though not the Samhitas, saw in him at once a priest and a prince by origin, though there is no trace whatever of their seeing in him a prince who won Brahmanhood as in the version of the later texts.4 A Jahnavi is mentioned twice in the Rigveda,5 being either the wife of Jahnu, or, as Sayana thinks, the race of Jahnu. The family must clearly once have been a great one, later merged in the Bharatas. 9 xxi. 12. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 54, who correctly explains the passage which Sayana misunder- stands. 3 vii. 17, 6. 7. 4 Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i,2 337 et seq. 5 i. 116, 19; iii. 58, 6. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 153. Jata Sakayanya (' descendant of Saka ') is ^mentioned as a ritual authority and contemporary of Sarikha in the Kathaka Samhita (xxii. 7). Jata-rupa, * possessing native beauty,' is the name of ' gold ' in the later Brahmanas1 and the Sutras.2 1 Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 13 (jata- rupa - may a, 'composed of gold'); Bi-hadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 25 ; Naighantuka, i. 2. 2 Rajata-jatarupe, 'silver and gold,' Latyayana Srauta Sutra, i. 6, 24. Cf. viii. 1, 3 ; Kausika Sutra, x. 16 ; xiii. 3, etc. ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 19, 9. Jati, which in the Pali 1 texts is the word denoting ' caste,' does not occur at all in the early Vedic literature ; when it is found, as in the Ka.tya.yana Srauta Sutra,2 it has only the sense of ' family ' (for which cf. Kula, Gotra, and Vis). For the influence of the family system on the growth of caste, see Varna. To assume that it was the basis of caste, as does 1 Fick, Die sociale Gliederung, 22, n. 4. xv. 4, 14. So jatiya, xx. 2, 11, etc. 282 PATRONYMICS [ Jatukarnya Senart,3 is difficult in face of the late appearance of words for family and of stress on family.4 3 Les Castes dans VInde (1896). 4 Fick, op. cit., 3; Oldenberg, Zeit- schrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 51, 267 et seq. Jatu-karnya, ' descendant of Jatukarna,' is the patronymic of several persons. (a) A pupil of Asurayana and Yaska bears this name in a Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad in the Kanva recension.1 In the Madhyamdina2 he is a pupil of Bharadvaja. (b) A Katyayani-putra, ' son of Katyayani,' bears this name in the Sankhayana Aranyaka.3 (c) A Jatukarnya is mentioned in the Kausitaki Brahmana4 as a contemporary of AHkayu Vacaspatya and other sages. (d) Jatukarnya is in the Sutras5 frequently a patronymic of teachers whose identity cannot be determined. The same person or different persons may here be meant. 1 ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3. 2 ii. 5, 21 ; iv. 5, 27. 3 viii. 10. 4 xxvi. 5 (Jatukarnya^ in Lindner's index, 159, is a misprint). 5 Aitareya Aranyaka, v. 3, 3 ; Sankh- ayana Srauta Sutra, i. 2, 17; iii. 16, 14 ; 20, 19 ; xvi. 29, 6 (Jala) ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 1, 27 ; xx. 3, 17 ; xxv. 7, 34, etc. Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 138- I40. Jatu-sthira occurs in one verse of the Rigveda1 where Sayana and Ludwig2 interpret the word as a proper name. Roth3 renders it as an adjective meaning 'naturally powerful.'4 1 n. 13, 11. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 152. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. (with a wrong reference, ii. 23, it). 4 Urkraftig. Grassmann, Worterhuh, similarly explains the word as ' power- ful by nature or birth ' (jatu). Jana, ' descendant of Jana,' is the patronymic of Vrsa in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 and apparently in the Satyayanaka.2 1 xiii. 3, 12. 2 In Sayana on Rv. v. 5. Cf. Brhad- devata, v. 14 et seq., with Macdonell's notes ; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgvcda, 64 et seq. Jabala ] PATRONYMICS AND METRONYMICS 283 Janaka, 'descendant of Janaka,' is the patronymic of Kratuvid in some MSS. of the Aitareya Brahmana.1 In the Taittiriya Samhita2 the name appears instead as Kratujit Janaki. Janaka is also, according to some manuscripts of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,3 the patronymic of Ayasthuna, but is here no doubt a misreading of Janaki. 1 vii. 34. 2 ii. 3, 8, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 1. 3 vi. 3, to (Kanva). Janaki, ' descendant of Janaka,' is the patronymic of Kratujit in the Taittiriya Samhita,1 of Kratuvid in the Aitareya Brahmana,2 and of Ayasthuna in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,3 where he is mentioned as a pupil of Cuda Bhagavitti, and as teacher of Satyakama Jabala. 1 ii. 3, 8, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 1. 2 vii. 34. 3 vi. 3, 10 (Kanva = vi. 3, 18. 19, Madhyamdina). Janam-tapi, ' descendant of Janamtapa,' is the patronymic of Atyarati in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 23). Jana-pada. See Janapada. Jana-sruti, ■ descendant of Janasruta,' is the patronymic ot Pautrayana in the Chandogya Upanisad (iv. 1,1; 2, 1). Jana-sruteya, ' descendant of Janasruti ' or of ' Janasruta/ is the patronymic or metronymic of several persons — Upavi1 or Aupavi,2 Ulukya,3 Nagrarin,4 and Sayaka.5 1 Aitareya Brahmana, i. 25, 115. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 1, 5. 7 Maitrayani Samhita, i. 4, 5. 3 Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, i. 6, 3. 4 Ibid., iii. 40, 2. 5 Ibid. Jabala, ' descendant of Jabala,' is the metronymic of Maha- J&xla1 and Satyakama.2 Jabala is also mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana,3 which refers to the 1 Satapatha Brahmana, x. 3, 3, 1 ; 1 dogya Upanisad, iv. 4, i,etc; Aitareya 6, 1, 1. I Brahmana, viii. 7. 2 Ibid., xiii. 5, 3, 1 ; Brhadaranyaka | 3 iii. 9, 9. Upanisad, iv. 1, 14; vi. 3, 19; Chan- j 284 NAMES—SON-IN-LAW— BLOOD RELATION [Jabalayana Jabalas4 as well. The Jabala Grhapatis are spoken of in the Kausltaki Brahmana.5 4 iii. 7, 2. xxm. 5. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 395. Jabalayana, ' descendant of Jabala,' is the patronymic of a teacher, a pupil of Madhyamdinayana, who is mentioned in the second Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (iv. 6, 2). JamadagTiiya is the patronymic of two ' descendants of Jamadagni ' in the Taittiriya Samhita.1 It appears from the Pancavimsa Brahmana2 that the Aurvas are meant, and that Jamadagni's descendants were ever prosperous. 1 vii. 1, g, 1. 2 xxi. 10, 6. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 12, 251, n. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 54. Jamatp is a rare word denoting ' son-in-law ' in the Rigveda,1 where also occurs the word Vijamatr, denoting an ' unsatis- factory son-in-law,' as one who does not pay a sufficient price, or one who, having other defects, must purchase a bride. Friendly relations between son-in-law and father-in-law are referred to in the Rigveda.2 1 viii. 2, 20. Vayu is called the jamatr of Tvastr in viii. 26, 21. 22. Cf. Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Ver- wandtschaftsnamen, 517 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 78, 79. 2 x. 28, 1. Cf. Bloomfield, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 255- Jami, a word which appears originally to have meant 1 related in blood,' is not rarely used as an epithet of ' sister ' (Svasr), and sometimes even denotes ' sister ' itself, the emphasis being on the blood-relationship.1 So it appears in a passage of the Atharvaveda,2 where ' brotherless sisters ' 1 Cf, Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 463, 464. As ' rela- tion,' it occurs, e.g., Rv. i. 31, 10; 75, 3. 4 ; 100, 11 ; 124, 6, etc. ; as 'sister,' Rv. i. 65, 7; x. 10, 10, etc. with svasa, i. 123, 5; 185, 5; iii. I, 11 ix. 65, 1 ; 89, 4, etc. 2 i- 17, I- Jaya] FAMILY FEUDS— HOLLOW OF THE KNEE— WIFE 285 (abhratara iva jamayah) are referred to. The word is similarly used in the dispute occurring in the Aitareya Brahmana3 as to the precedence of Raka, or of the wives of the gods, in a certain rite. One party is there described as holding that the sister should be preferred (j amy at vai purva-peyam) — apparently at a ceremonial family meal — to the wife, presumably as being of one blood with the husband, while the wife is not (being anyo- darya, ' of another womb ').4 In the neuter5 the word means 1 relationship,' like jami-tva, which also occurs in the Rigveda.6 " in. 37- 4 Delbriick, loc. cit. 5 Rv. iii. 54, 9 ; x. 10, 4 ; jami-krt, 'making relationship,' Av. iv. 19, 1. Cf. Aitareya Brahmana, loc. cit. 6 i. 105, 9 ; 166, 13 ; x, 55, 4 '. 64, 13. Jami-gamsa, the ' imprecation by a sister ' or ' relation,' is mentioned in the Atharvaveda,1 showing that family disputes were not rare. This is also indicated by the word Bhratrvya, which, while properly meaning 'father's brother's son,' regularly denotes simply ' enemy.' 1 ii. 10, 1 ( = Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 5, 6, 3), and personified in ix. 4, 15. Cf.jamyah sapathah, Av. ii. 7, 2 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 362. Jambila, ' hollow of the knee,'1 occurs once in the MaitrayanI Samhita.2 The word also occurs in the form of Jambila in the Kathaka Samhita3 and the Vajasaneyi Samhita.4 Mahldhara, in his commentary on the latter text, interprets the word as ' knee-pan,' which he says is so named because of its resemblance to the citron, jambira. 1 Perhaps for janu-bila. Cf. Mac- donell, Vedic Grammar, p. 11, n. 4. 111. 15. 3- v. 13, 1. xxv. 3. Jayanti-putra, ' son of Jayanti,' is mentioned in the last Vamsa (list of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a pupil of Mandukayaniputra. 1 vi. 5, 2 (Kanva = vi. 4, 32 Madhyamdina). Jaya regularly denotes ' wife,' and, as opposed to Patni, wife as an object of marital affection, the source of the continuance 286 DISEASE— LOVER [ Jayanya, Jayenya of the race.1 So it is used of the wife of the gambler, and of the wife of the Brahmana in the Rigveda ;2 it is also frequently combined with Pati, 'husband,'3 both there and in the later literature.4 Patnl, on the other hand, is used to denote the wife as partner in the sacrifice f when no share in it is assigned to her, she is called Jaya.6 The distinction is, of course, merely relative ; hence one text7 calls Manu's wife Jaya, another8 Patni. Later on Jaya is superseded by Dara. 1 Delbruck, Die indogermanischen Ver- | vii. 13, 10 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ivandtschaftsnamen, 411, 412. Cf. Rv. i. 105, 2 ; 124, 7 ; iii. 53, 4 ; iv. 3, 2 ; 18, 3 ; ix. 82, 4 ; x. 10, 7 ; 17, 1 ; 71, 4, etc. ; Av. iii. 30, 2 ; vi. 60, 1, etc. 2 x. 34, 2. 3. 13, and x. 109. 3 Rv. iv. 3, 2 ; x. 149, 4. 4 Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 23, 1. Cf. iv. 6, 7, 9. Cf. MaitrayanI Samhita, i. 6, 12. 5 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 9, 2, 14. 6 i- i,4. 13- 7 Ibid., i. 1,4, 16. 8 MaitrayanI Samhita, iv. 8, 1. Jayanya,1 Jayenya,2 are variant forms of the name of a disease mentioned in the Atharvaveda and the Taittiriya Sam- hita. In one passage of the former text3 it is mentioned with jaundice (harimd) and pains in the limbs (anga-bhedo visalpakah).^ Zimmer4 thinks these are its symptoms, and identifies it with a kind of Yaksma, or disease of the lungs. Bloomfield 5 prefers to identify it with syphilis, in accordance with certain indica- tions in the ritual of the Kausika Sutra.6 Roth conjectures 1 gout,' but Whitney7 leaves the nature of the disease doubtful. 1 Av. vii. 76, 3-5 ; xix. 44, 2. 2 ii- 3. 5. 2 ; 5. 6, 5. 3 xix. 44, 2. 4 Altindisches Leben, 377, following Wise, Hindu System of Medicine, 321, describing Aksata. 5 American fournal of Philology, 11, 320 et seq. ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 559-56I. 6 xxxii. 11. Cf. also the commentary on Av. vii. 76, and Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit. 7 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 442 . Cf. Henry ,Le livre vii de I' A tharvaveda, 98. Jara, Mover,' has no sinister sense in the early texts1 generally, where the word applies to any lover. But it seems probable that the Jara at the Purusamedha, or human sacrifice,2 1 Rv. i. 66, 8; 117, 18; 134, 3; 152, 4; ix. 32, 5, etc. The word is often used mythologically, as, e.g., jara usasam, 'lover of the dawns,' vii. 9, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 308. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 9 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 4, 1. Jahu§a J NAMES— NET— HEAD OF FAMILY 287 must be regarded as an illegitimate lover; this sense also appears in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,3 and Indra is styled the lover of Ahalya, wife of Gautama.4 3 vi. 4, n. 4 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 65. Jarat-karava (' descendant of Jaratkaru ') Artabhag-a (' de- scendant of Rtabhaga') is the name of a teacher mentioned in the Sankhayana Aranyaka (vii. 20) and the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (iii. 2, 1, in both recensions). Jaru. See Jarayu. Jala occurs in the Atharvaveda1 and the Sutras2 in the sense of ' net.' Jalaka is used in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad3 of a reticulated membrane resembling a woven covering. 1 viii. 8, 5. 8 (as used against foes); I 2 Katyayana Srauta Sutra, vii. 4, 7, x. 1, 30. I etc. 3 iv. 2, 3. Jalasa. See Jalasa, which is read by Sayana in the Athar- vaveda (vi. 57, 2) for Jalasa.1 1 Cf. Bloomfield, American Journal 0/ Philology, 11, 320. Jaskamada is the name of an unknown animal in the Athar- vaveda.1 1 xi. g, 9. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 88. Jas-pati occurs once in the Rigveda1 in the sense of the 4 head of the family.' The abstract formed from this word, Jas-patya, apparently denoting 'lordship of children,' is also found there.2 1 i. 185, 8. a Rv. v. 28, 3 ; x. 85, 23. Jahusa is the name in the Rigveda1 of a protege of the Asvins. 1 i. n6, X° ; vii- 71, 5- Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 159. 288 NAMES— PLANT— OFFICIAL [ Jahnava Jahnava, ' descendant of Jahnu,' is the patronymic of ViSva- mitpa in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 This fact is of some importance as disproving Aufrecht's theory2 that the Jahnus were the clan of Ajigarta, the father of Sunah§epa. 1 xxi. 12. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, I necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 1, 32 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- | 54. 2 Aitareya Brahmana, 424. Jitvan Sailini is the name of a teacher in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,1 a contemporary of Janaka and Yajnavalkya. He held that speech (vac) was Brahman. 1 iv. 1, 2 (Kanva = iv. 1, 5 Madhyamdina, which has Sailina as the patronymic). Jihvavant Badhyogfa is the name, in the last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,1 of a teacher, pupil of Asita Varsag-ana. 1 vi. 5, 3 (Kanva = vi. 4, 33 Madhyamdina). Jiva-grbh, ' seizing alive,' is, according to Roth,1 the term, for a police official in the Rigveda.2 But although this sense is rendered possible by the mention of MadhyamaSI, perhaps ' arbitrator,' in the same passage,3 it is neither necessary nor probable.4 1 St Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Siebenzig Lieder, 174. 2 x. 97, 11. 3 Rv. x. 97, 12. 4 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 180. Jiva-ja. See Jarayu. Jivant appears to denote a certain plant in one passage of the Atharvaveda,1 where the edition of Roth and Whitney has the unjustified emendation Jivala.2 1 xix. 39, 3. Cf. Whitney, Transla- tion of the Atharvaveda, 960. 2 "With this conjectural form, cf. Jivala, an epithet of a plant in Av. vi- 59. 3; viii. 2, 6; 7, 6 ; xix. 39, 3. Jaitrayana Sahojit ] NAMES— LADLE— FIREBRAND 289 ^ Jivala Cailaki, ' descendant of Celaka,' is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana1 as reproving Taksan. 1 ii- 3. ii 3!-35- Cf. Levi, La Doctrine die Sacrifice, 140. Juhu is the regular name in the Rigveda and later for the tongue-shaped ladle in which butter was offered to the gods. 1 Rv. viii. 44, 5; x. 21, 3 ; Av. xviii. 4, 5. 6, etc. Jurni, ' firebrand,' is regarded by Zimmer1 as one of the weapons of the Vedic Indians. But since it is only mentioned in the Rigveda2 as a weapon used by demons, its employment in normal war cannot be safely assumed. 1 Altindisches Leben, 301. 2 i. 129, 8. Cf. Nirukta, vi. 4. Jurni is one of the names given to serpents in a hymn of the Atharvaveda (ii. 24, 5), perhaps from their habit of casting their slough. See Ahi. Jetr. See Srni. Jaitrayana Saho-jit is apparently in the Kathaka Samhita1 the name of a prince who celebrated the Rajasuya, or ' royal consecration.' Von Schroeder2 quotes in support of Jaitra- yana as a proper name the derivative Jaitrayani, ' descendant of Jaitra,' formed according to the Gana karnadi, which is referred to by Panini ;3 but it should be noted that in the parallel passage of the Kapisthala Samhita4 the reading is different, and no proper personal name appears, the subject being Indra, the god. This reading seems much more probable, for the verse should be general, and suit every king performing the rite. xviii. 5. 2 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 49, 168. 3 iv. 2, 80. 4 xxviii. 5, cited by von Schroeder Kathaka, i, p. 269. VOL. I. 19 290 NAMES— WITNESS [ Jaimini Jaimini does not appear till the Sutra period.1 But a Jaiminiya Samhita of the Samaveda is extant, and has been edited and discussed by Caland ;2 and a Jaiminiya Brahmana, of which a special section is the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brah- mana,3 is known and has formed the subject of several articles by Oertel.4 1 AsValayana Grhya Sutra, iii. 4 ; Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, iv. 10 ; vi. 6, etc. He appears also as a pupil of Vyasa, Samavidhana Brahmana, ad fin.; Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 377. Cf. his Indian Literature, 56. 2 As part ii. of Hillebrandt's Indische Forschungen, Breslau, 1907. See Olden- berg, Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen. 1908, 712 et seq. I 3 Edited by Oertel, Journal of the I American Oriental Society, 16, 79-260. 4 Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 15 et seq. ; 19, 97; 23, 325 ; 26, 176, 306; 28, 81 ; Actes du onzieme Congres International des Orientalistes, 1 , 225 ; Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 155 et seq. Jaivantayana, ' descendant of Jivanta,' is mentioned in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a teacher, with Saunaka and Raibhya, of Rauhinayana. 1 iv. 5, 26 (Madhyamdina). The name is recognised by Panini, iv. 1, 103. Jaivala or Jaivali, ' descendant of Jlvala,' is the patronymic of Pravahana in the Brhadaranyaka1 and Chandogya Upani- sads.2 Jaivali, the king, in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana3 is the same person. 1 vi. 2, 1 (Kanva = vi. 1, 1 Madhyam- dina), where the form is Jaivala. 1. 2. 8 ; v. 3, 1. i. 38, 4- Jfiatr occurs in two passages of the Atharvaveda1 and one of the Sankhayana Aranyaka2 with a somewhat obscure sense. Zimmer3 conjectures not unnaturally that the word is a technical term taken from law, meaning 'witness.' The reference is, perhaps, to a custom of carrying on transactions of business before witnesses as practised in other primitive societies.4 Roth5 suggests that the word has the sense of 1 vi. 32, 3 ; viii. 8, 21. 2 xii. 14. Cf. Keith, Sankhayana Aranyaka, 66, n. 4. 3 Altindisches Leben, 181. 4 In Manu, viii. 57, the word is a various reading for sahsin, 'witness.' Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 140. 5 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Jya ] RELATION-BOWSTRING 291 'surety.' But Bloomfield6 and Whitney7 ignore these inter- pretations. 6 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 475. 7 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 306. Jfiati (masc), a word which originally seems to have meant 1 acquaintance,'1 denotes in the Rigveda2 and later3 a ' relation,' apparently one who was connected by blood on the father's side, though the passages do not necessarily require the limitation. But this sense follows naturally enough from the patriarchal basis of Vedic society.4 1 Being in all probability derived iromjna, ' know,' not iromjan, ' beget,' as would at first sight seem more likely on account of the sense. Cf. the St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2 vii. 55, 5, seems to refer to the members of the joint family sleeping in the paternal house; x. 66, 14; 85, 28 (the kinsmen of the bride are meant); 117, 9 (perhaps 'brother and sister ' are meant by jnafi here, but * kinsfolk ' will do ; cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 432). 3 Av. xii. 5, 44 (where Whitney in his Translation renders the word by ' acquaintances, ' which seems too vague and feeble) ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, 5, 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 4, 3 (j'natibhyam, va sakhibhyam va, [where ' relations ' are contrasted with ' friends ' or 'companions'); ii. 2, 2, 20; 5, 2, 20; xi. 3, 3, 7, etc. 4 For the transition from the etymo- logical meaning, cf. yvurds, yvurrj, which in Homer designate ' brother ' and ' sister ' ; St. Petersburg Dic- tionary, s.v. Jya is the regular word for 'bowstring' in the Rigveda1 and later.2 The making of bowstrings was a special craft, as is shown by the occurrence of the Jya-kara, or ' maker of bow- strings,' among the victims at the Purusamedha, or human sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.3 The bowstring consisted of a thong of ox-hide.4 It was not usually kept taut,5 but was specially tightened when the bow was to be used.6 The sound of the bowstring (jyd-ghosa) is referred to in the Atharvaveda.7 Cf. Artnl. 1 iv. 27, 3 ; vi. 75, 3 ; x. 51, 6, etc. 2 Av. i. 1, 3; v. 13, 6; vi. 42, 1; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 9; xxix. 51, etc. 3 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 7 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 3, 1. 4 Rv. vi. 75, 3; Av. i. r, 3. In the Epic the bowstring is made of hemp (maurvi) ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 271. 6 Av. vi. 42, 1. 6 Rv. x. 166, 3. 7 v. 21, 9. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 298 299. 19 — 2 292 BOWSTRING— BOW— CONSTELLATION [ Jyaka Jyaka means ' bowstring,' with a contemptuous sense, in the Rigveda,1 and in the simple sense in the Atharvaveda.2 1 x. 133, 1, where anyakesam j'yakah is unmistakably contemptuous. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 137. 2 i. 2, 2. Cf. Jya-paSa means ' bowstring ' in the Atharvaveda (xi. 10, 22), Jya-hroda occurs in the description of the arms of the Vratya in the Paficavim6a Brahmana,1 and is also mentioned in the Sutras.2 The sense is somewhat obscure, for one Sutra describes it as a 'bow not meant for use' (ayogyam dhanus),3 while the other speaks of it as a 'bow without an arrow' (dhanuska anisu).* Some sort of a bow, therefore, seems to be meant. 1 xvii. 1, 14 (spelt -hnoda in text, -hnoda in comm.). ■ Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxii. 4, 11 (spelt -hroda) ; Latyayana Srauta Siitra, viii. 6, 8 (spelt -hnoda : the editor notes that the Drahyayana Sutra has the same reading). 3 Katyayana, loc. cit. 4 Latyayana, loc. cit. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 38; Honkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 32 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 33, 52. Jyestha, ordinarily meaning ' greatest,' has further the specific sense of ' eldest ' x brother in the Rigveda.2 It also means the eldest among sons, which is another side of the 3 same sense. 1 With changed accent, jyestha. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 83, 14. 2 iv- 33» 5 i x- IX» 2- 3 Av. xii. 2, 35 ; Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 17 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 3, 8, and cf. Jyaisthineya. Jyestha-g-hni, * slaying the eldest,' is the name of a Naksatra, or lunar mansion, usually called Jyestha, in the Atharvaveda1 and the Taittiriya Brahmana.2 It is Antares or Cor Scipionis. 1 vi. no, 2. Cf. vi. ii2, I. 2 i. 5, 2, 8. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 361. Jyestha. See Naksatra. Jha?a ] ASTRONOMY— LARGE FISH 293 Jyaisthineya denotes, in combination with Jyestha, the eldest,' a * son of the father's first wife ' (jyestha), in the Brah- 1 Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 1, 8, 1 (opposed to kanistha and kanisthineya) ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, ii. 1, 2; xx. 5, 2. Jyotisa, * astronomy.' It is important to note that no refer- ence to any work on astronomy occurs in the Samhitas or Brahmanas. The text which claims to represent the astro- nomical science of the Veda has been edited by Weber,1 and has frequently been discussed since.2 Its date is unknown, but is undoubtedly late, as is shown alike by the contents and form of the work. 1 Ueber den Vedakahnder namens I 2 See references in Thibaut, Astron- Jyotisam (1862). I omie, Astrologie und Mathematik, 20, 29. Jvalayana, ' descendant of Jvala,' is the name of a man, a pupil of Gausukti, mentioned in the Jaimimya Upanisad Brahmana (iv. 16, 1), in a list of teachers. JH. Jhasa is mentioned in the story of Manu told in the Sata- patha Brahmana,1 where it means a ' great fish ' (mahd-matsya) according to the commentator. Eggeling2 suggests that a horned fish is meant, because in the Taittiriya Samhita3 the Ida, or personified libation, is represented as a cow, and this may have brought in the idea of a horned fish in the later form of an old legend. But cf. Jasa. 1 i. 8, 1, 4. 2 Sacred Books of the East, 12, 217, n. 3 ; 26, xxxi. 3 i. 7, 1 ; ii. 6, 7. 294 PA TRONYMIC—FE VER [ Takavana T. Takavana appears to be a patronymic from Taku,1 and to be the name of a seer in the Rigveda,2 presumably a descendant of Taku Kaksivant, for his name occurs in a group of hymns composed by the Kaksivatas.3 1 Cf. Bhrgavana, from Bhrgu ; Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Taku, as an adjective (?), occurs in Rigveda, ix. 97, 52. 2 i. 120, 6. 3 Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 221. Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 92 ; Ludwig, fiber Methode bei Interpretation des Rgveda, 47. Takman is a disease repeatedly mentioned in the Athar- vaveda, but later not known under this name. It is the subject of five hymns1 of the Atharvaveda, and is often mentioned else- where.2 Weber3 first identified it with ' fever,' and Grohmann4 showed that all the symptoms pointed to that ailment 5 Refer- ence is made to the alternate hot and shivering fits of the patient,6 to the yellow colour of the jaundice which accompanies the fever,7 and to its peculiar periodicity. The words used to describe its varieties are anye-dyuh,8 ubhaya-dyuh,9 trtlyaka,10 vi-trtiya,11 and sadam-di,12 the exact sense of most of which terms is somewhat uncertain. It is agreed13 that the first epithet designates the fever known as quotidianus, which recurs each day at the same hour, though the word is curious (lit. 1 i. 25 ; v. 22 ; vi. 20 ; vii. 116 ; xix. 39 {cf. v. 4). 2 Av. iv. 9, 8 ; v. 4, 1. 9 ; 30, 16 ; ix. 8, 6 ; xi. 2, 22. 26, etc. 3 Indische Studien, 4, 119 ; Roth, Zur Litter atur und Geschichte des Weda, 39, had, from the use of Kustha as a remedy, regarded it as denoting 'leprosy,' and was followed by Pictet, Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 5, 337. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 4, 280, thought ' consumption ' was meant. 4 Indische Studien, 9, 381 et seq. 5 See also Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 451 et seq. ; Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 379-385, and compare the para (a non-Vedic word) of the classical medicine, Wise, Hindu System of Medicine, 219 et seq. ; Jolly, Medicin, 70-72. Darila and Kesava, the com- mentators on the Kaugika Sutra, every- where equate takman and jvara. 6 Av. i. 25, 2-4; v. 22, 2. 7. 10; vi. 20, 3 ; vii. 116, 1. 7 Av. i. 25, 2 ; v. 22, 2 ; vi. 20, 3. 8 Av. i. 25, 4; vii. 116, 2. 9 Ibid. v. 22, 13 ; xix. 39, 25, 4 10 Av. i 10. 11 Av. v. 22, 13. 12 Av. v. 22, 13 ; xix. 39, 10. 13 Grohmann, op. cit., 387; Zimmer, op. cit., 382 ; Bloomfield, op. cit., 274. Takman ] VARIETIES OF FEVER 295 'on the other— i.e., next, day'). The ubhaya-dyuh ('on both days ') variety appears to mean a disease recurring for two suc- cessive days, the third being free ; this corresponds to the rhythmus quartamis complicatus.14 But Sayana considers that it means a fever recurring on the third day, the ' tertian.' The trtiyaka, however, must be the 'tertian' fever,15 though Zimmer16 suggests that it may mean a fever which is fatal at the third paroxysm. Grohmann17 regards the vi-trtiyaka as equivalent to the tertiana duplicata, a common form in southern countries, in which the fever occurs daily, but with a correspondence in point of time or severity of attack on alternate days. Bloomfield18 suggests that it is identical with the ubhaya-dyuh variety. The sadam-di19 type appears to be the kind later known as samtata-jvara (' continuous fever '), in which there are attacks of several days' duration, with an interval followed by a fresh period of attack. Fever occurred at different seasons, in the autumn (sdrada), in the hot weather (graisma), in the rains (vdrsika),20 but was especially prevalent in the first, as is indicated by the epithet visva-sdrada, * occurring every autumn.'21 The disease is said to arise when Agni enters the waters.22 From this Weber23 deduced that it was considered to be the result of a chill supervening on heat, or the influence of heat on marshy land. Grohmann24 preferred to see in this connexion of the origin of the disease with Agni's entering the waters ** an allusion to the fact that fever arises in the rainy season, the time when Agni, as lightning, descends to earth with the rain. Zimmer,26 who accepts this view, further refers to the prevalence ' always cutting ' (cf. Sayana on Av. xix. 39, 10), or ' always fastening upon ' (Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.), or ' belonging to every day ' = sadam- dina (Zimmer, 383, n. ; Bloomfield, 452)- 20 Av. V. 22, 13. 21 Av. ix. 8, 6 ; xix. 34, 10. 22 Av. 1. 25, 1. 23 Indische Studien, 4, 119. 24 Ibid., 9, 493. 25 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 92. 2G Of* cit., 384. 14 Grohmann, 388 ; Zimmer, 382 ; Bloomfield, 274. It may conceivably be the form styled Caturthaka Vipar- yaya (Wise, op. cit., 232), in which the paroxysm occurs every fourth day, and lasts for two days. 15 Sayana on Av. i. 25, 4 ; Bloom- field, 451. It is the jvara trtiyaka of Susruta (2, 404, 7). 16 Op. cit., 383, quoting Hiigel, Kash- mir, 1, 133. 17 Op. cit., 388. 18 Op. cit., 451. 19 Of doubtful derivation : either 296 SOURCES AND SYMPTOMS OF FEVER [ Takvan of fever in the Terai, and interprets vanya, an epithet of fever found in the Atharvaveda,27 as meaning ' sprung from the forest,' pointing out that fever is mentioned as prevalent among the Mujavants and Mahavrsas, two mountain tribes of the western Himalaya.28 There is no trace of fever having been observed to be caused by the bite of the anopheles mosquito, which breeds in stagnant water : this theory has without reason been held to be known to classical Indian medicine.29 Among the symptoms of Takman, or among complications accompanying it, are mentioned 'itch' (Paman), 'headache' (sirsa-soka),so 'cough' (Kasika), and 'consumption,' or perhaps some form of itch (Balasa). It is perhaps significant that the Takman does not appear until the Atharvaveda. It is quite possible that the Vedic Aryans, when first settled in India, did not know the disease, which would take some generations to become endemic and recognized as dangerous. What remedies they used against it is quite uncertain, for the Atharvaveda mentions only spells and the Kustha, which can hardly have been an effective remedy, though still used in later times. Fever must, even in the Atharvan period, have claimed many victims, or it would not be mentioned so prominently. 30 Av. xix. 39, io. For the present position of the disease in India, cf. the Report of the Simla Conference of 1909. 27 Av. vi. 20, 4. 28 Av. v. 22, 5. 29 Jolly, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1906, 222. Takvan,1 Takvarl,2 seem in the Rigveda to denote a ' swift- flying bird.' Sayana3 explains Takvan as a swift steed. 1 Rv. i. 66, 2. Cf. i. 134, 5, and Tsarin. 2 Ibid., i. 151, 5; x. 91, 2. But in both places the word may be adjectival. 3 On Rv. i. 66, 2. Taksaka VaiSaleya ('descendant of Visala') is a mythical figure, mentioned as the son of Viraj in the Atharvaveda,1 and as Brahmanacchamsin priest at the snake sacrifice in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.2 • ^J- vii. 10, 29. 2 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35. Tandula ] CA RPENTER- GRA IN 297 1. Taksan, 'carpenter,' is mentioned in the Rigveda1 and often later.2 He was employed to do all sorts of work in wood, such as the making of chariots (Ratha) and wagons (Anas). Carved work of a finer type seems also to have fallen to his lot.3 The axe (kulisa,4 parasu6) is mentioned as one of his tools, and perhaps the Bhurij, a word which is, however, uncertain in sense. In one passage of the Rigveda6 reference seems to be made to the pains of the carpenter in bending over his work. That the carpenters were a low caste, or formed a separate class of the people, is certainly not true of Vedic times.7 1 ix. 112, 1. 2 Av. x. 6, 3 ; Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10 ; xviii. 13 ; Maitrayani Samhita, "• 9. 5 I Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27 ; xxx. 6; Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 4, 2, 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 3, 12 ; iii. 6, 4, 4, etc. 3 Rv. x. 86, 5; Av. xix. 49, 8. Cf. Rv. i. 161, 9 ; iii. 60, 2. 4 Rv. iii. 2, 1. 5 Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10. 6 Rv. i. 105, 18. Cf. Roth, Nirukta, Erlauterungen, 67; Oldenberg, Rgveda- Noten, 1, 100. 7 Fick, Die sociale Gliederung, 210, n. 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 245, 253. 2. Taksan is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana1 as a teacher whose view of a certain formula was not accepted by JIvala Cailaki. 1 "• 3» !> 3I_35« Cf. Levi, La Doctrine du Sacrifice, 140. 3. Taksan. See Brbu. Tandula, ' grain,' especially ' rice grain,' is mentioned very often in the Atharvaveda1 and later,2 but not in the Rigveda. This accords with the fact that rice cultivation seems hardly known in the Rigveda.3 Husked (karna) and unhusked (akarna) rice is referred to in the Taittirlya Samhita.4 26; xi. 1, 18; xii. 3, 18. A x. 9, 20 ; xi. 1, 18 ; xii. 3, 29. 30. 2 Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 6, 6; Kathaka Samhita, x. 1, etc. ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 4. 3; ii. 5. 3. 4 5 v. 2, 3, 2; vi. 6, 1, 8, etc.; syamaka- tandula, 'millet grain,' ibid., x. 6, 3, 2 ; Chandogya Upanisad, iii. 14, 3 ; apamarga-tandula, ' grain of the Achyranthes aspera,' v. 2, 4, 15, etc. 3 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 239. See Vrihi. 4 i. 8, 9, 3. See Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 190. 298 FA THER— DESCEND A NTS— CORD— WA RP [ Tata Tata, 'dada,' is the pet name for 'father' in the Rigveda1 and later.2 Cf. Tata and Pitr. 1 viii. 91, 6; ix. 112, 3. 2 Av. v. 24, 16 ; Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 2, 5, 5; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, 9, 7 ; in the vocative as a form of address, Av. viii. 4, 77 ; Aitareya Brah- mana, v. 14 ; vii. 15 ; Aitareya Aran- yaka, i. 3, 3. Cf. Delbruck, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 449. Tatamaha, ' grandfather,' is found in the Atharvaveda.1 1 v. 24, 17 ; viii. 4, 76. It seems I be an analogical formation following to mean literally 'great father,' and to | pitamaha; Delbruck, op. cit., 473, 474. Tanaya, n., denotes ' offspring,' 'descendants' in the Rigveda,1 where also it is often used adjectivally with Toka.2 There seems no ground for the view3 that toka means 'sons,' 'children,' and tanaya ' grandchildren.' 1 i. 96, 4; 183, 3; 184, 5; ii. 23, 19; vii. 1, 21, etc.; tokam ca tanayam ca, i. 92, 13; ix. 74, 5. Cf. vi. 25, 4; 31, 1 ; 66, 8 ; and i. 31, 12, as explained by Pischel, Vedische Studien, 3, 193. 2 Rv. i. 64, 14; 114, 6; 147, 1; 189, 2 ; ii. 30, 5, etc. ; Aitareya Brah- mana, ii. 7. 8 Nirukta, x. 7 ; xii. 6. Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Tan, tana, and tanas, have the same sense as Tanaya. See Rv. vi. 46, 12 ; 49. 13 ; vii. 104, 10 ; viii. 68, 12, etc. (tan) ; viii. 25, 2 (tana) ; v. 70, 4 (tanas). Tanti occurs in one passage of the Rigveda,1 where Roth 2 renders the plural of the word by 'files' of calves. But it seems rather to have the sense which it has in the later literature, of ' cords,' here used to fasten the calves. 1 vi. 24, 4. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Tantu appears properly to mean ' thread,' and in particular the ' warp ' of a piece of weaving, as opposed to Otu, the • woof.' Both senses are found in the Atharvaveda.1 In the Satapatha Brahmana2 the 'warp' is called anuchdda, the 'woof parydsa, the tantavah being the 'threads.' In the Taittiriya Samhita,3 1 xiv. 2, 51 (opposed to otu) ; xv. 3, 6 2 iii. 1, 2, 18 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books (the prahcah and tiryancah threads or of the East, 26, 8, 9. cords of the throne of the Vratya 3 vi. 1, 1,4. [Asandi]). Tarak§u ] WEB- A TEACHER— HYMN A 299 on the other hand, the 'warp' is pracina-tana, the 'woof otu. The threads or cords of the throne (Paryanka) are referred to in the Kausitaki Upanisad.4 In the Rigveda the word is used only metaphorically, and this is its most frequent use even in the Brahmanas.5 See also Vana. 4 i. 5; Keith, Sahkhayana Avanyaka, 20, n. 2. 5 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. It is applied to the filaments of plants in Rv. x. 134, 5 ; to the spider's web in Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 23. Tantra means, like Tantu, the ' warp ' of a piece of weaving, or more generally the ' web ' itself. It is found in the Rigveda1 and later.2 1 x. 71, 9. 2 Av. x. 7, 42 ; Taittirlya Brahmana, "• 5» 5» 3 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, x. 5 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiv. 2, 2, 22. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 254. Tapas, Tapasya. See Masa. Tapo-nitya ('constant in penance') Pauru-sisti ('descendant of Purusista') is the name of a teacher in the Taittirlya Upanisad (i. g, 1) who believed in the value of penance (tapas). Tayadara is the name of an animal only mentioned in the adjectival form tayadara along with Parasvant, ' wild ass ' (?) in the Atharvaveda.1 1 vi. 72, 2. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 335. Taraksu, the ' hyaena,' is mentioned in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.1 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 19, I, where Sayana explains the animal to be ' a kind of tiger with an ass's appearance ' (vydghra-viseso gardabha- karah) ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 21 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 40. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 81. 3oo ANCIENT PATRONS— TREE— SPINDLE [ Taranta Taranta appears, along with Purumidha, as a patron of SyavaSva in the Rigveda.1 In the Pancavimsa Brahmana2 and other Brahmanas3 he, together with Purumidha, is de- scribed as receiving gifts from Dhvasra4 and Purusanti; but since the receipt of gifts was forbidden to Ksatriyas, they for the nonce became Rsis, and composed a passage in honour of the donors.4 He, like Purumidha, was a Vaidadasvi, or son of Vidadasva.5 1 v. 61, 10. 2 xiii. 7, 12. 3 J aiminly a Brahmana, iii. 139; Saty- ayanaka apud Sayana on Rv. ix. 58, 3 = Samaveda, ii. 410. — i Rv. ix. 58, 3. 5 Cf. Rv. v. 61 , 10; notes 2 and 3. This is merely a misunderstanding of the Rv. Cf. Oertel, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 39; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 50 et seq. ; 62, 63 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 232, n. 1 ; Rgveda-Noten, 1, 353, 354, where he points out that the Brahmana tradition, and that of the Brhaddevata (v. 50-81, with Macdonell's notes), are not to be accepted as real explanations of the Rigveda. Taru, the usual term for ' tree ' in classical Sanskrit, never occurs in Vedic literature, except perhaps in one passage of the Rigveda,1 where Sayana finds it, and where it can be so translated. But the form (tarubhih) is probably to be inter- preted otherwise.2 1 v. 44, 5. 2 Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., cites tarobhih in Rv. ii. 39, 3, as a parallel, and so Oldenberg, Rgveda- Noten, i, 341. Taruksa is the name of a man in the Rigveda1 who is mentioned along with Balbutha, the Dasa, in a Dana-stuti, or * Praise of Gifts.' 1 viii. 46, 32. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 391 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 117. Tarku, 'spindle,' is known only in Vedic literature from the mention of it in Yaska's Nirukta (ii. 1) as an example of the transposition of letters, the word being derived, according to him, from the root kart, ' to spin.' Talpa ] A TREE— BED 301 Tarda, ' borer,' occurs in a hymn of the Atharvaveda1 enumerat- ing insects that injure grain. Whitney2 suggests that a kind of mouse or rat may be meant. Roth3 thought a bird was denoted. 1 vi. 50, 1. 2. 2 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 318. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva- veda, 485. Tardman in the Atharvaveda1 applies to the hole in the yoke (Yug*a). In the Satapatha Brahmana2 it designates a hole in a skin. 1 xiv. 1, 40. 2 iii. 2, 1, 2 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 26, n. 1. Tarya is, according to Sayana, the name of a man in one passage of the Rigveda.1 But the verse is hopelessly obscure.2 1 v, 44, 12. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 158, 159. 2 Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 342. Talasa is the name of a tree in the Atharvaveda.1 Whitney2 suggests that it may be the same as talisa (Flacourtia cata- phractd). 1 vi. 15, 3. 2 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 291. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62. Talpa is the regular term for ' bed ' or ' couch ' from the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda1 onwards.2 One made of Udum- bara wood is mentioned in the Taittirlya Brahmana.3 The violation of the bed of a Guru, or teacher, is already mentioned in the Chandogya Upanisad,4 while the adjective talpya, ' born in the nuptial couch,' denotes 'legitimate' in the Satapatha Brahmana.5 1 Rv. vii. xiv. 2, 31. 41. 55, 8; Av. v. 17, 12 2 Taittirlya Samhita, vi. 2, 6, 4 ; Taittirlya Brahmana, ii. 2,5,3; Panca- vimsa Brahmana, xxiii. 4, 2 ; xxv. 1, 10. 3 i. 2, 6, 5. 4 v. 10, 9. 5 xiii. 1, 6, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 154. 302 MUSICIAN— CARPENTER— SHUTTLE— ROBBER [ Talava Talava in the list of victims at the Purusamedha, or human sacrifice, in the Yajurveda,1 denotes a ' musician ' of some kind. 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 20; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 15, 1. Cf. Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 83, n. 15. Ta§tP is found in the Rigveda1 in the sense of 'carpenter,' like Taksan, which is from the same root taks, ' to fashion.' 1 i. 61, 4; 105, 18; 130, 4; iii. 38, 1; vii. 32, 20; x. 93, 12; 119, 5. Cf. Nirukta, v. 21. Tasara denotes the weaver's 'shuttle' in the Rigveda1 and the Yajurveda Samhitas.2 1 x. 130, 2. Samhita, xxxviii. 3 ; Taittiriya Brah- 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 83 ; Mai- mana, ii. 6, 4, 2. trayani Samhita, iii. II, 9; Kathaka Cf. Zimmer, A Uindisches Leben, 254. Taskara occurs in the Rigveda * and frequently later,2 denoting 'thief or 'robber.' It appears to be practically synonymous with Stena, in connexion with which it is often mentioned.3 The Stena and the Taskara are contrasted in the Vajasaneyi Samhita4 with the Malimlu, who is a burglar or house-breaker, while they are highwaymen, or, as the Rigveda5 puts it, ' men who haunt the woods and risk their lives ' (tanu-tyajd vanar-gu). In another passage of the Rigveda,6 however, the dog is told to bark at the Taskara or the Stena, which clearly points to an attempt at house-breaking. The thief goes about at night,7 and knows the paths8 on which he attacks his victim. In one passage of the Rigveda9 the use of cords is mentioned, but whether to bind the thieves when captured, or to bind the 1 1. 191, 5 ; vi. 27, 3 ; vii. 55, 3 ; viii. 29, 6. 2 Av. iv. 3, 2; xix. 47, 7; 50, 5; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xi. 77. 78 ; xii. 62 ; xvi. 21, etc ; Nirukta, iii. 14. 3 Rv. vii. 55, 3 ; Av. xix. 47, 7 ; 50, 5 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xi. 79 ; xvi. 21, etc. 4 xi. 79 (the Malimlu is janesu, ' among men '; the others vane, * in the forest '). Cf. for the Malimlu, Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 3, 2, 6; Atharvaveda, xix. 49, 10. 5 x. 4, 6. 6 vii. 55, 3. 7 Rv. i. 191, 5. 8 Rv. viii. 29, 6. 9 x. 4) 6. Tayu ] THIEVES AND ROBBERS 303 victim, is not clear.10 The Atharvaveda u refers to the Stena and the Taskara as cattle and horse thieves.12 Tayu was another name for thief, perhaps of a less distinguished and more domestic character than the highway- man, for though he is referred to as a cattle-thief,13 he is also alluded to as a stealer of clothes (yastra-mathi)u and as a debtor.15 In one passage the Tayus are said to disappear at the coming of dawn (which is elsewhere called ydvayad-dvesas, 1 driving away hostile beings,' and rta-pa, ' guardian of order '), like the stars of heaven (naksatra).16 In the Satarudriya litany of the Vajasaneyi Samhita17 Rudra is called lord of assailers (a-vyddhin), thieves (stena), robbers (taskara), pickpockets (stdyu), stealers (musnant), and cutters (vi-krnta) ; and designations of sharpers (grtsa) and bands (gana, vrdta), apparently of robbers, are mentioned.18 It is therefore not surprising that the Rigveda19 should contain many prayers for safety at home or on the way, or that the Atharvaveda should devote several hymns to night20 chiefly for protection against the evil doings of thieves and robbers. Pischel21 suggests that in one passage of the Rigveda22 Vasistha is represented as a burglar, but he admits that, since Vasistha was attacking the house of his father Varuna, he was only seeking to obtain what he may have regarded as his own. But the interpretation of the hymn is not certain.23 Sayana's explanation of one passage of the Rigveda,24 as 10 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 178, n. 11 xix. 50, 5. Cf. Rv. x. 97, 10 (stena). 12 Whitney, Translation of the Athar- vaveda, 984. 13 Rv. i. 65, 1 ; vii. 86, 5. 14 Rv. iv. 38, 5. 15 Rv. vi. 12, 5. No doubt this theft is the result of despair at being in debt, which might lead to loss of liberty (Rna). 16 Rv. i. 50, 2. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 47. 17 xvi.20. 21. C/. Taittiriy a Samhita, iv. 5, 4, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 13 ; Maitrayan! Samhita, ii. 9, 4. 18 xvi. 25. 19 i. 129, 9; ii. 23, 16; vi. 24, 10; 41.5; 5i. 15; x. 63, 16. 20 Av. xix. 47-50. 21 Vedische Studien, 2, 55, 56. Con- trast 1, 106. 22 Rv. vii. 55. 23 Cf. Aufrecht, Indische Studien, 4, 337 et seq. ; Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 370; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 308; Brhaddevata, vii. 11 et seq., with Mac- donell's notes. 24 vi. 54, 1. 3 °it" I24« 28 Av. ii. 12 was so interpreted by Schlagintweit, Die Gottesurtheile der Inder, 9 et seq. (1866) ; Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 164 et seq. ; Ludwig, Trans- lation of the Rigveda, 3, 445 ; Zimmer, 183 et seq. ; but see Bloomfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 330 et seq. ; Hymns of the A tharvaveda, 294 - 296 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- veda, 54 ; Grill, Hundert Lieder,2 47, 85 ; Jolly, op. cit., 146. 29 vi. 16 ; Jolly, loc. cit. Tastuva, or Tasruva, as the Paippalada recension has it, is the name of a remedy against snake poison, and is mentioned along with Tabuva in the Atharvaveda.1 1 v. 13, 10. 11. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 428; Whit- ney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 244. Tandya ] PLANT— NAMES OF TEACHERS 305 Tajad-bhang'a (' easily broken ') is apparently the name of a tree or plant in the Atharvaveda.1 The Kausika Sutra2 treats it as a compound word, and its commentator makes it out to be the castor-oil plant (eranda). Whitney,3 however, treats the expression as two separate words, and thinks that the passage means 'may they be broken suddenly (tdjat) like hemp (bhafiga): 1 viii. 8, 3 (a battle hymn). J 35 ; Lanman in Whitney, Translation 2 xvi 14. Cf. Bloomfield's edition, of the Atharvaveda, 502 ; Zimmer, xliv ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 583, Altindisches Leben, 72. 584; Caland, Altindisches Zauberritual, I 3 Op. cit., 504. Tanda seems to be the name of a sage to whose school belonged the Tanda Brahmana mentioned in the Latyayana Srauta Sutra.1 1 vii. 10, 17. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 49. Tanda-vinda, or Tanda-vindava, is the name of a teacher mentioned in the Sankhayana Aranyaka.1 1 viii. 10. The manuscripts differ as to the form of the name. Tandi occurs as the name of a pupil of Badarayana in the Vamsa (list of teachers) at the end of the Samavidhana Brahmana.1 1 See Konow's Translation, 80, n. 2. Tandya is the name of a teacher in the Satapatha Brahmana,1 quoted on a point bearing on the Agniciti, or piling of the sacred fire. He is also mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana.2 The Tandya Mahabrahmana or Pancavimsa Brahmana3 of the Samaveda represents the school of the Tandins. Series, 1869-74. See Weber, Indian Literature, 66 etseq., 74, 133 ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 203, 210 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 23 et seq. VOL. I. 20 1 vi. 1, 2, 25. Cf. Levi, La Doctrine du Sacrifice, 140. 2 Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 373, 384. 3 Edited in the Bibliotheca Indica 306 SON— FROG— HEIR— NA ME [ Tata Tata, apparently ' dada's boy,' an affectionate term of address by a father (cf. Tata) to a son, is found in the Brahmanas,1 occurring in the vocative only. But in the sense of ' father,' through confusion with Tata, it occurs also as early as the Aitareya Aranyaka.2 1 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 14, 4 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 6 ; Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 4, 2. 2 i. 3. 3, where Tata and Tata are given as variant forms of the address of the child to the father. Little, Grammatical Index, 75, takes Tata to mean * father ' primarily, but this seems unlikely. Cf. DelbrUck, Die indogermanischcn Verwandtschaftsnamen, 449, 454. Taduri is mentioned in a verse of the Atharvaveda1 together with the female frog (Manduki). Some similar animal must be meant,2 but Roth,3 with the commentator Durga on the Nirukta,4 regards the word as an adjective describing the frog. 1 iv. 15, 14. 2 Whitney, Translation of the Athar- vaveda, 175. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., where he suggests taduri, from the root tad, 'beat,' with the sense of 'splashing.' 4 ix. 7. i. Tanva in an obscure passage of the Rigveda1 seems to mean a ' legitimate son,' who is said not to leave the heritage (riktha) of his father to his sister (jdmi). The exact meaning is probably unascertainable,2 but the passage may convey a statement of what was no doubt the fact, that the daughter had no share in the paternal inheritance; her brother had to provide for her during her life if she remained unmarried, but she had no independent portion.3 (See Daya.) 1 hi. 31, 2. 2 Cf. Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 348 ; Oldenberg, Rgveda Noten, 1, 240 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 34. 3 Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 87, for the modern law of the Panjab. 2. Tanva appears to be a patronymic, * descendant of Tanva,' in a verse of the Rigveda.1 Ludwig2 thinks that it is the patronymic of Du^ima, who is mentioned in the preceding verse, but this is uncertain. 1 x. 93, 15. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 166. Tarak§ya ] ASCETIC— ANTIDOTE— THIEF— STAR— NAME 307 1. Tapasa, ' ascetic,' is not found in Vedic literature till the Upanisads.1 1 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 3, 22. Cf. Fick, Die sociale Gliederung, 40. 2. Tapasa is a name of Datta who was Hotr priest at the snake festival described in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xxv. 15). Tabuva is the name in the Atharvaveda1 of a remedy against snake poison. The Paippalada recension has Tavuca instead. Weber2 thinks that the original form was Tathuva, from the root sthd, 'stand,' and that it meant 'stopping'; but this is hardly probable.3 2 Proceedings of the Berlin Academy, 1896, 681. 3 Barth, Revue de I'Histoire des Religions , 39, 26. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 244 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 428. Tayadara, 'belonging to the Tayadara' (Av. vi. 72, 2). Tayu, ' thief,' is mentioned several times in the Rigveda.1 See Taskara. 1 i. 50, 2 ; 65, 1 ; iv. 38, 5 ; v. 15, 5 ; I 'cattle - thief,' see Pischel, Vedische 52, 12; vi. 12, 5; vii. 86, 5 (pasu-trp, | Studien, 1, 106). Taraka is found several times in the Atharvaveda1 denoting a star. The masculine form Taraka occurs in the Taittirlya Brahmana.2 1 ii. 8, 1 ; iii. 7, 4 ; vi. 121, 3 ; xix. 49, 8. 2 i. 5, 2, 5. Taruksya is the name of a teacher in the Aitareya1 and Sankhayana Aranyakas.2 In the former passage Tarksya is a variant reading, and in the latter Tarksya is read, but this is probably only due to confusion with Tarksya, the reputed author of a Rigvedic hymn.3 1 iii. 1, 6. 2 vii. 19. 3 Aitareya Aranyaka, i. 5, 2, with Keith's note ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra xi. 14, 28; xii. 11, 12; Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, ix. 1. 20 — 2 3o8 STEED— G A RMENT—TREE [ Tark§ya Tarksya is mentioned in the Rigveda1 as a divine steed, apparently the sun conceived as a horse.2 But Foy,3 judging by the name, apparently a patronymic of Trksi, who is known from the Rigveda4 onwards as a descendant of Trasadasyu, thinks that a real steed, the property of Trksi, is meant ; but this is not very probable.5 See also Taruksya. i i. 89, 6; x. 178. 2 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 149. 3 Kuhn's Zeitschrift, ix, 366, 367. 4 viii. 22, 7. 5 In Khila, ii. 4, 1, Tarksya is repre- sented as a bird (vayasa), also a symbol of the sun. In the Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 18, he is mentioned with Aristanemi, originally an epithet of his (Rv. i. 89, 6 ; x. 178, 1), as a person, and in the Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 3, 13, he appears as Vaipasyata (Vaipascita in Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, x. 7), king of the birds (cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 369). Tarpya denotes, in the Atharvaveda1 and later,2 a garment made of some material, the nature of which is uncertain. The commentators on the Katyayana Srauta Sutra and the Sata- patha Brahmana3 suggest that a linen garment, or one thrice soaked in ghee, or one made of the trpa or of the triparna plant, is meant : it is doubtful whether the sense was known even to the author of the Brahmana himself. Goldstiicker's4 rendering of the word is ' silken garment,' which Eggeling5 is inclined to accept.6 1 xviii. 4, 31. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 4, XI, 6; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 3, 7, 1 ; 7, 6, 4 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxi. 1 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, v. 3, 5, 20 ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 5, 7 et seq. ; Sahkb- ayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 12, 19. 3 v. 3, 5, 20. Cf. Katyayana, loc. cit. ; Sayana on Av., loc. cit. ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 879. 4 Dictionary, s.v. abhisecaniya. 5 Sacred Books of the East, 41, 85, n. 1. Tapstagha, a species of tree, is mentioned in the Kausika Sutra,1 while the adjective formed from it, tdrstaght, ' derived from the Tarstagha tree,' is found in the Atharvaveda.2 Weber3 thinks that the sarsafta, or mustard plant, is meant. 1 xxv. 23. 2 v. 29, 15. Cf. Whitney's note in his Translation of the Atharvaveda. 3 Indische Studien, 18, 280. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62. Tirasca ] SIEVE— PARTRIDGE— LUNAR DAY— PRIEST 309 Titau1 is found once in the Rigveda2 denoting a ' sieve,' or perhaps * winnowing fan,' which was used for purifying corn (saktu) . 1 On the peculiar form of this word, cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, 20, 3. * x. 71, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 238. Tittira, Tittiri, is the name of the partridge in the later Samhitas1and the Brahmanas,2 being presumably an onomato- poetic formation. The bird is described as having variegated plumage (bahu-rupa). It is usually associated with the Kapin- jala and Kalavinka. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, 2 ; v. 5, 16, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 4, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 30. 36. The form Tittira occurs in the Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 1. a Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 5 ; v. 5, 4, 6 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 154, 6 (Oertel, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15. 181). Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91 ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 251. Tithi, as the name of a lunar day, the thirtieth part of a lunar month of rather over twenty-seven days, is only found in the later Sutras,1 being completely unknown to the Brahmanas, in which the only day is the natural one.2 See Masa. 1 Gobhila Grhya Sutra, i. 1, 13 ; ii. 8, 12. 20 ; Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 25 ; v. 2, etc. 2 Thibaut, Astronomie, Astrologie und Mathematik, 7, 8. Timirgha Daupe-gruta (' descendant of Duresruta ') is men- tioned as Agnldh (' fire-kindling ') priest at the snake sacrifice described in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xxv. 15. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35. Tirasca is read in some manuscripts of the Atharvaveda1 in the description of the Vratya's throne (Asandi), meaning * the cross-pieces.' But the reading should be tirascye, which is adjectival, and is used in the same sense. 1 xv. 3, 5. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 776; Keith, Sankh- ayana Aranyaka, 19, n. 3, 3io SNAKE— A SEER— CROSS-BEAM— A PATRON [ TiraScaraji Tipa^ca-raji,1 Tira^ci-raji,2 Tirascma-raji,3 are variant forms of a name for ' snake ' (lit., ' striped across '), found in the later Samhitas. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 10, 2; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 94, 95, reports this form from the Av., but the text and Roth (St. Petersburg Dic- tionary, s.v.) read tirasci-raji there. 2 Av. iii. 27, 2 ; vi. 56, 2 ; vii. 56, 1 ; x. 4, 13; xii. 3, 56. 3 Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 13, 21 ; Sankhayana Aranyaka, xii. 27. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 488, 553 ; Keith, Sankhayana Aranyaka, 68, n. 2 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 17, 295-297. Tira^Ci is, according to the Anukramani, the author of a Rigvedic hymn1 in which he appeals to Indra to hear his call. The Paficavimsa Brahmana2 adopts this view of the name, and mentions a TirascI Ahgirasa. But Roth3 thinks that the word is not a proper name at all. 1 vm. 95, 4. 2 xii. 6, 12. 3 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 115. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 5, 187 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 90 ; Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 273. Tira£cina-vam£a, 'cross-beam,' is used to denote a hive ' in the Chandogya Upanisad.1 See also Vamsa. 1 iii. 1, 1. Cf. Little, Grammatical Index, 75. bee- Tirindira is mentioned in a Danastuti, or ' Praise of Gifts,' in the Rigveda1 as having, along with Par£u, bestowed gifts on the singer. In the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra2 this state- ment is represented by a tale that the Kanva Vatsa obtained a gift from Tirindira Parasavya, Tirindira and Parsu being in this version thus treated as one and the same man. Ludwig3 sees in the Rigvedic passage a proof that the Yadus had gained a victory over Tirindira, and gave a part of the booty to the singers; but there is no proof whatever of the correctness of this interpretation, which Zimmer4 shows to be most unlikely. Yadu princes must be meant by Tirindira and 1 viii. 6, 46-48. 2 xvi. 11. 20. 3 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 160, 161 ; 5, 142. 4 Altindisches Leben, 136, 137. Tiryanc Arigirasa ] DIADEM— SESAMUM— A SEER 3ii Parsu, though Weber6 thinks that the singers were Yadus, not the princes. The latter he holds to have been Iranian (cf. Tcpi/3a^o<;, and see Parsu), and he thinks that in this there is evidence of continual close relations between India and Iran. This is perfectly possible, but the evidence for it is rather slight. 5 Indische Studien, 4, 356, n. ; Indian Literature, 3, 4 ; Episches im vedischen Ritual, 37, 38. 6 For the recent controversy as to Iranian names found at Boghaz-kioi, cf. Jacobi, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 721 et seq. ; Oldenberg, ibid., 1095-1100; Keith, ibid., 1100-1106; Sayce, ibid., 1106, 1107; Kennedy, ibid., 1107-1119. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 94 et seq., argues in favour of an early connexion of Iranians and Indians in Arachosia, where he places part of the action of the Rigveda. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 16, 277, holds that traces of Iranian connexion are signs of late date; Arnold, ibid., 18, 205 et seq.t opposes this view. TiFita1 is found in the Atharvaveda2 in the adjectival derivative tiritin used of a demon, and presumably meaning ' adorned with a tiara.' 1 Meaning, according to later native lexicographers, ' head-dress ' or ' dia- dem.' 2 viii. 6, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 265 ; Whitney, Translation of 495- the Atharvaveda, Tirya occurs in the Atharvaveda1 as an epithet of Karambha, 1 gruel.' It is probably equivalent to tilya, ' made of sesamum,' as rendered by Roth2 and Whitney,3 but tiriya is read by Roth4 in the Raja-nighantu as a kind of rice. ' the poison which comes in a horizontal direction' {cf. tiryanc). Grill, Hundert Lieder,2 121, amends to atiriya, 'over- flowing.' Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 270; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 201. 1 iv. 7, 3- 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 155- 4 See Whitney, loc. cit., with Lan- man's additional note. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 377, construes the adjective with visum, and renders Tiryaiic Angirasa is mentioned as a seer of Samans, 01 Chants, in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 The name is doubtless feigned. 1 xii. 6, 12. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 160. 312 SESAMUM— A TREE— A STAR— A BOW [ Tila Tila denotes in the Atharvaveda1 and later2 the sesamum plant, and particularly its grains, from which a rich oil (Taila) was extracted. It is often3 mentioned in connexion with Masa, 'kidney bean.' The Taittirlya Samhita4 attributes the bean and the sesamum to the winter Qiemanta) and the cool (sisira) seasons. The stalk of the sesamum plant (tila-pinji,5 til-pinja6) was used for fuel, and the seed was boiled in the form of porridge (tilaudana7) for food. 1 ii. 8, 3 ; vi. 140, 2 ; xviii. 3, 69 ; 4.32. 2 Taittirlya Samhita, vii. 2, 10, 2 ; Maitrayanl Samhita, iv. 3, 2 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xviii. 12 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 1, 1, 3, etc. 3 Av. vi. 140, 2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit.\ Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 3, 22; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 10, 6 etc. 4 Loc. cit. 5 Av. ii. 8, 3. 6 Av. xii. 2, 54. 7 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4 16 ; Sahkhayana Aranyaka, xii. 8. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 240. Tilvaka is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana1 as a tree (Symplocos racemosa), near which it is inauspicious to construct a grave. The adjectival derivative tailvaka, * made of the wood of the Tilvaka,' is found in the Maitrayanl Samhita,2 and is employed to describe the yupa, or sacrificial post, in the Sadvimsa Brahmana.3 1 xiii. 8, 1, 16. 111. 1, 9. 3 iii. 8. Tisya occurs twice in the Rigveda,1 apparently as the name of a star,2 though Sayana takes it to mean the sun. It is doubtless identical with the Avestan Tistrya. Later it is the name of a lunar mansion : see Naksatra. 1 v. 54, 13 ; x. 64, 8 (with Krsanu as an archer). 2 Weber, Naxatra, 2, 290 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 355; Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 331 ; Keith, Sankhayana A raiiyaka, 77, n. 1 . Tisr-dhanva, ■ a bow with three (arrows),' is mentioned as a gift to the priest at the sacrifice in the Taittirlya Samhita1 and in the Brahmanas.2 1 i. 8, 19, 1. 2 Taittirlya Brahmana, 3. 4 ii. 7, 9, 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 1, 5, 10 ; xiv. 1, 1, 7. Tuminja Aupoditi ] NA MES— CHILDREN 313 Tugra appears in the Rigveda1 as the name of the father of Bhujyu, a protege of the Asvins, who is accordingly called Tugrya2 or Taugrya.3 A different Tugra seems to be referred to in other passages of the Rigveda4 as an enemy of Indra. 1 i. 116, 3 ; 117, 14 ; vi. 62, 6. 2 Rv. viii. 3, 23 ; 74, 14. 3 Rv. i. 117, 15; 118, 6; 182, 5. 6; viii. 5, 22 ; x. 39, 4. 4 vi. 20, 8 ; 26, 4 ; x. 49, 4. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutscheu Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 55, 328, 329 ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 157. Tugrya occurs in the Rigveda as a patronymic of Bhujyu,1 but also in a passage2 in which no reference to Bhujyu appears to be meant, and in which it may mean ' a man of the house of Tugra.' A similar sense seems to occur in the locative plural feminine in the Rigveda,3 where (supplying viksu) the meaning must be ' among the Tugrians.' This explanation may also apply to the epithet of Indra4 or Soma,5 tugryd-vrdh, ' rejoicing among the Tugrians.' 1 Who is also called Tugrasya sunu, Rv. vi. 62, 6. Cf the use of Pajriya and perhaps Krsniya in the patronymic sense without Vrddhi. 2 viii. 32, 20. 3 i- 33> x5- Cf. Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 47. 4 viii. 45, 29 ; 99, 7. 5 viii. 1, 15, where, however, Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., sug- gests an alteration to make it refer to Indra. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 128. Tuc in the Rigveda1 occasionally occurs denoting 'children.' Tuj occurs rather more often in the same sense.2 Cf. Tanaya and Toka. viii. 18, 18 ; 27, 14 ; vi. 48, 9. iii. 45, 4 ; iv. 1, 3 ; v. 41, 9 ; viii. 4, 15. Tuji is the name in the Rigveda1 of a protege of Indra, who in another hymn2 appears to be called Tutuji. 1 vi. 26, 4 ; x. 49, 4. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen 2 vi. 20, 8. Cf. Ludwig, Translation Gesellschaft, 55, 328. of the Rigveda, 3, 156 ; Oldenberg, Tuminja Aupoditi is mentioned in the Taittirlya Samhita (i. 7, 2, 1) as a Hotr priest at a Sattra, or * sacrificial session,' and as having been engaged in a discussion with S^Tsravas. Si 314 NAMES— FOUR-YEAR-OLD OX [ Tura Kava§eya Tura Kavaseya is mentioned in the Vamsa (list of teachers) at the end of the tenth book of the Satapatha Brahmana1 as the source of the doctrine set forth in that book, and as separated, in the succession of teachers, from Sandilya by Yajiiavacas and Kugri. In the same Brahmana2 he is quoted by Sandilya as having erected a fire-altar on the Karoti. In the Aitareya Brahmana8 he appears as a Purohita, or ' domestic priest,' of Janamejaya Pariksita, whom he consecrated king. In the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad4 and a Khila5 he appears as an ancient sage. Oldenberg,6 no doubt rightly, assigns him to the end of the Vedic period. He is probably7 identical with Tura, the deva-muni, 'saint of the gods,' who is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.8 1 x. 6, 5, 9. 2 ix. 5, 2, 15. 3 iv. 27 ; vii. 34 ; viii. 21. 4 vi. 5, 4 (Kanva, not in Madhyam- dina). 5 i. 9, 6 ; Scheftelowitz, Die Apokryphen des Rgveda, 65, 190. 6 Zeitschrift der Dentschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 42, 239. 7 So the St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 8 xxv. 14, 5. See Hopkins, Transac- tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 68. Cf. Weber, IndischeStudien, 1, 203, n. ; Indian Literature, 120, 131 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 43, xviii. Tura-gravas is the name of a seer mentioned in the Panca- vimsa Brahmana1 as having pleased Indra by two Samans (Chants) of his composition. Indra in return appears to have given him the oblation of the Paravatas on the Yamuna. 1 ix. 4, 10. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions I Sciences, 15, 53 ; Max Muller, Sacred of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and \ Boohs of the East, 32, 316. Turya-vah, masc. ; Turyauhi, fern., ' a four-year-old ox or cow,' is mentioned in the later Samhitas.1 1 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 3, 2 ; 1 17 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 10 ; Maitrayanl Samhita, iii. 11, 11; 13, | xviii. 26, etc. Turva occurs only once in the Rigveda (x. 62, 10), doubtless as a name of the TurvaSa people or king. TurvaSa ] KING TURVASA 3i5 TurvaSa occurs frequently in the Rigveda as the name of a man or of a people, usually in connexion with Yadu. The two words usually occur in the singular without any connecting particle, Turvasa Yadu or Yadu Turvasa.2 In a plural form the name Turvasa occurs once with the Yadus,3 and once alone4 in a hymn in which the singular has already been used. In one passage5 the dual Turvasd-Yadu actually occurs, and in another6 Yadus Turva$ ca, ' Yadu and Turva.' In other passages7 Turvasa appears alone, while in one8 Turvasa and Yadva occur. From these facts Hopkins9 deduces the erroneousness of the ordinary view,10 according to which Turvasa is the name of a tribe, the singular denoting the king, and regards Turvasa as the name of the Yadu king. But the evidence for this is not conclusive. Without laying any stress on the argument based on the theory11 that the 'five peoples' of the Rigveda are the Anus, Druhyus, Turvasas, Yadus, and Purus, it is perfectly reasonable to hold that the Turvasas and Yadus were two distinct though closely allied tribes. Such they evidently were to the seers of the hymns which mention in the dual the Turvasd-Yadu and speak of Yadus Turvas ca. This explanation also suits best the use of the plural of Turvasa in two Rigvedic hymns. In the Rigveda the chief exploit of Turvasa was his partici- pation in the war against Sudas, by whom he was defeated.12 Hopkins13 suggests that he may have been named Turvasa because of his fleet (tura) escape from the battle. His escape 1 i. 36, 18 ; 54, 6 ; 174, 9 ; vi. 20, 12; 45, 1 ; viii. 4l 7; 7, 18; 9, 14; 45, 27 ; x. 49, 8. In vii. 18, 6, Turvasa is joined with Yaksu, apparently a con- temptuous variant of Yadu (Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 261). Cf. Trtsu. 2 v. 31, 8. 3 i. 108, 8. 4 viii. 4, 18 ; singular with Anava in viii. 4, 1. 5 iv. 30, 17. 6 x. 62, 10. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 166 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 42, 220, n. 1. 7 i. 4, 77 ; vi. 27, 7. Cf. viii. 4, 1. 8 vii. 19, 8. 9 Op. cit., 258 et seq. 10 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 122, 124 ; Oldenberg, Buddha, 404 ; Ludwig, op. cit., 153 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 64; Sanskrit Literature, 153 et seq., etc. 11 Zimmer, 122, 124 ; Macdonell, 153. 154- 12 vii. 18, 6. 13 Op. cit., 264. 3i6 THE TURVA$A PEOPLE [ Turvasa may have been assisted by Indra, for in some passages14 Indra's aid to Turvasa (and) Yadu is referred to ; it is also significant that the Anu, and apparently the Druhyu, kings are mentioned as having been drowned in the defeat, but not the Turvasa and Yadu kings, and that Turvasa appears in the eighth book of the Rigveda as a worshipper of Indra with the Anu prince, the successor, presumably, of the one who was drowned.15 Griffith,16 however, proposes to refer these passages to a defeat by Turvasa and Yadu of Arna and Citraratha on the Sarayu ; 17 but the evidence for this is quite inadequate. Two passages of the Rigveda18 seem to refer to an attack by Turvasa and Yadu on Divodasa, the father of Sudas. It is reasonable to suppose that this was an attack of the two peoples on Divodasa, for there is some improbability of the references being to the Turvasa, who was concerned in the attack on Sudas, the son. Zimmer19 considers that the Turvasas were also called Vrci- vants. This view is based on a hymn20 in which reference is made to the defeat of the Vrclvants on the Yavyavati and Hariyupiya in aid of Daivarata, and of Turvasa in aid of Sriijaya, the latter being elsewhere21 clearly the son of Deva- rata. But as this evidence for the identification of the Turvasas with the Vrclvants is not clear, it seems sufficient22 to assume that they were allies. Later, in the Satapatha Brahmana,23 the Turvasas appear as allies of the Pancalas, Taurvasa horses, thirty-three in number, and armed men, to the number of 6,000, being mentioned.24 But otherwise the name disappears : this lends 14 Rv. i. 174, 9; iv. 30, 17; v. 31, 8; viii. 4, 7. 15 Hopkins, 265. 16 Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 433, n. !7 The hymn is a late one, and the connexion of verse 18, where Arna and Citraratha are mentioned, is obscure. Cf. Hopkins, 259. 18 vi. 45, 1 ; ix. 61, 2 (where Divo- dasa is mentioned) ; vii. 19, 8 (where he appears as Atithigva). 19 Op. cit., 124. 20 vi. 27, 5-7. 21 iv. 15, 4- 22 Oldenberg, Buddha, 404, n. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 105. 23 xiii. 5, 4, 16. 24 The sense is obscure. The St. Petersburg Dictionary takes it appar- ently as 6,033 horses (of armed warriors); Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 400, prefers to understand it as 33 horses and 6,000 men; Oldenberg, loc. cit., takes it as 6,033 warriors. Harisvamin's Commentary, cited by Eggeling, is obscure. Tula ] KING TURVITI— SCALES 3i7 probability to Oldenberg's conjecture25 that the Turvasas became merged in the Paiicala people. Hopkins26 considers that in the Satapatha passage the horses were merely named from the family of Turvasa ; but this view is less likely, since it ignores the difficulty involved in the reference to the men. It is impossible to be certain regarding the home of the Turvasas at the time of their conflict with Sudas. They apparently crossed the Parusni,27 but from which side is dis- puted. The view of Pischel28 and Geldner,29 that they advanced from the west towards the east, where the Bharatas were (see Kufu), is the more probable. 25 Buddha, 404. 26 Op. cit., 258, n. Cf Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 220. 27 Rv. vii. 18. 28 Vedische Studien, 2,218. Cf Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 126. 29 Vedische Studien, 3, 152. If in Rv. viii. 20, 24, turvasa is read with Ludwig for turvatha, they are connected with the Sindhu. Cf. Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 167 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 286 ; Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, 354 et seq. Turviti is mentioned several times in the Rigveda, both in association with Vayya1 and alone.2 In three passages3 reference is made to Indra aiding him over a flood. Ludwig4 has conjectured that he was king of the Turvasas and Yadus. But there is no sufficient evidence for this view, though presumably he was of the Turvasa tribe. 1 i. 54, 6; ii. 13, 12; iv. 19, 6, 2 Rv. i. 36, 18 ; 61, 11 ; 112, 23. 3 i. 61, 11 ; ii. 13, 12 ; iv. 19, 6. 4 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 147 ; 4, 254. Cf. Turvasa, and Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, 358 ; Oldenberg, Sacred Books of the East, 42, 36. Tula, ' scales,' is mentioned in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.1 The Satapatha Brahmana2 also speaks of the balance in con- nexion with the weighing of a man's good and evil deeds in the next and in this world. This differs very considerably from the later balance3 ordeal, in which a man was weighed twice, and was pronounced guilty or innocent according as, on the second occasion, he was more or less heavy than on the xxx. 17. XL 2, 7, 33. 3 Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 145. 318 HUSK— FLUTE— NORTH KU RU K SET R A— TORRENT [ Tu§a first. It is not possible to read the later practice into the earlier.4 4 Weber, Indische Streifen, i, 21 ; I balance ordeal. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred 2. 3°3. quotes Schlagintweit as giving I Books of the East, 44, 45, n. 4. this passage as an example of the j Tusa, in the Atharvaveda1 and later,2 regularly denotes the ' husk ' of grain, often used for a fire.3 1 ix. 6, 16 ; xi. I, 12. 29 ; 3, 5 ; xii. 3, 19. 2 Taittirlya Brahmana, i. 6, 5, 5 ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 7, 9, etc. 3 Tusa-pakva, Taittirlya Samhita, v. 2 , 4, 2 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 2, 4 ; Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 2, 1, 7. Tunava denotes in the later Samhitas1 and the Brahmanas2 a musical instrument of wood, probably the 'flute.' A 'flute- blower ' is enumerated among the victims of the Purusamedha, or 'human sacrifice.'3 1 Taittirlya Samhita, vi. 1, 4, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 6, 8 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxiii. 4 ; xxxiv. 5 (Indische Studien, 3, 477). 2 Pancavimsa Brahmana, vi. 5, 13 ; Tutuji. See Tuji. Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 4, 13, 1 ; 15, 1 ; Nirukta, xiii. 9. 3 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 19. 20 ; Taittirlya Brahmana, loc. cit. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 289. Tupara, * hornless,' is a frequent description of animals intended for the sacrifice, especially of the goat, in the Atharvaveda and later.1 1 Av. xi. 9, 22; Taittirlya Samhita, 1 xxiv. 1. 15; xxix. 59, etc.; Satapatha ii. 1, 1, 4, etc. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, | Brahmana, v, 1, 3, 7, etc. Turghna is mentioned in the Taittirlya Aranyaka (v. 1) as the northern part of Kuruksetra.1 Its exact position, however, cannot be ascertained. 1 Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 78. TurnaSa, in the Rigvjeda,1 seems to denote a ' mountain torrent.' 1 viii. 32, 4. Cf. Nirukta, v. 16. Trna ] NAMES OF PRINCES— TRIMMING— GRASS 319 Turvayana is the name of a prince mentioned in the Rigveda. He appears by name in two passages,1 and is clearly alluded to in a third,2 as an enemy of Atithigva, Ayu, and Kutsa. With this accords the fact that the Pakthas were opposed in the battle of the ten kings to the Trtsus,3 and that Turvayana is shown by another passage of the Rigveda4 to have been a prince of the Pakthas. He is there represented as having been a protege of Indra, who aided him against Cyavana and his guardians, the Maruts. It is not probable that he is identical with SuSravas.5 1 i. 53, 10 ; vi. 18, 13. 2 ii. 14, 7 (as a comparison of the two preceding passages shows) ; per- haps also viii. 53, 2. In i. 174, 3, Turvayana seems also to be a proper name, though Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., here regards the word as an adjective. 3 vii. 18. 4 x. 61, 1 et seq. ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 71-77. 5 Mentioned in i. 53, 9. 10. Cf. Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 75. n. Tusa is found in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas1 denoting the ' fringe ' or ' trimming ' of a garment. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 1, 1 ; ii. 4, 9, 1; vi. 1, 1, 3; Kathaka Samhita, xxiii. 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, 1, 8 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xvii. 1, etc. Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 262. Trksi is, in the Rigveda,1 the name of a prince who was a Trasadasyava, ' descendant of Trasadasyu.' He also appears with the Druhyu and the Puru peoples in another hymn.2 It has been conjectured, but it is not probable, that the steed Tarksya (as ' belonging to Trksi ') was his.3 1 viii. 22, 7. I brandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 113, 2 vi. 46, 8. It is not certain that the j notes 3, 4), but it is probable. two persons are identical {cf. Hille- Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 149. Trna, ' grass,' is often mentioned in the Rigveda1 and later.2 It was used as straw to roof in a house or hut.3 1 i. 161, 1 ; 162, 8. 11 ; x. 102, 10, elc. » Av. ii. 30, 1 ; vi. 54, 1, etc. ; Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 22 ; viii. 24, etc. 3 Av. iii. 12, 5 ; ix. 3, 4. 7, 320 CATERPILLAR— TERTIAN FEVER [ Trnajalayuka Trna-jalayuka, 'caterpillar,' is mentioned in the Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad (iv. 2, 4). Trna-skanda occurs once in the Rigveda1 as the name of a prince, his subjects {visah) being referred to.2 The word may originally have meant ' grasshopper.'3 1 i- 172. 3. 2 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 159, takes visah as 'cantons,' but see Vii 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Trtiyaka, 'the tertian (fever),' is mentioned in the Athar- vaveda (i. 25, 4; v. 22, 13; xix. 39, 10). See Takman. Trtsu occurs in the Rigveda, once in the singular1 and several times in the plural,2 as a proper name. The Trtsus were clearly helpers of Sudas in the great battle against the ten kings, Simyu, the TurvaSa, the Druhyu, Kavasa, the Puru, the Anu, Bheda, Sambara, the two Vaikarnas, and perhaps the Yadu, who led with them as allies3 the Matsyas, Pakthas, Bhalanas, Alinas, Visanins, Sivas, Ajas, Sigrus, and perhaps Yaksus.4 The defeat of the ten kings is celebrated in one 1 vii. 18, 13. 2 vii. 18, 7. 15. 19 ; 33, 5. 6 ; 83, 4. 6. 8. 3 They were regarded as enemies of the kings by Roth, Zur Litter atur und Geschichte des Weda, 95, and by Zimmer, op. cit., 126. The latter, however, altered his view (see pp. 430, 431, which Hopkins, op. cit., 260, has over- looked), and there is no doubt that the later opinion is correct. Cf. also Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 173; Hopkins, 260, 261. Of these tribes the Pakthas, Alinas, Bhalanas, Visanins, and Sivas, were probably settled in the north-west, to the west of the Indus, and around the Kabul River. The Anus, Purus, TurvaSas, Yadus, and Druhyus, were probably tribes of the Panjab ; the Ajas, Sigrus, and Yaksus, tribes of the east, under Bheda ; Sambara may also have been a native of the east ; Simyu and Kavasa are doubtful ; and the Vaikarnau prob- ably belonged to the north-west. 4 This is uncertain ; the text of the Rigveda, vii. 18, 6, has Yaksu, and the same word recurs in verse 19. On the other hand, the word Yadu would naturally be expected in verse 6, as Tur- va£a is mentioned. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 122, says that Yadu occurs in vii. 18, but on p. 126 he cites Yaksu in both places, evidently by oversight. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 261, n., considers that Tur- va£a, the Yaksu, is a sarcastic expres- sion, instead of Turvasa, the Yadu, making Turvasa, whom he regards as king of the Yadus, ridiculous as a member of an insignificant people, and alluding to him also as a sacrificial victim (as it were, yastavya, ' to be offered ' : cf. purodas, ' cake of sacrifice,' in verse 6, as a pun on purogas, ' leader'). Whether Yaksu is used contemptuously for Yadu or not, it seems hard not to believe that the Yadus are referred to. Trtsu ] RELATION OF TRTSUS AND BHARATAS 321 hymn of the Rigveda,5 and is evidently alluded to in two others.6 The great battle took place on the Parusni, but there was also a fight on the Yamuna with Bheda, the Ajas, Sigrus, and Yaksus. As the Yamuna and the Parusni represent opposite ends of the territory of the Trtsus (for we cannot with Hopkins7 safely identify the streams), it is difficult to see exactly how the ten kings could be confederated, but it should be noted that the references to the ten kings occur in the two later hymns,6 and not in the hymn5 describing the battle itself; besides, absolute numerical accuracy cannot be insisted upon. It is difficult exactly to determine the character of the Trtsus, especially in their relation to the Bharatas, who under Visvamitra's guidance are represented as prospering and as advancing to the Vipa£ and Sutudri.8 Roth ingeniously brought this into connexion with the defeat of his enemies by Sudas, which is celebrated in the seventh book of the Rigveda — a book attributed to the Vasistha family — and thought that there was a reference in one verse9 to the defeat of the Bharatas by Sudas. But it seems certain that the verse is mistranslated, and that the Bharatas are really represented as victors with Sudas.10 Ludwig11 accordingly identifies the Trtsus and the Bharatas. Oldenberg,12 after accepting this view at first,13 later expressed the opinion that the Trtsus were the priests of the Bharata people, and therefore identical with the Vasisthas. This view is supported by the fact that in one passage14 the Trtsus are clearly described as wearing their hair in the peculiar manner affected by the Vasisthas,15 and would in that passage thus seem to represent the Vasisthas. 5 vii. 18. 6 vii. 33 and 83. 7 India, Old and New, 52. No such conjecture was made by him in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 259 et seq. 8 Rv. iii. 33 ; 53, 9-12. 9 vii. 33, 6. See Roth, op. cit., 90, 121 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 320 ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 154, 155; von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 35, 36 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, no, 111 ; Bloomfield, VOL. I. Journal of the American Oriental Society, 16, 41. 10 Oldenberg, Buddha, 406 ; Weber, Episches im vedischen Ritual, 34. 11 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 175. 12 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- Icindischen Gesellschaft, 42, 207. Cf. Ber- gaigne, Religion Vddique, 2, 362. 13 Buddha, 405, 406, 14 Rv. vii. 33, 1 {ivityanco dakshiatas- kapardah). 15 Rv. vii. 83, 8 (sjityanco . . . kapardinah) . 21 322 THE TRTSUS ABSORBED BY THE KURUS [ Trtsu But Geldner18 has suggested with great probability that Trtsu, who is once mentioned in the singular,17 means the Trtsu king — that is, Sudas.18 This explanation alone justifies the description19 of the Bharatas as Trtsunam visah,20 'subjects of the Trtsus,' meaning the Trtsu Gotra or family, for the people could not be said to be subjects of a body of priests. The Vasisthas might be called Trtsus because of their close con- nexion with the royal house of that people. The reverse process is also quite possible, but is rendered improbable by the fact that the Pratrdah are referred to as receiving Vasistha.21 This name of the Trtsu dynasty is probably older than its connexion with Vasistha in the time of Sudas, a conclusion supported by the name of Pratardana, who is mentioned later as a descendant of Divodasa,22 an ancestor of Sudas. The Trtsu dynasty could therefore hardly have been referred to as Vasisthas. For the further history of the dynasty and its relation with Vasistha and Visvamitra, see Sudas. If the Trtsus and their subjects, the Bharatas, were in the Rigvedic period at war with the tribes on either side of the territory between the Parusni and the Yamuna, it is clear23 that later on they coalesced with the Purus and probably others of those tribes to form the Kuril people. Already in the Rigveda24 the Trtsus are allied with the Srnjayas, and in the Satapatha Brahmana25 one Purohita serves both Kurus and Srnjayas. 16 Vedische Studien, 2, 136; Rgveda- Glossar, 74. 17 Rv. vii. 18, 13. 18 Cf. Rv. vii. 18, 24. The parallelism of verses 13 and 24 is quite beyond question. Moreover, the praise of Sudas and of the Bharatas is found coupled in Rv. iii. 53, 9. 12. 24, and in Rv. vi. 16, 4. 5, Divodasa is coupled with the Bharatas in such a way as to suggest irresistibly that Divodasa was a Bharata. 19 Rv. vii. 33, 6. 20 That this is the sense of viiah is almost certain. See Geldner, Vedische Studien, loc. tit. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 159, and Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 111, render it 'cantons,' but see Vii. 21 Rv. vii. ^t T4- Geldner (op. cit., J38, 139) ingeniously suggests that Vasistha, being miraculously born, needed a Gotra, and so became a Trtsu. 22 Pratardana is mentioned in the Kausitaki Brahmana, xxvi. 5, as Daivo- dasi, ' descendant of Divodasa.' 23 Cf. Oldenberg, Buddha, 406 et seq., and see Kuru. 24 See Rv. vi. 47, where Divodasa and Sarnjaya are both praised. In vi. 27, 5, the TurvaSas are opposed to the Srnjayas, and in vii. 18, 6; 19, 8, the Trtsus are opposed to the TurvaSas. 25 ii. 4. 4. 5- Tejana] TRTSUS— A PRIEST— A RIVER— BAMBOO 323 Hillebrandt26 considers that the Trtsus cannot be identified with the Bharatas, but that Sudas and the Bharatas represent an invading body, which, however, became allied with the Trtsus and the Vasistha priests. He also thinks that the Rigveda reveals a time when Divodasa, the grandfather or ancestor of Sudas, was living in Arachosia, on the Sarasvati, and warring against the Panis, whom he identifies with the Parnians. But this conjecture27 cannot be regarded as probable. In the Sarasvati28 it is not necessary to see any other river than the later Sarasvati, in the middle country, which flowed within the boundaries of the Trtsus : it is also significant that there are references29 to contests between Turva^a Yadu and Atithigva or Divodasa. Thus there is no reason to doubt that Divodasa and the Bharatas were in the middle country, and not in Iran. 26 Vediscke Mythologie, 1, 98 et seq. 27 Cf. also Grierson, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 837 et seq. 28 Rv. vi. 61, 3. Brunnhofer, Iran und Turan, 127, identifies this river with the Oxus, but Hillebrandt identifies it with the Haraqaiti. 29 Rv. ix. 61, 2. Cf. vi. 45, 1 ; Zimmer, op. cit., 124. Cf. Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 424. Trsta is mentioned in the Maitrayani1 and Kathaka Samhitas2 as being along with Varutri the priest of the Asuras. 1 iv. 8, 1. The reading is uncer- tain ; it may be Trstha-varutri. See von Schroeder's edition, p. 106, n. 2 xxx. 1, where again the reading is uncertain. The Kapisthala Samhita, xlvi. 4, has Tvasta - varutri (von Schroeder's edition of the Kathaka, 2, 181, n). Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 190, 191 ; Levi, La Doctrine du Sacrifice, 119. Trstama is mentioned as a stream in the Nadi-stuti, or 'praise of rivers,' in the Rigveda.1 There seems to be no means of identifying it. 1 x. 75, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 14. Tejana denotes in the Rigveda1 a rod or staff of reed used for measuring a field. In the Atharvaveda the sense of ' bamboo ' is found twice,2 the bamboo being specified in the 1 i. no, 5, I Cf. taijana as an adjective in Kathaka 2 i. 2, 4; xx. 136, 3( = Khila, v. 22, 3). | Samhita, xxi. 10. 21 — 2 324 REEDS— BOLT— TAITTIRIYA SCHOOL— SNAKE [ Tejani second passage as '■ of the spring ' (vdsantika) ; more particularly it denotes the shaft of an arrow,3 a sense often found in later Vedic texts.4 3 Av. vi. 49, i (Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 317) ; isu eka-tejand, ' an arrow with one shaft,' vi. 57, 1. 4 Aitareya Brahmana, i. 25; hi. 26; Kathaka Samhita, xxv. 1 (with sriiga and salya as the three parts of an arrow ; in Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 8, 1, kulmala takes the place of tejana ; cf. ibid., 2). The Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 3, 3, 1, has anika, salya, and tejana. Cf. Isu. Tejani denotes in the later Samhitas and Brahmanas a bundle of reeds,1 and in some cases such a bundle twisted into a rope,2 for the two ends of the Tejani are mentioned. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 8, 3, 12 ; perhaps Kathaka Samhita, xxiii. 9. 2 Kathaka Samhita, xxii. 13 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 11, as rendered by Sayana. Tejas is regarded by Schrader1 as having in the Rigveda2 the specific sense of ' axe.' But in all the passages the sense of the ' bolt ' of the god is adequate. 1 Prehistoric Antiquities, 221. 2 Cf. vi. 3, 5 ; 8, 5 ; 15, 19. Taittiriya is the name of one of the divisions of the Black Yajurveda, which is, however, not found thus described until the Sutra period.1 The school is represented by a Samhita,2 a Brahmana,3 and an Aranyaka,4 besides an Upanisad,6 which forms a part of the Aranyaka. 1 Anupada Sutra, ii. 6; vii. 7. 10, etc. See Weber Indian Literature, 87 et seq. ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 175 et seq. ; von Schroeder, Maitrayani Samhita, 1, x et seq. 2 Edited by Weber, Indische Studien, xi, xii, and in the Bibliotheca Indica, 1854-1899. 3 Edited in the Bibliotheca Indica, 1855 - 1870, and in the Anandasrama Series, 1898. 4 Edited in the Bibliotheca Indica, 1864- 1872, and in the Anandasrama Series, 1898. 5 Edited by Roer, 1850, and in the Anandasrama Series, 1889. Taimata is twice mentioned as a species of snake in the Atharvaveda.1 1 v. 13, 6 ; 18, 4. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 243 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 425; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 95. Toda ] SESAMUM OIL— CHILDREN— SHOOTS— GOAD 325 Taila, ' sesamum oil,' is mentioned in the Atharvaveda,1 where2 reference is made to keeping such oil in jars. In the Sankhayana Aranyaka,3 reference is made to anointing with sesamum oil. 1 i. 7, 2 (all the manuscripts have taula, which must be wrong ; the Paip- palada MS. has tula : see Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 7). 2 xx. 136, 16. 3 xi. 4. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 240, 241. Toka denotes ' children ' or ' descendants ' generally in the Rigveda1 and later.2 The word is often joined with Tanaya.3 1 i. 43, 2 ; ii. 2, n ; 9, 2 ; vii. 62, 6 ; viii. 5, 20 ; 67, 11, etc. 2 Av. i. 13, 2 ; 28, 3 ; v. 19, 2 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxvi. 7 (Indische Studien, 3, 466) ; Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 5, 2, 39, etc. 3 Rv. i. 31, 12 ; 64, 14 ; 114, 147, 1; ii. 33, 14; v. 53, 13; vi. 1, etc. ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 7. 6; 12, Tokman, neut., denotes in the Rigveda1 and later2 the green shoots of any kind of grain. In the Aitareya Brahmana3 reference is made to the shoots of rice (vrihi), large rice (maha- vrihi), panic seed (priyangu), and barley (yava). 1 x. 62, 8. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 13. 81 ; xxi. 30. 42 ; Kathaka Samhita, xii. 11 ; Maitrayani Samhita, hi. 11, 9; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, ii. 6, 4 ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 5, etc. 3 viii. 16. Cf. for its use at the SautramanI, Hillebrandt, Rituallitte- ratur, 160. Tottra, a 'goad' for driving cattle, is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (xii. 4, 1, 10). Toda appears once to denote a ' goad ' in the Rigveda,1 but more often2 it is an agent noun meaning 'impeller.' Geldner3 considers that in one passage4 the sense is 'wielder of the rod of punishment ' (later danda-dhara) — that is, ' prince.' 1 iv. 16, 11 ; Mantra in Kausika Sutra, 107. 2 Rv. vi. 6, 6; 12, 1. 3, are probably so to be understood. 3 Vedische Studien, 3, 4 Rv. i. 150, 1. 74- 326 PATRONYMICS— PLANT— TIN [ Taugrya Taugrya, 'descendant of Tugra,' is the patronymic of Bhujyu in the Rigveda.1 u^X-y 1 i. 117, \f\ 118, 6; 182, 5. 6; viii. 5, 22; x. 39, 4. Taudi in one passage of the Atharvaveda1 appears to denote a plant. 1 x. 4, 24. Cf. St. Petersburg Dic- tionary, s.v. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 578, leaves the word untranslated. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 608, suggests that it is a fanciful name, ' the piercer,' since it is associated with ghrtaci, ' dripping with ghee,' which is clearly such a word. TaurvaSa. See TurvaSa. Taula, the reading of the text of the Atharvaveda (i. 7, 2), and a form which is otherwise unknown and cannot be satis- factorily explained, must doubtless be meant for Taila. Tauvilika, occurring once in a hymn of the Atharvaveda,1 is a word of quite uncertain sense. Roth2 thinks it means some kind of beast; Zimmer3 and Whitney4 regard it as a sort of plant ; Sayana explains it as a disease-causing demon, while Bloomfield5 leaves the sense doubtful. 1 vi. 16, 3. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Altindisches Leben, 72. 4 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 292. 5 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 30, 466. Trapu denotes 'tin' in the Atharvaveda1 and later.2 Its quality of being easily smelted, which Roth3 thinks is indicated by the name (as derived from the root trap, 'be ashamed'), is clearly alluded to in the Atharvaveda passage. 1 xi. 3, 8. 2 Kathaka Samhita, xviii. 10 ; Maitra- yani Samhita, ii. XX, 5 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 13 (all in enumerations of metals) ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 12, 6, 5 ; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 17, 3 ; Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 17, 7. In Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 7, 5, 1, the form is trapus. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 53. Trasadasyu ] TRASADASYU, KING OF THE PORUS 327 Trasa-dasyu, son of Purukutsa,1 is mentioned in the Rigveda as king of the Purus.2 He was born to Purukutsa by his wife, Pupukutsani, at a time of great distress ;3 this, according to Sayana, refers to Purukutsa's captivity : possibly his death is really meant. Trasadasyu was also a descendant of Giriksit,4 and Purukutsa was a descendant of Durgaha. The genealogy, therefore, appears to be : Durgaha, Giriksit, Purukutsa, Trasa- dasyu. Trasadasyu was the ancestor of Tpksi,5 and, according to Ludwig,6 had a son Hiranin. Trasadasyu's chronological position is determined by the fact that his father, Purukutsa, was a contemporary of Sudas, either as an opponent7 or as a friend.8 That Purukutsa was an enemy of Sudas is more probable, because the latter's predecessor, Divodasa, was apparently9 at enmity with the Purus, and in the battle of the ten kings Purus were ranged against Sudas and the Trtsus. Trasadasyu himself seems to have been an energetic king. His people, the Purus, were settled on the Sarasvati,10 which was, no doubt, the stream in the middle country, that locality according well with the later union of the Purus with the Kuru people, who inhabited that country. This union is exemplified in the person of Kuruspavana, who is called Trasadasyava, ' descendant of Trasadasyu,' in the Rigveda,11 whose father was Mitratithi, and whose son was Upamasravas. The relation of Mitratithi to Trksi does not appear. Another descendant of Trasadasyu was Tryaruna Traivrsna, who is simply called Trasadasyu in a hymn of the Rigveda.12 1 Rv. v. 33, 8; vii. 19, 3; viii. 19, | G/sellschaft, 42, 204, 205, 219; Rgveda- 36; iv. 42, 8 et seq. Noten, 1, 63 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2 Rv. iv. 38, 1 et seq.; vii. 19, 3. /i, 153 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, He is merely alluded to in i. 63, 7;/ 1, 112, n. 1. Foy, Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 112, 4 ; viii. 8, 21 ; 36, 7 ; 37, 7 ; 49, 10. 34, 242, denies that the word in this 3 Rv. iv. 42, 8 et seq. passage is a proper name at all. * Rv. v. 33, 8. 8 Qf. Hillebrandt, loc. tit. 5 Rv. viii. 22, 7. He was a Piiru I 9 Rv. i. 130, 7; Ludwig, 3, 114; but king. See vi. 46, 8. | see Hillebrandt, 1, 113, 114. 6 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 155, I 10 Rv. vii. 95, 96; Ludwig, 3, 175; with reference to Rv. v. 33, 7 et seq. i Hillebrandt, 1, 115. 7 So Ludwig, 3, 174, who alters ! u x. ^, 4. Cf. Lanman, Sanskrit Sudasam to Sudase, in support of this view, in Rv. i. 63, 7. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morqenldndischen Reader, 386 et seq. ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 150, 184. Vi v. 27, 328 NAMES— A PLANT [ Trata Ai§umata He was not only a ' descendant of Trivrsan,' but, according to the Paficavimsa Brahmana,13 he was also Traidhatva, ' descendant of Tridhatu.' The order of these two predecessors of Tryaruna cannot be determined in any way from Vedic literature. According to the later tradition,14 a prince named Tridhanvan preceded Tryaruna in the succession. Vedic tradi- tion further fails to show in what precise relation Trasadasyu stood to Trivrsan or Tryaruna. Trasdasyu Paurukutsa appears in several Brahmanas15 as a famous sacrificer of ancient times, together with Para Atnara, Vitahavya Srayasa, and Kakslvant Auslja, who in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana16 are called 'ancient great kings' (purve maharajdh). 13 xiii. 3, 12. The Tandaka, cited by Sayana (Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe dcs Rgveda, 67). has Trasadasyu, like the Rv. 14 HarivamSa, 714 et seq., where the name (716) is also misread as Tridhar- raan. Traidhatva cannot reasonably be taken as representing a patronymic from Tridhanvan, as Sieg, op. cit., 74- 76, seems to do. Trivrsan has entirely disappeared from the Epic tradition ; there is thus no way of assigning a relative priority to either Trivrsan or Tridhanvan. 15 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxv. 16 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxii. 3 (Indische Studien, 3, 473) ; Taittinya Samhita, v. 6, 5, 3. 16 ii. 6, 11. Cf. Oldenberg, Zcitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschap, 42, 217 et seq. ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, IIX-IX6; 2, 165, n. 4 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 25 ; Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 386. Trata Aisumata (' descendant of Isumant ') is mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana1 as a pupil of Nig-ada Parnavalki. 1 i. 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 372. Trayamana denotes in the Atharvaveda1 a plant of an unknown species. The word is possibly only an epithet, retaining its participial sense of ' preserving,' though this interpretation is not favoured by the accent.2 1 viii. 2, 6. 2 Trdyamand. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 477. Trasadasyava, 'descendant of Trasadasyu,' is the patro- nymic in the Rigveda of Trksi1 and of KuruSravana.2 The via. 22, 7. x. 33, 4' Tripura ] A MOUNTAIN— SOMA VESSELS— STRONGHOLD 329 word is also applied to Agni as ' protector of, or worshipped by, Trasadasyu ' and his line.3 3 viii. 19, 32 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 96. Tri-kakud1 or Tri-kakubh,2 ' having three peaks,' occurs in the Atharvaveda and later as the name of a mountain in the Himalaya, the modern Trikota. From it came the salve (Aiijana),3 which tradition made out to be derived from Vrtra's eye.4 1 Av. iv. 9, 8 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 1, 3, 12. 2 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 6, 3 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxiii. 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 4 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxii. 14. 3 Hence called Traikakuda, Av. iv. 9, 9. 10 ; xix. 44, 6, etc. 4 Satapatha Brahmana, loc. cit. ; Maitrayani and Kathaka Samhitas, loc. cit. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 198 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 5, 29, 30 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Myth- ologie, 3, 239, n. 4 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 381. Tri-kadruka, a term used in the plural only, appears to denote three vessels of some kind for holding Soma. 1 i. 32, 3 ; ii. 11, 17 ; 15, 1 ; 22, 1 ; x. 14, 16. Tri-kharva is the name of a school of priests mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (ii. 8, 3) as practising a special rite with success. Trita is clearly a god1 in Vedic literature, but Yaska in one passage of the Nirukta2 already explains the name as that of a Rsi or seer. 1 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 67-69. 2 iv. 6. Tri-pura, « a threefold stronghold,' is alluded to in the Brahmanas1 as a secure protection. But as the passages are mythical no stress can be laid on them as evidence for the existence of forts with three concentric walls. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 3, 3, 25 ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 11; Kausltaki 310. Brahmana in Indische Studien, See also Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 2, 3 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxiv. 10, etc., and Levi, La Doctrine du Sacrifice, 46, n 1. 33° FIG-TREES— THREE AGES— CATTLE [ Triplak§a Tri-plaksa, masc. plur., ' the three fig-trees,' is the name of the place where the Drsadvati disappeared, near the Yamuna, according to the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xxv. 13, 4. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta l Sutra, x. 19,9; KatyayanaSrauta Sutra, Sutra, xiii. 29, 33 ; Latyayana Srauta | xxiv. 6, 39. Triy-avi. See Tryavi. Tri-yug'a, neut., is an expression occurring in the Rigveda1 where it is said that the plants (osadhi) were born * three ages ' before the gods (devebhyas triyugam pur a). The commentator on the Nirukta2 thinks that the ages here meant are the Yugas of the later Indian chronology, the sense of the passage being that the plants were born in the first Yuga. The author of the Satapatha Brahmana3 understands three seasons — spring, the rains, and autumn — to be meant in the verse, taking the two words triyugam pur a separately as ' formerly, in the three seasons.' The vague sense ' three ages ' is quite adequate : the use of ' three ' in such cases is a favourite feature in folklore. Cf. Yuga. 1 x. 97, 1 = Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 2, 6, 1, and Vajasaneyi Samhita; xii. 75. 2 ix. 28. 3 vii. 2, 4, 26. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 41, 34°- Tri-vatsa, * three years old,'1 is an expression applied to cattle in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas.2 1 As regards the form and meaning of this compound, cf. Tryavi. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 10 ; xviii. 26 ; xxviii. 27 ; Pancavimsa Brah- mana, xvi. 13 ; xviii. 9 ; xxi. 14, etc. Cf. Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 3, 9 et seq., where one explanation of the word is tri-varsa. Tri-vrt, ' threefold,' is the designation of an amulet in the Atharvaveda (v. 28, 2. 4). Tri-veda Krsna-rata Lauhitya (' descendant of Lohita ') is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Syamajayanta Lauhitya, according to a VamsSa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 42, 1). Traipada] A SAGE— A SEER— A DASA— DISTANCE 33* Tri-gariku is in Vedic literature the name of a sage men- tioned as a teacher in the Taittiriya Upanisad.1 There is no trace of the later legend by which he becomes the victim of Vasistha's curse and the object of Visvamitra's solicitude, being eventually fixed in the sky as a constellation.2 The confusion of the chronology in the tales of Trisanku is a good example of the worthlessness of the supposed epic tradition. 1 i. 10, 1. See Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 362, 375 et seq. Tri-goka is the name of an ancient mythical seer who is mentioned both in the Rigveda1 and the Atharvaveda.2 A Saman, or chant, named after him is referred to in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.3 IX. 1 i. 112, 1/; viii. 45, 30. In x. 29, 2, the word seems merely to be an adjec- tive, meaning ' with triple splendour. ' 2 iv. 29, 6. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 107, 162 ; Hopkins, Transac- tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 33. Trai-kakuda. See Trikakud. Traitana appears in the Rigveda1 as a Dasa, an enemy of Dirg*hatamas, who seems to have engaged him in single combat and defeated him. The St. Petersburg Dictionary suggests that he is rather a supernatural being allied to Trita {cf. the Avestan Thrita and Thraetaona).2 1 i- 158, 5. 2 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 68. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 151 ; Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 144. Trai-dhatva (' descendant of Tridhatu,') is the patronymic of Tryaruna in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xiii. 3, 12). Trai-pada, neut., occurs as a measure of distance, ' three- quarters ' of a Yojana, in the Pancavimsa Brahmana, where half a Yojana is termed Gavyuti and a quarter Kro^a.1 1 xvi. 13. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xiv. 41, 12. 332 PATRONYMICS— KING TRY A RUN A [ Traivani Traivani is mentioned as a pupil of Aupacandhani or Aupa- jandhani in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 In the Madhyamdina recension2 his name occurs twice in the second Vamsa, in both cases as a pupil of Aupajandhani. iv. 5. 27. 1 ii. 6, 3 (Kanva=ii. 5, 21 Madhyam- dina) ; iv. 6, 3 ( = iv. 5, 27). Trai-vrsna, ' descendant of Trivrsan,' is the patronymic of Trayaruna in the Rigveda (v. 27, 1). Try-aruna Tpai-vrsna Trasadasyu is the name of a prince whose generosity to a singer is celebrated in a hymn of the Rigveda.1 In the Pancavimsa Brahmana2 he appears as Tryaruna Traidhatva Aiksvaka, and is the hero of the following story. He was out in his chariot with his Purohita, or domestic priest, Vp£a Jana, and by excessive speed in driving killed a Brahmin boy. This sin was atoned for by the Puro- hita's using his Varsa Saman (chant). The Satyayana Brah- mana, cited by Sayana,3 elaborates the tale. As Vrsa had held the reins, king and priest accused each other of the murder. The Iksvakus being consulted threw the responsibility for the crime on Vrsa, who thereupon revived the boy by the Varsa Saman. In consequence of this unfairness of theirs — being Ksatriyas they were partial to a Ksatriya — Agni's glow ceased to burn in their houses. In response to their appeal to restore it, Vrsa came to them, saw the Pisaci (demoness), who, in the form of Trasadasyu's wife, had stolen the glow, and succeeded in restoring it to Agni. This version with some variations occurs also in the Brhaddevata,4 which connects the story with a hymn of the Rigveda.5 Sieg's attempt6 to show that the hymn really refers to this tale is not at all successful.7 4 v. 14 et seq., with Macdonell's notes. 5 v. 2. 6 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 64-76. Cf. Geldner, Festgruss an Roth, 192. 7 See Oldenberg, Sacred Books of the East, 46, 366 et seq. ; Rgveda-Noten, 1, 312 ; Hillebrandt, Gottingische Gelehrtc Anzeigen, 1903, 240^5^. 1 v. 27, 1-3. 2 xiii. 3, 12. Cf. the Tandaka recen- sion, cited in Sayana, on Rv. v. 2, where Trasadasyu is given as the king's name. 3 On Rv., loc. cit. See also the Jaiminlya Brahmana version in Oertel, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 20. Tvac ] CALF— SOMA ADMIXTURE— HIDE 333 It is clear that Trasadasyu must here mean * descendant of Trasadasyu,' and not King Trasadasyu himself. The difference of the patronymics, Traivrsna and Traidhatva, by which he is referred to can best be explained by assuming that there were two kings, Trivrsan and Tridhatu (or possibly Tridhanvan), from whom Tryaruna was descended.8 The connexion with the Iksvakus is important (see Iksvaku). 8 See Sieg, op. cit., 74-76, and Trasadasyu. Try-avi designates a calf eighteen months old1 in the Rigveda2 and later Samhitas.3 1 The etymological meaning is ap- parently ' having three sheep (periods) ' — that is, ' having periods of thrice six months,' just as the adjective pancavi means ' having five periods of six months,' or ' thirty months old.' 2 iii. 55> 14- 3 Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 2 ; xviii. 12, etc. (in the form triyavi) ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 10 ; xviii. 26, etc. Try-aiir, * with three admixtures,' is an epithet of Soma in the Rigveda.1 According to Sayana this means mixed with, curds (Dadhi), meal (Saktu), and milk (Payas). More accurately it would seem2 to denote the milk (gavasir), the barley (yavdsir), and the curds (dadhyasir), which were used to mix with the Soma. 1 v. 27, 5. Cf. perhaps viii. 2, 7 (traya Indrasya somdh sutdsah, * three kinds of Soma pressed for Indra '). 2 Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 209 ; Oldenberg, Sacred Books of the East, 46, 422. Tvac, 'skin,' 'hide,' {a) denotes specially in the Rigveda1 the hide used in the process of extracting the Soma juice from the plant. The Soma was pounded with stones (adri) upon the skin laid on the pressing boards (adhisavane phalake),2 which, however, are not mentioned in the Rigveda. Or if a pestle and mortar were used, the skin was still placed underneath them to catch the drops of juice, not above, as Pischel3 thought. 1 *• 79. 3; iii- 21, 5; ix. 65, 25 ; I '2 Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 66, 29; 70, 7; 79, 4; 101, 11, 16, etc. I 181-183, and Adhisavana. 3 Vedische Studien, 1, no. 334 BLA CKSKINS—CA RPENTER—HA NDLE [ Tvasfc Soma plant that (b) Tvac also denotes the rind of the remains after the juice has been extracted.4 (c) Metaphorically the term krpia tvac, * the black skins,' is applied to the aboriginal enemies of the invading Aryans.6 * Rv. ix. 86, 44; Taittiriya Brah- mana,. iii. 7, 13, 1 ; Hillebrandt, op. cit., 52. 5 Rv. i. 130, 8, and probably ix. 41, 1, for which, however, cf. Hillebrandt, op. cit., 51, n. 2, and see Dasa. TvastP is employed once in the Atharvaveda1 to denote a ' carpenter,' with a deliberate play on the name of the god Tvastr. He is there mentioned as using an axe (svadhiti) to fashion (from wood) ' a well-made form ' (rupam sukrtam). See Tastr. 1 xii. 3, 33. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 688 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 651. Tvastra, ' descendant of Tvastr,' is the patronymic, in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,1 of the mythical teacher Abhuti. 1 ii. 6, 3 (Kanva = ii. 5, 22 Madhyamdina) ; iv. 6, 3 (= iv. 5, 28). TsaPU. — (a) This word seems to denote some sort of crawling animal in one passage of the Rigveda.1 1 vii. 50, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 99. (6) In the later literature the word means a * handle,' as of a beaker (Camasa).1 In this sense also it seems to occur in the description of the plough (Lahgala) in the Atharvaveda2 and the later Samhitas.3 1 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxv. 4. Cf. Latyayana Srauta Sutra, x. 12, 12, etc. 2 iii. 17, 3, where the ordinary text has soma-satsaru (so the Pada text), and the Paippalada recension has soma- pitsalam. '•'' Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 2, 5, 6, has sumati-tsaru ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7, 12 ; Kathaka Samhita, xvi. 12 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xii. 71 ; Vasistha Dharma Sutra, ii. 34, have somapitsaru, which Vasistha renders as ' provided with a handle for the drinker of Soma ' (i.e., somapi - tsaru) . Weber, Indische Studien, 17, 255, suggests soma-sa-tsaru, * with (sa-) strap (uman, a conjectural word) and handle' (tsaru). Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 116, prefers to read throughout sumati-tsaru, 1 with well-smoothed handle,' from the root seen in matl-kr, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 236; Biihler, Sacred Books of the East, 14, 13. Daksinataskaparda ] HUNTER— GADFLY— TUSK— NAMES 335 Tsarin denotes, in one passage of the Rigveda,1 a ' hunter ' engaged in the chase of the takva (an unknown beast), according to Ludwig and Max Miiller.2 But this explanation is quite conjectural. 1 i- 134, 5- 2 Sacred Books of the East, 32, 448. D. DamSa (lit., ' biter '), ' gad-fly,' is mentioned in the Chandogya Upanisad (vi. 9, 3; 10, 2). Damstra, denoting a prominent tooth, 'tusk,' or 'fang' of an animal, occurs often from the Rigveda onwards.1 1 Rv. ii. 13, 4 ; x. 87, 3 ; Av. iv. 36, 2 ; x. 5, 43 ; xvi. 7, 3, etc. Daksa Katyayani Atreya (' descendant of Atri ') is mentioned in the Vamsas (lists of teachers) of the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 41, 1 ; iv. 17, 1) as a pupil of Sahkha Babhravya. Daksa Jayanta Lauhitya (' descendant of Lohita ') is men- tioned in a Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 42, 1) as a pupil of Krsnarata Lauhitya. Daksa Parvati ('descendant of Parvata') is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana1 as having performed a certain rite which his descendants, the Daksayanas, still maintained, thus enjoying royal dignity down to the time of the Brahmana itself. He appears in the Kausitaki Brahmana2 also. 1 ii. 4, 4, 6. 2 iv. 4. Cf. Weber, Indische Sttidien, 1, 223 ; 4, 358 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, 374^ sea. ; Levi, La Doctrine du Sacrifice, 138. Daksinatas-kaparda is an epithet of the Vasisthas in the Rigveda (vii. 33, 1) referring to their mode of ' wearing the hair in a braid on the right side.' See Kaparda. 336 SACRIFICIAL FEE— SOUTH COUNTRY [ Dak?ina Daksina appears repeatedly in the Rigveda1 and later2 as the designation of the gift presented to priests at the sacrifice, apparently because a cow — a prolific (daksina) one — was the usual 'fee'3 on such an occasion.4 The later Dana-stutis, or 1 Praises of Gifts,' in the Rigveda immensely exaggerate these donations, and the exaggeration grows in the Brahmanas. It is important to notice that these enumerations of gifts in the main include nothing but articles of personal property, such as kine, horses, buffaloes, or camels (ustra), ornaments, and so forth, but not land.5 Reference is, however, made in the Satapatha Brahmana6 to land as a Daksina, but with dis- approval, probably because the land came to be regarded as inalienable without the consent of the clansmen.7 i A whole hymn, Rv. x. 107, is devoted to its praise. Cf. i. 168, 7 ; vi. 27, 8; viii. 24, 29; 39, 5; x. 62, 1, etc. 2 Av. iv. 11, 4; v. 7, 11; xi. 7, 9; 8, 22; xiii. 1, 52; xviii. 4, 8, etc.; Taittirlya Samhita, i. 7, 3, 1 ; 8, 1,1; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iv. 19. 23 ; xix. 30 ; Taittirlya Brahmana, i. 7, 3, 3 et seq. ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 9, 3, 1 et stq. The verses (gatha naraiamsi, either as a single expression or as two separate terms) used to win these Daksinas were notoriously false. See Kathaka Sam- hita, xiv. 5 ; Taittirlya Brahmana, i. 3, 2, 6. 7 ; Nirukta, i. 7 ; xi. 2. 3 The transition of meaning is similar in the use of the English word ' fee ' : ' cattle, ' ' money,' ' payment for service ' (see Murray's English Dictionary, s.v. ' fee '). Cf. also Go-dana, n. 4. 4 Cf. the rule that when nothing is specified a cow is the Daksina, Katy- ayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 2, 13 ; Laty- ayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 1, 2. 5 So, e.g., Rv. i. 126, 1-4; v. 30, 12-15; viii. 1, 32. 33; 3, 21 et seq.; 4, 19-21 ; 5, 37-39 ; 6, 46-48 ; 55 ; 56 ; vii. 18, 21-24, and the full list in Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 273-277. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 49 et seq. Clothes (vasas) and gold are mentioned as a Daksina in Av. ix. 5, 14. The four Daksinas, according to the Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 3, 4, 7, are gold, a cow, clothes, and a horse. This is practically exhaustive if the trappings of the horse and ornaments are included. 6 xiii. 7, 1, 13, with which compare xiii. 6, 2, 18, where the Brahmin's land is excluded ; and see xiii. 7, 1, 15, where the gift of land is disapproved. 7 Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 1, 1, 4. Cf. above, pp. 100, n. 19, 246 ; below, PP. 35i, 352. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 169- 171 ; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 104, 105 Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 96-98 Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, 69-74 Atharvaveda, 76 et seq., 100, 121. Daksina-patha (lit., 'the road to the south'), 'the south country,' is found, probably as a designation of the Deccan, as early as the Baudhayana Dharma Sutra,1 coupled with 1 i. 1, 2, 13. Cf. Oldenberg, Buddha, 394, n., and Baudhayana Grhya Sutra, v. 13. Danda ] SIDE HORSE— YOKE HORSE— STAFF 337 Surastra. A similar expression is daksind pada, ' with south- ward foot,' in the Rigveda,2 referring to the place where the exile (pard-vrj) goes on being expelled. This no doubt simply means 1 the south ' beyond the limits of the recognized Aryan world, which even as late as the Kausltaki Upanisad3 appears as bounded by the Vindhyas on the south. 2 x. 61, 8. 3 ii. 13. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 185; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 408 ; Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 30 ; Keith, Sankhayana Araiiyaka, 28, n. 1 ; Aitareya Aranyaka, 200. Daksina-prasti denotes 'the side horse on the right.' It appears from two passages of the Satapatha Brahmana1 that there were at times four horses yoked to the chariot, the right and the left yoke horse (daksina-yugya,savyd-yugya) in the middle, flanked by one on each side, the two latter of course not being fastened to the yoke at all, but presumably by traces alongside of the yoke horses. See Ratha. 1 v. 1, 4, 9; ix. 4, 2, 11 (this passage appears to speak of three horses only, but cf. v. 4, 3, 17). Cf. also Pancavimsa Brahmana, xvi. 13, 12. Daksinayana. See Surya. Daksina-yugya, ' the yoke horse on the right,' is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (v. 1, 4, 6; 4, 3, 8; ix. 4, 2, n). See Ratha. Danda, 'staff.' (a) This word is often mentioned in the ordinary sense ; for example, when used for driving cattle1 (go-ajanasah), or as a weapon.2 A staff was given to a man on consecration for driving away demons, according to the Satapatha Brahmana.3 The staff also played a part in the initiation (upanayana) of a youth on attaining manhood.4 In a modified sense the word is used to denote the handle of a ladle or similar implement.5 1 Rv. vii. 33, 6. 5 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 5 ; Sata- 2 Av. v. 5,4. Cf. Aitareya Brahmana, j patha Brahmana, vii. 4, 1, 36. Of a ii. 35 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 5,4, 6, etc. i musical instrument, Sankhayana Aran- 3 iii. 2, 1, 32. . yaka, viii. 9 ; Srauta Sutra, xvii. 3, 1 et 4 Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, i. 19 ; 22 ; ' seq. Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, ii. 1 . 6. 1 1 , etc. i VOL. I. * 22 338 NAMES— REED— SOUR MILK [ Danda Aupara (b) The 'staff' as the symbol of temporal power, implying punishment, is applied by the king (rdja-presito dandah).1 The king, in modern phraseology, was the source of criminal law ; and he clearly retained this branch of law in his own hands even in later times.2 The punishment of the non-guilty (a-dandya) is given as one of the characteristics of the non- Brahminical Vratyas in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.3 See also Dharma. 1 Paraskara Grliya Sutra, iii. 15. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, v. 4, 4, 7, where the king, being himself ' exempt from punishment ' (a-dandya), inflicts judicial punishment (danda-vadha). Foy, Die konigliche Gewalt, 21 et seq. 3 xvii. 1,9; Weber, Indische Studien, 1. 33- Danda Aupara (' descendant of Upara ') is mentioned in the Taittiriya Samhita (vi. 2, 9, 4) and the Maitrayani Samhita (iii. 8, 7) as having performed a certain rite. Dandana occurs in the Atharvaveda1 among other names of ' reed ' or ' cane.' 1 xii. 2, 54. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 682. Datta Tapasa was Hotr priest at the snake festival described in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35. Dadhi, 'sour milk,' is repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda1 and later.2 The Satapatha Brahmana3 mentions in order Ghrta ('clarified butter'), Dadhi, Mastu, which Eggeling4 renders ' whey,' and Amiksa, ' curds.' Dadhi often has the meaning of ' curds ' also. It was used for mixing with Soma.5 1 viii. 2, 9 ; ix. 87, 1, etc. 2 Av. iii. 12, 7 ; iv. 34, 6 ; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 3, 4, etc. ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xviii. 5, 12, etc. 3 i. 8, 1, 7. Cf. Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 348. 4 Sacred Books of the East, 12, 218. 5 Dadhyaiir, 'mixed with sour milk,' is an epithet of Soma in Rv. i. 5, 5 ; I37i 2 ; v. 51, 7 ; vii. 32, 4. Cf. Hille- brandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 219 et seq. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 227. Dadhyaiic Atharvana is a purely mythical sage. In the Rigveda1 he is clearly a divinity of some kind, but in the later 1 i. 80, 16; 84, 13. 14; 116, 12; I Vedic Mythology, pp. 141, 142; Hille- 117, 22 ; 119, 9, etc. See Macdonell, | brandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 176. Dabhiti ] A MYTHICAL TEACHER— TOOTH— A SAGE 339 Samhitas2 and the Brahmanas3 he is metamorphosed into a teacher. In the Pancavimsa Brahmana4 he is by oversight called an Angirasa. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, v. ir 4, 4 ; 6, 6, 3 ; Kathaka Samhita, xix. 4. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 1, 5, 18 ; vi. 4, 2, 3 ; xiv. 1, 1, 18. 20. 25 ; 4, 13 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 5, 22 ; iv. 5, 28, etc. * xii. 8, 6. So also Gopatha Brah- mana, i. 5, ax. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, xxxv ; Atharvaveda, 23, 116, 118 , St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Dadhy-agir. See Dadhi and Soma. Dant, Danta, 'tooth,' is frequently mentioned from the Rigveda onwards.1 Cleansing (dhclv) the teeth was an ordinary act, especially in preparation for a sacrifice, and accompanied bathing, shaving of the hair and beard (kesa-smasru) , and the cutting of the nails.2 A hymn of the Atharvaveda3 celebrates the appearance of the first two teeth of a child, though its exact interpretation is doubtful.4 In the Aitareya Brahmana5 there is a reference to a child's first teeth falling out. The word seems in the Rigveda6 once to denote an elephant's tusk. Whether dentistry was practised is doubtful. The occurrence in the Aitareya Aranyaka7 of Hiranya-dant, 'gold-toothed,' as the name of a man, is perhaps significant, especially as it is certain that the stopping of teeth with gold was known at Rome as early as the legislation of the Twelve Tables.8 1 Rv. vii. 55, 2 ; x. 68, 6 ; Av. v. 23, 3 ; 29, 4 ; vi. 56, 3, etc. The more usual form is Danta, Rv. iv. 6, 8 ; vi. 75, 11 ; Av. iv. 3, 6, etc. 2 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 6, 2 (not exactly paralleled in Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 1, 2 et seq.). 3 vi. 140. 4 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 321 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 224 ; Grill, Hundert Lieder,2 176 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 540, 541 ; Atharva- veda, 71 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 386. 5 vii. 14 ; Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 18. 6 iv. 6, 8 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, i, 99 ; Oldenberg, Sacred Boohs of the East, 46, 341, 342. 7 ii- I, 5- 8 Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 206. See Wordsworth, Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin, 537. Dabhiti appears several times in the Rigveda as a hero or sage. Indra overcomes on his behalf Cumuri and Dhuni ;l 1 x. 113, 9; ii. 15, 9; vii. 19, 4. 22 — 2 34Q HOUSE— MASTER OF THE HOUSE— A GRASS [ Dama he pressed Soma for Indra,2 who rewarded him.3 For him 30,000 Dasas were sent to sleep,4 and for him the Dasyus were bound without cords.5 Dabhiti also appears, with Turviti, as a protege of the Asvins.6 There seems no reason to deny that he was a real person.7 * vi. 20, 13. 3 vi. 26, 6. 4 iv. 30, 21. 5 11. 13. 9- 1. 112, 23. 7 Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 155, 157, 158. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 162. Dama, * house,' is a word that occurs several times in the Rigveda.1 It denotes, according to Roth,2 the place in which a man wields uncontrolled power (from the root dam, ' control '). 1 i. 1, 8 ; 61, 9 ; 75, 5 ; 143, 4 ; ii. I, 2, this seems very doubtful in view of the etc. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, viii. 24. apparent connexion of 56/mos and Sfyiw, 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. But ' build,' in Greek. Dam-pati denotes ' the master of the house '* in the Rigveda,2 but is more often used in the dual to designate ' the master and the mistress,'3 an expression that may legitimately be deemed to show the high status of women at the time of the Rigveda. See Stri. 1 For the form, cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 37, n. 9. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 307 et seq., argues in favour of the spelling dampati (adopted by Geldner in his Rgveda, Glossar). Cf. patir dan, Rv. i. 149, 2 ; Oldenberg, Sacred Boohs of the East, 46, 176, 177. 2 i. 127, 8; ii. 39, 2; v. 22, 4; viii. 69, 16; 84, 7. 3 Rv. v. 3, 2; viii. 31, 5 ; x. 10, 5 ; 68, 2 ; 85, 32 ; 95, 12, etc. ; Av. vi. 123, 3 ; xii. 3, 14 ; xiv. 2, 9, etc. Cf. Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 418, 420. Darbha is the name of a grass in the Rigveda1 and later.2 In the Atharvaveda it is used for the calming of anger (manyu- samana),3 and as an amulet for protection against the scattering of one's hair or the striking of one's breast.4 It is also said to be ' rich in roots ' {bhuri-rnula),5 to possess a thousand leaves (sahasra-parna) and a hundred stalks (sata-kanda).e 1 i. 191, 3 (with Sara and Kusara, 3 Av. vi. 43. varieties of grass). * xix. 32, 2. Cf. xix. 30. 2 Av. vi. 43, 2 ; viii. 7, 20 ; x. 4, 13 ; 5 Av. vi. 43, 2. xi. 6, 15; xix. 28, 1, etc. ; Taittiriya 6 Av. xix. 32, 1. Samhita, i. 5, 1, 4, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 70. DaSagva ] LADLE— WOODPECKER— NEW MOON DAY 341 Darvi, or Darvi, properly denotes a ' ladle,' in which sense it is found in the Rigveda1 and later.2 But the word also means a serpent's ' hood' in the Atharvaveda,3 though Zimmer regards it as the name of a serpent. 1 v. 6, 9 ; x. 105, 10. 2 Av. iii. 10, 7 ; iv. 14, 7 ; ix. 6, 17, etc. 3 x. 1, 13. See Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 577; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 153. 4 Altindisches Leben, 95, where he takes Karikrata also as the name of a snake. Darvida, the ' woodpecker,' is mentioned as a victim at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.1 Cf. Darva- gfhata. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 13, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 15; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 93. The St. Peters- burg Dictionary, s.v., suggests ' wood- piercer ' (ddru-vidha) as the literal sense. On the etymology, cf. F. W. Thomas's article, 'The D-Suffix,' p. 121, in Transactions of the Cambridge Philological Society, 5, part ii. Darsa (' appearance ') denotes the new moon day,1 usually in opposition to the day of full moon (purna-masa).2 Most frequently the word occurs in the compound3 darsa-purna- masau, * new and full moon,' the days of special ritual impor- tance.4 The order of the first two words here is worthy of note, for it distinctly suggests, though it does not conclusively prove, that the month was reckoned from new moon to new moon, not from full moon to full moon. See Masa. 1 Av. vii. 81, 3. 4; Taittiriya Brah- mana, i. 2, 1, 14; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 2, 2, 1. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 4, 4, 1, etc. 3 Ibid., i. 6, 7, 1 ; 9, 3 ; ii. 5, 6, 1; Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 2, 2, 1 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 3, 5, 11, etc. 4 Hillebrandt, Das altindische Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, Jena, 1880 ; Ritual- litteratur, 111-114 ; Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 439. DaSa-gva appears in one hymn of the Rigveda1 as the name of a person who was assisted by Indra. The other references in that work,2 however, clearly show the mythical character of the Dasagvas, and of any individual among them. 1 viii. 12, 2. 2 They are mentioned with the Navagvas in i. 62, 4 ; iii. 39, 5 ; iv. 51, 4 ; v. 29, 12 ; x. 62, 6, and alone in ii. 34 12. See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 144 (C). 342 THE RIGVEDA—A HERO— THE NUMBER TEN [ Dasatayi Dasatayi in the Nirukta1 frequently denotes the text of the Rigveda as divided into ten Mandalas. 1 vii. 8. 20 ; xi. 16; xii. 40. Da6a-dyu appears twice in the Rigveda1 as the name of a hero, but nothing can be made out regarding him or his relation to Vetasu, who is mentioned in one passage along with him. 1 i. 33, 14; vi. 26, 4. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 55, 328. Dasan, ' ten,' forms the basis of the numerical system of the Vedic Indians, as it does of the Aryan people generally. But it is characteristic of India1 that there should be found at a very early period long series of names for very high numerals, whereas the Aryan knowledge did not go beyond 1,000. In the Vajasaneyi Samhita2 the list is 1 ; 10; 100; 1,000; 10,000 (ayuta); 100,000 (niyu ta) ; 1,000,000 (prayuta); 10,000,000 (arbuda); 100,000,000 (nyarbuda) ; 1,000,000,000 (samudra); 10,000,000,000 (madhya); 100,000,000,000 (anta) ; 1,000,000,000,000 (pardrdha). In the Kathaka Samhita3 the list is the same, but niyuta and prayuta exchange places, and after nyarbuda a new figure (badva) intervenes, thus increasing samudra to 10,000,000,000, and so on. The Taittiriya Samhita has in two places4 exactly the same list as the Vajasaneyi Samhita. The Maitrayani Samhita6 has the list ayuta, prayuta, then ayuta again, arbuda, nyarbuda, samudra, madhya, anta, pardrdha. The Pancavimsa Brahmana6 has the Vajasaneyi list up to nyarbuda inclusive, then follow nikharvaka, badva, aksita, and apparently go = 1,000,000,000,000. The Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana7 list 1 Thibaut, Astronomie, Astrologie und Mathematik, 70. 2 xvii. 2 et seq. Cf. xxii. 34 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, ix. i, 2, 16. 3 xxxix. 6. In xvii. 10 the number badva disappears, and the list corre- sponds with that of the Vajasaneyi Samhita, except for the fact that niyuta and prayuta change places. 5 ii. 8, 14. 6 xvii. 14, 2. 7 i. 10, 28. 29. Cf. Aitareya Aranyaka, v. 3, 2 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15. 30, n. 2 ; Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 293. 294- Da&m ] ARITHMETICAL PROGRESSION— FRACTIONS 343 replaces nikharvaka by nikharva, badva by padma, and ends with aksitir vyomantah. The Sarikhayana Srauta Sutra8 con- tinues the series after nyarbuda with nikharvada, satnudra, salila, antya, ananta ( = 10 billions). But beyond ayuta9 none of these numbers has any vitality. Badva, indeed, occurs in the Aitareya Brahmana,10 but it cannot there have any precise numerical sense j11 and later oh the names of these high numerals are very much confused. An arithmetical progression of some interest is found in the Pancavimsa Brahmana,12 where occurs a list of sacrificial gifts in which each successive figure doubles the amount of the preceding one. It begins with dvadasa-manam hiranyam, ' gold to the value of 12 ' (the unit being uncertain, but probably the Krsnala18), followed by 'to the value of 24, 48, 96, 192, 384, 768, 1,536, 3072,' then dve astdvimsati-sata-mdne, which must mean 2 x 128 x 24 (the last unit being not a single mdna, but a number of 24 mdnas) = 6,144, then 12,288, 24,576, 49,152, 98,304, 196,608, 393,216. With these large numbers may be compared the minute theoretical subdivision of time found in the ^atapatha Brahmana,14 where a day is divided into 15 muhurtas — 1 muhurta =15 ksipras, 1 ksipra =15 etarhis, I etarhi=i5 iddnis, 1 iddni = 15 prdnas. The Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra15 has a decimal division of the day into 15 muhurtas — • 1 muhurta =10 nimesas, 1 nimesa = 10 dhvamsis. Few fractions are mentioned in Vedic literature. Ardha, pdda, sapha, and hold denote J, J, J, TTg respectively, but only 12 xviii. 3, Cf. Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 10, 1 et seq. ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxii. 9, 1-6. u Cf. Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxii. 9, 1 ; Weber, op. cit.. 102, 103. 0 xv. ii, 7. 9 Cf. Rv. iii. 6, 15 ; viii. 1, 5 ; 2, 41 ; 21, 18 ; 34, 15 ; 46, 22 ; Av. viii. 2, 21 ; 8,7; x. 8, 24 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xix. 13, 6 ; xxi. 18, 3, etc. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 348, considers that it has not any definite sense in the Rigveda ; this cannot be either proved or disproved. The Rv. has the phrase sata sahasrani several times (iv. 32, 18 ; viii. 32, 18, etc.) = 100,000 ; and ayuta may easily have been already specialized, though it may also have retained a vague sense. 10 vii. 21. 23. 11 Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 96. 14 xii. 3, 2, 1 etseq. Cf. also Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 10, 1, 1, where a series of names of the divisions of the muhurta is given, apparently as alternatives, not as successive stages (idanim, tadanlm, etarhi, ksipram, ajiram, aiuh (? asu), nime- sah, phanah, dravan, atidravan, tvaran, tvaramcmah, aiuh, asiyan, javah). See Weber, op. cit., 92-94. 15 xiv. 75 et seq. Cf. Sankhayana Aranyaka, vii. 20. 344 HEREDITARY RULE— TENTH DECADE [ DaSapurusamrajya the first two are common. Trtiya denotes the third part.16 In the Rigveda17 Indra and Visnu are said to have divided 1,000 by 3, though how they did so is uncertain. Tri-pad denotes * three-fourths.'18 There is no clear evidence that the Indians of the Vedic period had any knowledge of numerical figures, though it is perfectly possible.19 16 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, 4; v. 2, 6, 2 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 6, 1 ; 7, 1, 2; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 8, 4, 4, etc. 17 vi. 69, 8 = Av. vii. 44, 1 = Tait- tiriya Samhita, iii. 2, 11, 2; Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 15 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, iii. 3, 1, 13. 18 Rv. x. 90, 4. 19 If asta-karnl means in Rv. x. 62, 7, ' having the figure 8 marked on the ears ' of cattle, then the mention of numerical signs would be certain. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 234, 235, 348. But this is doubtful. See Mac- donell, Vedic Grammar, p. 309, n. 10. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 308 ; Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 90-103 ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 349 ; Kaegi, Rigveda, n. 65 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 16, 275 et seq. Dasa-purusam-rajya, occurring in the Satapatha grahmana,1 doubtless2 means * sovereignty inherited through ten ancestors,' a striking case of hereditary rule. Weber3 once rendered the word as the * kingdom4 of Dasapuru,' comparing the Dasapura of Kalidasa's Meghaduta5 and the Dasarna of the ' middle country.' 1 xn. 9, 3, 1. 3. 2 Cf. Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, ix. 3 ; Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 14, 18. So tri-purusa, 'three generations,' Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 7. The St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., and Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 269, have the correct rendering. 3 Indische Studien, 1, 209. But see 10, 75, n. 1. 4 This would be samrajya, which is always spelt with m, not m; cf. Mac- donell, Vedic Grammar, 75, 3. 5 i. 48. Dasa-masya, ' ten months old,' describes in the Rigveda x and later2 the embryo immediately before birth. See Masa. - v. 78, 7. 8. 3 Av. i. 11, 6 ; iii. 23, 2. There are several references in Vedic literature Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 366; Weber, Naxatra, 2, 313, n. 1 to birth in the tenth month, as Rv. x. 184, 3, etc. Dasami denotes in the Atharvaveda1 and the Pancavimsa Brahmana2 the period of life between 90 and 100 years in. 4. 7. xxu. 14. DaSa ] LONGEVITY— A TREE— NAMES— FRINGE 345 which the Rigveda3 calls the dasama yuga, ' the tenth stage of life.' Longevity seems not to have been rare among the Vedic Indians, for the desire to live a ' hundred autumns ' (saradah satam) is constantly expressed.4 Dirghatamas is said to have lived ioo years,5 and Mahidasa Aitareya is credited with n6.6 Onesikritos7 reported that they sometimes lived 130 years, a statement with which corresponds the wish expressed in the Jataka8 for a life of 120 years. Probably the number was always rather imaginary than real, but the com- parative brevity of modern life in India9 may be accounted for by the cumulative effect of fever, which is hardly known to the Rigveda. See Takman. 3 i. 158, 6. 4 Rv. i. 89, 9 ; x. 18, 10, and passim. See Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 384 ; Bloomfield, Atharvaveda, 62, 63. 5 Sankhayana Aranyaka, ii. 17. 6 Chandogya Upanisad, iii. 16, 7 ; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, iv. 11 ; Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 17. 7 In Strabo, p. 701. 8 Ed. Fausboll, ii. 16. 9 Indian Empire, 1, 513 et seq. Dasa-vrksa is the name of a tree, according to Roth,1 in the Atharvaveda.2 But Whitney3 treats the word as a mere adjective meaning * of ten trees.' 1 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2 ii. 9, 1, 3 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 5o. DaSa-vraja is the name of a protege of the Asvins in the Rigveda (viii. 8, 20; 49, r; 50, 9). DaSa-sipra is the name of a sacrificer mentioned in the Rigveda.1 1 viii. 52, 2. C/. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 163. Dasa denotes the ' fringe ' or ' border ' of a garment (vdsah) in the Satapatha Brahmana.1 The word also occurs in the compound dasa-pavitra,2 which means ' a filtering cloth with a fringe.' 1 iii. 3, 2, 9, and often in the Sutras. I patha Brahmana, iv. 2, 2, 11. Cf. iv. 1, 2 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 32; Sata- j 1, 28. 346 NAMES— SNAKE [ Dasoni Dasoni appears in one passage of the Rigveda1 apparently as a favourite of Indra and as opposed to the Panis, who fell in hundreds for his benefit. The view of Ludwig2 that he is here the priest of the Panis is very improbable. Elsewhere his name is simply mentioned.3 See also DaSonya. 1 vi. 20, 4. 8. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 156 ; 5, 107. 3 x. 96, 12, where, however, the word may be merely an epithet of Soma. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 92, n. 1 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 55, 328. DaSonya is the name of a sacrificer mentioned in the Rigveda1 along with Da£asipra and others. Whether he is identical with Dasoni cannot be decided. 1 viii. 52, 2. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 163. Dasonasi is the name of a kind of snake in the Atharvaveda.1 The reading of the Paippalada recension is Nasonasi. 1 x. 4, 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 95; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 577. Dasyave vrka, ' wolf to the Dasyu,' is the name of a man mentioned four times in the Rigveda.1 In one hymn2 he is called a Rsi, but in two others3 he is clearly a prince victorious over the Dasyus, and a generous patron of the singer. It is hardly necessary to assume different persons,4 for the term Rsi is not altogether inconsistent with royalty. He was son of Putakratu5 and Putakrata,6 his wife. 1 viii. 51, 2; 55, 1 ; 56, 1. 2. 2 viii. 51. 3 viii. 55. 56. 4 Especially as the name occurs only in the small collection of Kanva hymns forming the Valakhilya group in the eighth Mandala. 5 viii. 56, 2, Pautahrata. Cf. viii. 68, 6 viii. 56, 4. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 139, 164; 5, 552. Dasyave saha is, according to Roth,1 the name of a man or a clan in the Rigveda.2 But he admits that the words may 1 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2 i. 36, 18. Dasyu ] ABORIGINAL FOES 347 be an epithet of Agni. This is the interpretation given to them by Oldenberg.3 3 Sacred Books of the East, 46, 33. Dasyu, a word of somewhat doubtful origin, is in many passages of the Rigveda1 clearly applied to superhuman enemies. On the other hand, there are several passages in which human foes, probably the aborigines, are thus designated. This may be regarded as certain in those passages where the Dasyu is opposed to the Aryan, who defeats him with the aid of the gods.2 The great difference between the Dasyus and the Aryans was their religion : the former are styled ' not sacrificing,' ' devoid of rites,' ' addicted to strange vows,' ' god- hating,' and so forth.3 As compared with the Dasa, they are less distinctively a people : no clans (visah) of the Dasyus are mentioned, and while Indra's dasyu-hatya,. ' slaughter of the Dasyus,' is often spoken of, there is no corresponding use of dclsa-hatya. That the Dasyus were real people is, however, shown by the epitdet anas applied to them in one passage of the Rigveda.5 The sense of this word is not absolutely certain : the Pada text and Sayana both take it to mean ' without face ' (an-as),6 but the other rendering, ' noseless ' (a-nas), is quite possible,7 1 i. 34, 7; 100, 18; ii. 13, 9, etc. See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 157, 158. 2 Rv. i. 51, 8; 103, 3; 117, 21; ii. 11, 18. 19; iii. 34, 9; vi. 18, 3; vii. 5, 6 ; x. 49, 3. Probably also in v. 70, 3 ; x. 83, 6, people are meant. 3 The Dasyu is called a-karman, ' rite- less,' x. 22, 8; a-devayu, 'indifferent to the gods,' viii. 70, 11 ; a-brahman, 'without devotion,' iv. 16, 9; a-yajvan, 'not sacrificing,' viii. 70, 11; a-yajyu, id., vii. 6, 3; a-vrata, 'lawless,' i. 51, 8; 175. 3; vi- J4» 3; ix. 41, 2; anya- vrata, ' following strange ordinances, ' viii. 70, 11; deva-piyu, 'reviling the gods,' Av. xii. 1, 37. It is impossible in all cases to be certain that people are meant. 4 Rv. i. 51, 5. 6; 103, 4; x. 95, 7; 99. 7; io5, "• Cf. dasyM> tan, ' Dasyu- slaying,' i. 100, 12 ; vi. 45, 24; viii. 76. 11 ; 77, 3 ; x. 47, 4 (all of Indra) ; vi. 16, 15 ; viii. 39, 8 (of Agni), etc. 5 Rv. v. 29, 10. 6 This sense allows of two inter- pretations: 'misfeatured,' which seems that of Roth, St. Petersburg Dic- tionary, s.v., and Grassmann, Worter- buch ; or ' speechless ' (that is, unable to speak the language of the Aryans), which is that of Bollensen, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesell- schaft, 41, 496. 7 This view is supported by Mega- sthenes' report as to natives who were cLo-To/xoi : see Strabo, p. 711 ; Pliny, Nat. Hist., vii. 2, 18, cited by Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 430. See also Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 2, 109 ; 5, 95 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 277 ; Knauer, Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 29, 52 ; Wackernagel, Altindische Gram- matih, 2, 293 (accent). 34$ ORIGINAL MEANING OF DASYU [ Das: and would accord well with the flat-nosed aborigines of th< Dravidian8 type, whose language still persists among the Brahuis, who are found in the north-west. This interpretation would receive some support from Vrtra's being called ' broken-nosed ' if this were a correct explanation of the obscure word rujdnds.9 The other epithet of the Dasyus is mrdhra-vac, which occurs with anas,10 and which has been rendered11 'of stam- mering, or unintelligible speech.' This version is by no means certain, and since the epithet is elsewhere12 applied to Aryans, its correct meaning is more probably ' of hostile speech.' Dasyu corresponds with the Iranian danhu, daqyu, which denotes a ' province.' Zimmer13 thinks that the original meaning was ' enemy,' whence the Iranians developed the sense of 'hostile country,' 'conquered country,' 'province,' while the Indians, retaining the signification of ' enemy,' ex- tended it to include demon foes. Roth14 considers that the meaning of human enemy is a transfer from the strife of gods 8 The suggestion in the Indian Empire, i, 390, that the modern Brahui type is the true Dravidian, while the modern Dravidian is the result of fusion with Munda-speaking tribes, would render this theory improbable. But it seems more probable that the Brahuis in speech preserve the tradition of Dra- vidian settlements in North India. 9 See Bloomfield, American fournal of Philology, 17, 415 (who takes rujanah of Rv. i. 32, 8, as = rujana-nah) ; Olden- berg, Rgveda- Noten, 1, 31, 32 (who suggests as possible the analysis of the word as ruja-anah). But cf. Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 361, who suggests the emendation rujanah as nominative singular of the simple participle ' broken ' ; Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 59, n. 1. 10 Rv. v. 29, 10. 11 Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 22, 393 et seq. 12 The expression is used of the Aryan Purus in vii. 18, 13 ; of the Panis in vii. 6, 3 ; and of hostile persons in i. 174, 2 ; v. 32, 8 ; x. 23. 5. Roth, Erlduterungen zum Nirukta, 97, thinks the sense is ' of insulting speech,' and Zimmer, op. cit., 114, 115, strongly supports this view. But Hillebrandt, op. cit., 1, 89, 90, 114, prefers to see in it 'speaking an enemy's speech,' and thinks that the Purus were dialectically different from the Bharatas — a view which can be supported from the Sata- patha Brahmana, iii. 2, I, 23. 24, where the Asuras say he 'lavo ( = he 'rayo, ' ho, enemies,' in Sanskrit). See Muir, op. cit., 22, 114; Davidson, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- schaft, 37, 23 (the Mahabhasya version) ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 31, n. 3. The word could thus apply to the Dasyus also, as the strange speech of the enemy could be either Aryan or aboriginal. 13 Op. cit., no et seq. So MacdonelJ, Vedic Mythology, p. 158. 14 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Datyauha ] A RACE OF PRINCES— GALLINULE 349 and demons. Lassen15 attempted to connect the contrast daqyu : dasyu with that of daeva : deva, and to see in it a result of the religious differences which, according to Haug's theory, had separated the Iranians and the Indians. The word may have originally meant ' ravaged land ' 16 as a result of invasion ; hence 'enemies' country,' then 'hostile people,' who as human foes were more usually called by the cognate name of Dasa. Individual Dasyus are Cumuri, Sambara, Susna, etc. In the Aitareya Brahmana17 the word has, as later,18 the sense of uncivilized peoples generally. ' lay waste ' ; but, according to Roth, ' suffer want,' ' waste away.' 17 vii. 18, where the descendants of Visvamitra are called dasyunam bhuy- isthah ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 26, 7. 18 Manu, v. 131 ; x. 32. 45 ; Zimmer, op. cit., 118. Cf. Hillebrandt, op. cit. , 3, 276 et seq. ; Zimmer, op. cit., 101 et seq. 15 Indische Alterthumskunde, i2, 633 et seq. This theory is now generally dis- credited. Cf. Justi, Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1866, 1446 et seq. ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 1, 142; Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 162 et seq. ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 156. 16 Both this word and Dasa appear to be derived from the root das, which, according to Whitney, Roots, means Daksayana, ' descendant of Daksa.' The Daksayanas are mentioned in the Atharvaveda and the Yajurveda Samhitas1 as having given gold to Satanika. In the Satapatha Brahmana2 the word is actually used to denote 'gold.' The Daksayanas appear there3 as a race of princes who, because of performing a certain rite, prospered down to the time of the Brahmana itself. 1 Av. i. 35, 1. 2; Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, xxxiv. 51. 52 ; Katha, cited by von Schroeder, Tiibinger Katha-Hand- schriften, 36 ; Khila, iv. 7, 7. 8. 2 vi. 7,4,2: daksayana-hasta, 'golden- handed.' Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 41, 283, n. 2, seems unnecessarily doubtful as to this. 3 ii. 4, 4, 6. Cf. Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 40. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 224 ; 4, 358 ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 195 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 35 ; Levi, La Doctrine dn Sacrifice, 138. Datyauha, a ' gallinule,' is mentioned in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.1 The 1 Taittinya Samhita, v. 5, 17, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 6 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 25. 39. Panini, vii. 3. 1, derives the word from ditya-vah. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91. 35° SICKLE— PA TRONYMIC—GIFT [ Datra word is clearly a variant of datyuha, which occurs in the epics and law books. Datra ('cutter'), denoting a 'sickle,' is mentioned in the Rigveda.1 Cows ■ with sickle-shaped marks on their ears ' (ddtra-karnyafy) are referred to in the Maitrayani Samhita.2 Otherwise the expression is only found later, occurring in the Sutra and epic literature.3 See also Srni. 1 viii. 78, 10; Nirukta, ii. 1. 3 Hopkins, Journal of the American 2 iv. 2, 9. I Oriental Society, 17, 86. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 238. Datreya is the patronymic of Arada Saunaka in the Vamsa Brahmana.1 Possibly Darteya, 'descendant of Drti,' should be read,2 but the word may have the same derivation as the latter form with metathesis. 1 Indische Studien, 4, 373. 2 Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Dadhica, ' descendant of Dadhyanc,' is the patronymic of Cyavana in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xiv. 6). 1. Dana, ' giving,' ' gift,' is a word of frequent occurrence in the Rigveda, especially in the Dana-stutis1 ('Praises of Gifts') of generous patrons (see Daksina). One of the characteristics of the Brahmana is his right to receive gifts, which it is obligatory on the other castes to present.2 The gift of a daughter (kanyayd ddnam) was a form of marriage3 (see Vivaha), because in it the girl was ' given ' away by her father or brother. 1 The term seems first to occur in the Brhaddevata, vi. 45. 92, and in similar works. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 7, 1 Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 47-61. 3 Nirukta, iii. 4. 2. Dana (' distribution ')l seems in several passages of the Rigveda2 to be a designation of the sacrificial feast to which 1 From da, ' divide.' I 60, 8 ; 99, 4, etc. Cf., however, Pischel 2 i- 55) 71 48. 4 ; 180, 5 ; viii. 46, 26; I Vedische Studien, 1, 100. Daya ] SACRIFICIAL FEAST— ROPE— INHERITANCE 351 the god is invited (cf. Sak, Sclltt)). In one passage3 Sayana thinks that it denotes the mada-jalani, ' drops of water falling from the temples of a rutting elephant,'4 but this is doubtful. In another passage5 Roth thinks that ' pasture land' is meant. 3 Rv. viii. 33, 8 ; Ludwig, Transla- tion of the Rigveda, 5, 157. 4 Dana in this sense, so common in the post-Vedic language, is probably derived from da, 'divide,' originally ' secretion.' 5 ii- 13, 7- meaning 3. Dana is in three passages of the Rigveda1 held by Roth to designate a chariot horse. 1 v. 27, 5 ; vii. 18, 23 ; viii. 46, 24. But in all these cases ' gifts ' seems an adequate version, 'horses' being under- stood. Daman, a 'rope' or 'girdle,'1 is often mentioned in the Rigveda and later.2 Reference is made to the rope of the sacrificial horse,3 as well as to the practice of tying calves with ropes.4 The word occurs in the sense of a ' band ' of horse hair in the Satapatha Brahmana.5 1 Originally ' bond,' from da, 'bind.' 2 Rv. i. 56, 3, etc. ; Av. vi. 63, 1 ; 103,, 2 ; vii. 103, 1. 2 ; Taittiriya Sam- hita, ii. 4, 13, 1, etc. 3 Rv. i. 162, 8. * Rv. ii. 28, 7. 5 v. 3, 1, 10. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 41, 62, n. 2. Daya occurs in the Rigveda1 only in the sense of 'reward' of exertion (srania), but later it means 'inheritance' — that is, a father's property which is to be divided among his sons either during his lifetime or after his death. The passages all negative the idea that the property of the family was legally family property : it is clear that it was the property of the head of the house, usually the father, and that the other members of the family only had moral claims upon it which the father could ignore, though he might be coerced by his sons if they were physically stronger. Thus Manu is said in the Taittiriya Samhita.2 to have divided his property among his sons. He omitted Nabhanedistha, 1 x. 114, 10. 2 iii. 1, 9, 4 et seq. Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 191-194 ; Levi, La Doctrine du Sacrifice, 67, 68. 352 DIVISION OF PATERNAL INHERITANCE [ Daya whom he afterwards taught how to appease the Angirases, and to procure cows. This is a significant indication that the property he divided was movable property, rather than land (Urvara). In the Aitareya Brahmana3 the division is said to have been made during Manu's lifetime by his sons, who left only their aged father to Nabhanedistha. According to the Jaiminiya Brahmana,4 again, four sons divided the inheritance while their old father, Abhipratarin, was still alive. It is, of course, possible to regard Daya as denoting the heritable property of the family, but the developed patria potestas of the father, which was early very marked, as shown by the legend of SunahSepa, is inconsistent with the view that the sons were legally owners with their father, unless and until they actually insisted on a division of the property.5 Probably — there is no evidence of any decisive character — land was not divided at first, but no doubt its disposal began to follow the analogy of cattle and other movable property as soon as the available supply of arable land became limited. As for the method of division, it is clear from the Taittiriya Samhita6 that the elder son was usually preferred ; perhaps 3 v. 14. 4 iii. 156 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 26, 61, 62). 5 The same question has been raised as to the origin of English or Teutonic property in land generally. Against any idea even of family ownership in a strict sense of the word, see Fustel de Coulanges, Recherches sur quelques Problemes d'Histoire, 322 et seq. ; Ashley, in Fustel de Coulanges, Origin of Pro- perty in Land, xvi xxi ; Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, 2, 237 et seq. The older view, which accepted family and communal ownership, repre- sented in different forms by Maine ( Vil- lage Communities in the East and West), Stubbs, Green, and others, is defended in a new form by Vinogradoff, Villanage in England. See also Keith, Journal of the African Society, 6, 201 et seq. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 93-96, does not accept the communal ownership of land, but, ibid., 80, is inclined to believe in the joint ownership of a family. He admits that this is inconsistent with the strict rule of patria potestas, which still exists in Bengal ; Baden Powell, Village Communities in India, 133 et seq., doubts the existence in early India of such a patria potestas . But the facts seem clearly to show that there was such a power, and that the father owned the property. His sons, as they grew up, came to claim the property, and he might have to divide it ; hence the idea naturally developed that every child on birth had a legal share in the property. No doubt also from the first the right to part with land was one which grown-up sons and the rest of the community could object to, once the village had acquired a fixed existence. This would account ade- quately for the later system. Cf. also pp. 100, n. 19; 336, n. 7, andRajanya. 6 ii. 5, 2, 7- Darteya ] WIFE— WOOD— PATRONYMICS 353 this was always the case after death. During the father's life- time another might be preferred, as appears from a passage of the Pancavimsa Brahmana.7 Women were excluded from partition or inheritance, according to the Satapatha Brahmana8 and the Nirukta.9 They were, no doubt, supported by their brothers ; but if they had none they might be reduced to prosti- tution.10 Detailed rules of inheritance appear in the Sutras.11 The heir is called Dayada,12 'receiver (d-da) of inheritance.' xvi. 4, 4. patha Brahmana, i. 7, 2, 22 ; iii. 2, 1, 18. For the Sutra rules, see Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 80 et seq. 12 Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 4, 3, 9; Nirukta, iii. 4 ; metaphorically, Av. the Aitarey a Brahmana, vii. 17; Sahkh- j v. 18,6. 14. ayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 27, 3 ; Sata- ! Dara, 'wife,' is found in the Sutras (usually as a plural masculine), and once (as a singular) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 8 iv. 4, 2, 13. ■' iii. 4. 30 Cf. Stri. 11 Inheritance is also alluded to in 1 vi. 4, 12 (where dvarena is a varia lectio ; see St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.). Cf. Delbruck, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 415, 416, who ignores the Brhadaranyaka passage. Daru, 'wood,' is frequently mentioned in the Rigveda and later,1 denoting amongst other things the pole of a chariot,2 logs as fuel,3 the wooden parts of a car,4 possibly wooden stocks,5 and so forth. 1 Rv. vi. 3, 4 ; x. 145, 4, etc. ; Av. x. 4, 3 ; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 8, 3, etc. 2 Rv. x. 102, 8. 3 Rv. viii. 102, 20. 4 Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 6, 2, 14. 5 Av. vi. 121, 2. But this is doubtful. Cf. Tayu and Drupada. Dardha-jayanti, ' descendant of Drdhajayanta,' is the patro- nymic of Vaipascita Gupta Lauhitya and of Vaipascita Drdhajayanta Lauhitya in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 42, 1). Darteya, ' descendant of Drti.' The Darteyas are mentioned as authorities on sacrificial matters in the Kathaka Samhita.1 and the Pancavimsa Brahmana.2 1 xxxi. 2 (Indische Studien, 3, 473). 2 xxv. 3, 6. VOL. I. 23 354 WOODPECKER— PA TRONYMICS [ Darbhya Darbhya, ' descendant of Darbha,' is mentioned in a verse of the Rigveda.1 Roth2 identifies him with SyavaSva, but the Brhaddevata3 with Rathaviti. The same patronymic is frequently4 connected with Ke£in, and is also applied to Rathaprota.5 See also Dalbhya. 1 v. 6 1, 17. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 v. 50. 77. 4 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 6, 2, 3 ; MaitrayanI Samhita, i. 4, 12 ; 6, 5 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, vii. 4. Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 62, n. 2. 5 MaitrayanI Samhita, ii. 1, 3. Darv-ag'hata, the ' woodpecker,' is included in the list of sacrificial victims at the Asvamedha, or ' horse sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda.1 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 15, 1 ; I saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 35. Cf. Zimmer, MaitrayanI Samhita, iii. 14, 16 ; Vaja- | Altindisches Lebeny 92. Darv-ahara, a ■ gatherer of wood,' is included in the list oi victims at the Purusamedha, or ' human sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda.1 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 12 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 8, 1. Dalbhi, * descendant of Dalbha,' is the patronymic of Vaka in the Kathaka Samhita (x. 6). Dalbhya, ' descendant of Dalbha,' is a variant of Darbhya. It is the patronymic of (a) Ke£in in the Pancavimsa Brahmana ;l (b) Caikitayana in the Chandogya Upanisad2 and the JaiminTya Upanisad Brahmana;3 (c) Vaka in the Chandogya Upanisad4 and the Kathaka Samhita.5 1 xiii. 10, 8. Cf. the Itihasa, reported by Sadgurusisya (Sarvanukramani, ed. Macdonell, 118). The St. Peters- burg Dictionary quotes the Kausitaki Brahmana, vii. 4, for Dalbhya (but also for Darbhya, which is the reading of Lindner's edition). 2 i. 8, 1. 3 i. 38, 1 ; 56. 3- 4 i. 2, 13 ; 12, 1. 3. 5 xxx. 2, where Dalbhya is readv not Dalbhi, as stated in the St. Peters burg Dictionary, s.v. The Kapisthala Samhita, xlvi. 5, has Darbliasya. Dalbb i is found, however, in Kathaka Samhita , x. 6. Da&irajna ] FOREST FIRE— BATTLE OF TEN KINGS 355 Dava, 'forest fire,' is mentioned in the Atharvaveda1 and the Satapatha Brahmana.2 In the latter work such fires are referred to as occurring in spring. According to Sieg,3 a hymn of the Rigveda4 describes a forest fire. Watchers were employed to guard against surprise from such conflagrations (ddva-pa).5 1 vii. 45, 2. 2 xi. 2, 7, 32. 3 Die Sagenstofe des Rgveda, 44 et seq. * x. 142. Sieg's interpretation of this hymn is not at all probable. 5 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 16 ; Tait- tirlya Brahmana, iii. 4, 11, 1. Dava-su Angirasa, a seer of Samans, or chants, is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xxv. 5, 12. 14. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 160. Da6a, 'fisherman,' is mentioned in the list of victims at the Purusamedha, or ' human sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda.1 Cf. Dhaivara. 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 16 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 12, 1. Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 81, renders the word by Fischerknecht, perhaps regarding it as equivalent to dasa, ' servant. ' Cf. Manu, x. 34; St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. DaSa, 2. 3. Dagataya, ' belonging to the (Rigveda text) divided into ten (books),' is an epithet of Adhyaya, ' section,' in the Nidana Sutra.1 The feminine form of the word is also found in the Kausitaki Brahmana2 and later.3 1 ii. 11 (Indische Studien, 1, 45). 2 viii. 7. 3 Rgveda Pratisakhya, xvi. 54 xvii. 30; Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 2, 16. 22, etc. ; Baudhayana Srauta Sutra, xxvi. 13; xxvii. 4, etc. Dasa-rajna is the name in the Rigveda1 and the Athar- vaveda2 of Sudas' famous 'battle with the ten kings.' It is somewhat difficult to make out exactly who the kings were (see TurvaSa), but the number is probably a round one, and cannot be pressed. The actual battle hymn3 does not contain 1 vii. 33, 2. 5 ; 83. 8. 2 x. 128, 12. 3 vii. 18. 23—2 356 ABORIGINES [ Daiarmj the word, and the passages in which it is found may reasonably be considered late.4 * Cf. for the late date of vii. 33, Bergaigne, Lliistoire de la Samhita, 38, 72 ; Oldenberg, Prolegomena, 198, 200, 265, n. 1 ; Arnold, Vedic Metre, 309 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 130, opposes this view, but not convincingly. Da£arma appears in the Kathaka Samhita1 as a teacher and a contemporary of Aruni. 1 vii. 6. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 472. Dasa, like Dasyu, sometimes denotes enemies of a demoniac character in the Rigveda,1 but in many passages2 the word refers to human foes of the Aryans. The Dasas are described as having forts (purah),z and their clans (visah) are mentioned.4 It is possible that the forts, which are called ' autumnal ' (sdradih),6 may be mythical, but it is not essential, for the epithet may allude to their being resorted to in the autumn season. The Dasa colour (Varna)6 is probably an allusion to the black skin of the aborigines, which is also directly men- tioned.7 The aborigines (as Dasyus) are called anas, ' nose- less' (?),8 and tnrdhra-vdc, ' of hostile speech,'9 and are probably meant by the phallus-worshippers (sisna-devah, ' whose deity is a phallus ') of the Rigveda.10 It is significant that constant 1 Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, P- 157- 2 Cf Rv. v. 34, 6 ; vi. 22, 10 ; 33, 3 ; 60, 6; vii. 83, 1; x. 38, 3; 69, 6; 83, 1; Av. v. 11, 3. 3 ii. 20, 8 (called dyas'ih, 'made of iron ') ; i. 103, 3 ; iii. 12, 6 ; iv. 32, 10. They are called sdradih, 'autumnal,' in i. 131, 4 ; 174, 2 ; vi. 20, 10. Cf. also dehyah, ' ramparts,' in vi. 47, 2. 4 ii. 11,4; iv. 28, 4 ; vi. 25, 2. 5 Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 60. 6 ii. 12, 4 ; £ankhayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 25, 6. Cf. Rv. i. 101, 1 ; 130, 8; ii. 20, 7 ; iv. 16, 13 ; vi. 47, 21 ; vii. 5, 3. The Arya colour is mentioned in iii. 34, 9, and the Dasa is contrasted with the Varna (of the singers) in i. 104, 2. The 1 white-hued (svitnya) friends ' who, in i. 100, 18, aid in the conquest of the Dasyu and Simyu are doubtless Aryans. In the Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 30, the day and night (ahordtre) are paralleled with the Sudraryau — that is, probably with the Aryan and Sudra (the compound is not to be taken as giving the words in the correct order ; cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, 268). See also Muir, Sanskrit Texts, I9 140 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 10, n. 7 krsnd tvac, ' black skin,' i. 130, 8 ; ix. 41, 1. 8 Cf. Dasyu, notes 6, 7. 9 v. 29, 10. See Dasyu ; Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 138. 10 vn. 21, 5 ; x. 99, donell, op. cit., p. 155. 3. Cf. Mac- Dasa ] SLAVES— ORIGINAL SENSE OF DASA 357 reference is made to the differences in religion between Arya and Dasa or Dasyu.11 Since the Dasas were in many cases reduced to slavery, the word Dasa has the sense of ' slave ' in several passages of the Rigveda.12 Dasi, the feminine, always has this sense from the Atharvaveda13 onwards. Aboriginal women were, no doubt, the usual slaves, for on their husbands being slain in battle they would naturally have been taken as servants. They would sometimes also become concubines ; thus Kavasa was taunted with being the son of a female slave {dasyah putrah) in the Aitareya Brahmana.14 Ludwig15 considers that in some passages16 Dasa is applied, in the sense of ' enemy,' to Aryan foes, but this is uncertain. Zimmer17 and Meyer18 think that Dasa19 originally meant 1 enemy ' in general, later developing in Iran into the name of the Dahae20 of the Caspian steppes, and in India into a desig- nation of the aborigines. On the other hand, Hillebrandt21 argues that, as the Dasas and the Panis are mentioned together,22 they must be deemed to be closely related tribes, identifying 11 Rv. i. 33, 4. 5 ; iv. 16, 9 ; v. 7, 10 ; 42, 9 ; vi. 14, 3 ; viii. 70, 10 ; x. 22, 7. 8, etc. 12 vii. 86, 7 ; viii. 56, 3 ; x. 62, 10. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., 2, suggests that in viii. 46, 32, the word dasan, ' slaves,' should be read in place of ddsey qualifying Balbutha. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 117, quotes the passage to indicate the admixture of Aryan and Dasa blood. See also Av. iv. 9, 8 ; Chandogya Upanisad, vii. 24, 2. It is uncertain whether dasa-pravarga, as an epithet of rayi, 'wealth,' in Rv. i. 92, 8, means ' consisting of troops of slaves.' Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 82, so takes the expression in i. 158, 5. 13 Av. v. 22, 6 ; xii. 3, 13 ; 4, 9 ; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 13, 2 ; Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 10 (Madhyam- dina=2, 7 Kanva). Zimmer, 107, sees this sense in vadhu in Rv. viii. 19, 36. See also Vadhumant. M ii. 19 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, xii. 3. 15 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 209. 16 See i. 158, 5 ; ii. 13, 8 ; iv. 30, 14. 15 ; vi. 20, 10 ; vii. 99, 5 ; x. 49, 6. 7. None of these passages need certainly be so taken. 17 Altindisches Leben, no et seq. 18 Geschichte des Altertums, 1, 515. 19 If derived from das in the sense of ' lay waste ' (Whitney, Roots), the original meaning would have been 'devastator,' 'ravager.' 20 The Dahae may have been closely allied in race and language with the Iranians, but this is not very clearly proved. Cf. E. Kuhn in Kuhn's Zeit- schrift, 28, 214 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 95. The possibility or probability of mixture with Mongolian blood is always present. So Zimmer, op. cit., 112, calls the Daoi or Daai of Herodotus, i. 126, a Turanian tribe. 21 Op. cit., 1, 94. 22 Rv. v. 34, 6. 7 ; vii. 6, 3 (Dasyu and Pani together) ; Av. v. n, 6. 358 ORIGINAL HOME OF THE DASAS [ Dasavesa the Panis with the Parnians and the Dasas of the Rigveda with the Dahae. This view, of course, necessitates a transfer of the scenes of the Rigveda, where Dasas are prominent, and especially those in which Divodasa — ' the heavenly Dasa ' — plays an important part,23 to the far west. Hillebrandt justifies this by regarding the scene of the sixth book of the Rigveda as quite different from that of the seventh and third, in which Sudas, the Bharatas, Vasistha, and Visvamitra appear. The Sarasvati of the sixth book he locates in Arachosia, that of the seventh in the ■ Middle Country.' It is, however, extremely doubtful whether this theory can be upheld. That Divodasa should have been a Dasa, and yet have fought against other Dasas, is not in itself likely, especially when his son Sudas appears as a protagonist of Aryan civilization. It also seems unreasonable to seek in Arachosia for the river Sarasvati, which it is natural to locate in the ' Middle Country.' The wealth of the Dasas was no doubt considerable,24 but in civilization there is no reason to suppose that they were ever equal to the invaders.25 Leading Dasas were Illbiga, Cumuri and Dhuni, Pipru, Varcin, Sambara. For names of aboriginal tribes, see Kirata, Kikata, Candala, Parnaka, Simyu. 23 Op. cit., i, 96 et seq. He argues that Dasa occurs only four times in Mandala vii., but eight times in vi., and that similarly Sambara, the Dasa, is mentioned six times in vi., but only twice in vii. But Divodasa much more probably means, as Oldenberg in- 25 Cf. Rv. ii. 12, 11; iv. 30, 14; vi. 26, 5, whence it appears that the Dasas were often dwellers in moun- tains, a natural refuge for beaten tribes. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 269-275, 368 ; Ludwig, Translation terprets the name, ' the servant of i of the Rigveda, 3, 207-213 ; Zimmer, heaven.' See his Religion des Veda, 155, j Altindisches Leben, 101-118; Weber, n. 1 ; Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, \ Indische Studien, 18, 35 (who derives 209; below, p. 363, n. 11. j dasa from da, 'bind'), 254; Muir, 24 Cf. Rv. i. 176, 4 ; iv. 30, 13 ; I Sanskrit Texts, 2, 359 et seq. ; Geldner, viii. 40, 6; x. 69, 5 ; Av. vii. 90, 2. ' Vedische Studien, 3, 96. Dasa-vesa, occurring only once in the Rigveda,1 probably designates a Dasa named VeSa. Sayana's interpretation of the word as ' destruction of foes ' can hardly be correct. 1 ii. 13, 8. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 209. >idhi§upati ] TWO-YEAR-OLD BULL— ARROW— WOOER 359 Dasya occurs once in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (iv. 2, Madhyamdina = 23 Kanva) in the sense of slavery.' Ditya-vah, m. ; Dityauhi, f., ' a two-year-old bull or cow,' mentioned in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas.1 1 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 3, 1 ; 6, 15, 1; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 10; xviii. 26 ; xxviii. 25 ; PancavimSa Brah- mana, xxi. i, etc. Didyu, Didyut, both1 denote in the Rigveda ' missile,' ' arrow,' hether divine or human. 1 Didyu : i. 71, 5 ; iv. 41, 4 ; vii. 56, 9 ; 85, 2, etc. ; Av. i. 2, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, ii. 20 ; x. 17, etc. Didyut : Rv. i. 66, 7 ; v. 86, 3 ; vii. 25, 1, etc. ; certainly divine in ii. 13, 7. Didhisu in the Rigveda denotes a 'wooer.' It is applied1 to the relative, probably brother-in-law,2 who takes the place of the husband at the funeral rite, and who, as in the Hebraic levirate, is to beget a child by the brother's wife if there is no son.3 Hillebrandt4 and Lanman5 consider that the word originally meant only 'wooer,' and applied to the king who, after the chief queen had lain beside the dead victim in the Purusamedha or ' human sacrifice,' claimed her again ; but this view is hardly plausible.6 The term is also applied to the god Pusan7 as the wooer of his mother, apparently Surya.8 1 x. 18, 18 = Av. xviii. 3, 2 (where didhisos is merely a bad reading) = Taittiriya Aranyaka, vi. 1 , 3 . 2 Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 2, 18, where are mentioned the brother-in-law (devr), a representative of the husband (there is nothing to show whether he is identical with the preceding or not), a pupil, or an aged servant (jarad-ddsa). 3 Cf. Rv. x. 40, 2 ; Kaegi, Der Rigveda, n. 51. * Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 40, 708 et seq. 5 Sanskrit Reader, 385. 6 See Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 848, 849 ; Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1907, 946. 7 vi. 55, 5- 8 Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 21 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 35. Cf. Geldner, Rigveda, Kotnmentar, 154. Didhisu-pati occurs in the Kathaka1 and Kapisthala Sam- hitas,2 as well as in the Apastamba,3 Gautama,4 and Vasistha 2 xlvii. 7, quoted ibid., 579, 580. 1 xxxi. 7, quoted in Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen , 579- J 11. 5, 12, 22. 4 XV. 16. 360 HUSBAND OF A WIDOW— SKY [ Div Dharma Sutras,5 in lists of people who have committed sin (enas). The traditional rendering6 is 'husband of a woman married a second time '; Manu7 seems to apply the term to the brother-in-law who is 'married' to his sister-in-law after his brother's death for the purpose of begetting a child, if he displays conjugal affection to her (anurajyate kamatah).8 This sense would be possible, since Didhisu denotes a ' wooer,' and a widow could be regarded as a ' wooer ' when able to control her own choice of a spouse. But another tradition9 holds that Didhisu means the elder sister whose younger sister has married before her. This view is supported "by a passage in the Vasistha Dharma Sutra,10 and by the use of the word agre- didhisu-pati11 which must mean the ' husband of a younger sister married before the elder.' In this case also Didhisu would mean ' wooer,' the elder sister being so called because, if her parents do not arrange a marriage for her, she is, according to Visnu,12 to make her own choice of a husband (kurydt svayamvaram). See also Edidhisuhpati and Daidhi- savya. 5 i. 18 ; xx. 7 et seq. 6 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. didhisu, 3. 7 iii. 173. 8 Cf. Leist, Altarischcs Jus Gentium, 106. 9 Laugaksi, quoted by Kulluka on Manu, iii. 160 ; Commentary on Apa- stamba, loc. cit. 10 xx. 7 et seq. 11 Cf. agre-didhisu, ' one who woos (a younger sister) before (her elder sister is married),' in Apastamba, loc. cit. ; Gautama, xv. 16; Vasistha, i. 18; Kathaka, loc. cit. ; agre-dadhus, Maitra- yani Samhita, iv. j, 9 ; agre-dadhisu, Kapisthala, loc. cit. ; agra-didhisu, Tait- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 2, 8, 11. 12 Visnu Dharma Sutra, xxiv. 40. Cf. Delbriick, op. cit., 579-586. Div, 'sky.' The world as a whole is regarded as divided into the three domains of 'earth,' 'air' or 'atmosphere,' and 'heaven' or 'sky' (div),1 or alternatively into 'heaven and earth' (dyavd-prthivi) ,2 which two are then considered as com- prising the universe, the atmosphere being included in the sky. Lightning, wind, and rain belong to the atmosphere, solar and 1 Rv. ii. 40 ; viii. 6, 15 ; 10, 6 6, etc. 90, 2 Rv. i. 143, 2 ; 159, 1 ; 160, 1 ; iv. 14, 2, etc. ; Brhadaranyaka Upani- sad, iii. 8, 3. 9 ; Chandogya Upanisad, vn. 4, 2; viii. 1, 3. In the Aitareya Aranyaka, iii. 1, 2, and the Sankhayana Aranyaka, vii. 3, it is said that when heavy and constant rain falls people say, ' Heaven and earth have united.' Div ] THREEFOLD DIVISION OF HEAVEN 361 similar phenomena to the sky. In some passages3 the vault (ndka) of the sky is added after the usual triad, and before the celestial light (svar, jyotis). The threefold division of the universe is reflected in a three- fold division of the three elements — earth, air, and sky. Thus a highest (uttama,4 uttara,5 pdrya6), a middle, and a lowest heaven are specified.4 In the Atharvaveda7 the three heavens are distinguished as ' rich in water ' (udanvati), as pilumati (of uncertain meaning), and as the pradyaus, where the Fathers sit. Heaven is frequently called vyoman as well as rocana8 (properly the ' luminous space ' of heaven), and the dividing firmament which separates the visible upper world from the highest heaven is called, besides ndka, ' vault,' sdnu, ' summit,' vistap, * surface,' and prstha, 'ridge,' and even * ridge of the vault,'9 or 1 summit of the vault.'10 Similarly three atmospheres (rajas), or oftener two, are alluded to,11 but the division here is merely artificial. In one passage12 six rajdmsi, 'regions,' are referred to, the heavens and the earths no doubt being meant. The usual name for the atmosphere is antariksa. The three earths are equally artificial, the origin of the triad being probably the use of prthivi in the plural 13 to denote the three divisions of the universe (just as pitarau, 'two fathers,' denotes ' father and mother ').14 The earth is called ksani, ksd, gmd, or designated by the epithets mahl, ' the great,' prthivi or urvl, 'the broad,' uttdnd, 'the extended,' and is regularly con- trasted as idam, ' this world here,' with the upper sphere.15 3 Av. iv. 14, 3 = Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvii. 67. 4 Rv. v. 60, 6. 5 Rv. iv. 26, 6. 6 Rv. vi. 40, 5. In Rv. v. 4, 3, it is called trtlya. 7 xviii. 2, 48. 8 Trlni or tri rocana, Rv. i. 102, 8 ; 149, 4 ; v. 69, 1, etc. 9 Rv. i. 125, 5. Cf. iii. 2, 12. 10 Rv. viii. 103, 2. Cf. also ix. 86, 27. 11 Rv. iv. 53, 5; v. 69, 1. Cf. also the references to the ' highest ' atmo- sphere, uttama, ix. 22, 5 ; par am a, iii. 30, 2 ; trtlya, ix. 74, 6 ; x. 45, 3 ; 123, 8. The ' lower ' (upara) or ' terres- trial ' (parthiva) is contrasted with the 1 heavenly ' (divya) space. See i. 62, 5 ; iv. 53. 3- 12 Rv. i. 164, 6. Cf. vii. 87, 5. 13 Rv. i. 188, 9. 10 ; vii. 104, 11. 14 Cf. Delbriick, Altindische Syntax, p. 98 ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Grammar, i83c (p. 158). 15 Rv. i. 22, 17; 154, 1, 3; and regularly in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas. 362 COSMOLOGY [ Div The shape of the earth is compared with a wheel in the Rigveda,16 and is expressly called ' circular ' (pari-mandala) in the Satapatha Brahmana.17 When earth is conjoined with heaven, the two are conceived as great bowls (camva) turned towards each other.18 In the Aitareya Aranyaka19 the two are regarded as halves of an egg. The distance of heaven from the earth is given by the Atharvaveda 20 as a thousand days' journey for the sun-bird, by the Aitareya Brahmana21 as a thousand days' journey for a horse, while the Pancavimsa Brahmana22 whimsically estimates the distance as equivalent to a thousand cows standing one on the top of the other. According to Zimmer,23 the Vedic poets conceived the atmosphere to be above the earth in its upper division only, but below it in its lower stratum. The evidence,24 however, for the latter assumption is quite insufficient.25 The theory of the Aitareya Brahmana26 is that the sun merely reverses its bright side at night, turning its light on the stars and the moon while it retraverses its course to the east ; and it has been shown25 that this is probably the doctrine of the Rigveda also.27 See also Surya and Candramas. For the Vedic knowledge of the planets, see Graha. There is no geographical division of the earth in Vedic literature. The Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana28 states that the centre of the earth is a span north of the Plaksa Praspavana, and that the centre of the sky is the constellation of the seven Esis, the Great Bear. For the quarters, see Dig. 26 iii. 44, 4. Speyer's interpretation of this passage, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1906, 723-727, is antici- pated and supplemented by Macdonell, loc. cit. 16 x. 89, 4. On the other hand, the earth is regarded as catur-bhrsti, 'four-cornered,' in Rv. x. 58, 3. 17 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 9. 18 Rv. iii. 55, 20. 19 iii. 1, 2; Sankhayana Aranyaka, vii. 3. 20 x. 8, i8 = xiii. 2, 38; 3, 14. 21 ii. 17. Cf. ASvina. 22 xvi. 8, 6; in xxi. 1, 9, with the alternatives of 1,000 days of the journey of a horse, or of the sun, or 1,000 leagues. 23 Altindisches Leben, 357, 358. 24 Rv. v. 81, 4 ; vi. 9, 1 ; vii. 80, 1. 25 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 10. 27 115. 5; *• 37. 3 28 iv. 26, 12. Cf. Pancavimsa Brah- mana, xxv. 10, 16 ; Hopkins, Transac- tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 31, n. 2. Cf. Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 1, 1-3 ; Wallis, Cos- mology of the Rigveda, 1 1 1- 1 17 ; Zimmer, op. cit., 357-359; Macdonell, op. cit., pp. 8-1 1 ; Thibaut, Astronomie, Astrologie und Mathematik, 5, 6; Weber, Indische Studien, 9, 358-364. Divodasa Atitbigva ] KING DIVODASA 363 Divodasa Atithigva is one of the leading princes of the early Vedic age. He was a son of Vadhryasva,1 and father, or more probably grandfather, of Sudas, the famous king of the Trtsu family, among the Bharatas. Probably Pijavana was the son and Sudas the grandson. Divodasa was naturally a Bharata,2 and, like Sudas, was an opponent of the TurvaSas and Yadus.3 His great enemy was Sambara, the Dasa, who was apparently chief of a mountain people,4 and whom he repeatedly defeated.6 He was also, it seems, like his father Vadhryasva,6 an energetic supporter of the fire ritual, for Agni is once called by his name in the Rigveda.7 On the other hand, he was defeated, with Ayu and Kutsa, by Indra's aid. In several passages he seems closely connected with the singer family, the Bharadvajas.8 From one passage,9 where Divodasa is said to have fought against the Panis, the Paravatas, and Brsaya, Hillebrandt10 has inferred that he was engaged in conflicts with the tribes of Arachosia, and interpreting the name as the ' heavenly Dasa'11 conjectures that he was himself a Dasa. This con- clusion is not probable, for the Sarasvati on which the battle in question took place, and which can hardly be the Haraqaiti of Arachosia, would naturally designate the later Sarasvati, while the Paravatas are mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brah- mana,12 as in the east, about the Yamuna. Bergaigne's 1 Rv. vi. 61, 1. 2 Rv. vi. 16, 4. 5. 19. For Sudas as his descendant, see vii. 18, 25, with verse 23, where Paijavana is an epithet of Sudas. 3 As Atithigva, Rv. vii. 19, 8 ; as Divodasa, ix. 61, 2. 4 Rv. i. 130, 7; ii. 12, 11; vi. 26, 5 ; vii. 18, 20. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 161. 5 See Rv. i. 112, 14; 116, 18; 119, 4 ; 130, 7-10 ; ii. 19, 6 ; iv. 26, 3 ; 30, 20; vi. 26, 3. 5; 43, 1; 47, 21. 22; ix. 61, 2. 6 Rv. x. 69, 1 et seq. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 176 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 96, n. 2. 7 Daivodasa, * worshipped by Divo- dasa ' : viii. 103, 2. Cf. vi. 16, 5. 19; 31, 1. For the defeat by Indra, cf. Rv. i. 53, 10; ii. 14, 7; vi. 18, 13; viii. 64, 2 ; Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, 337, 344- 8 Cf. Rv. i. 112, 13. 14; 116, 18; vi. 16, 5 ; 31, 4 ; 47, 22 et seq. ; Panca- vimsa Brahmana, xv. 3, 7 ; Hillebrandt, op. cit., 1, 104. 9 vi. 61, 1 et seq. 10 Op. cit., 1, 97 et seq. 11 This is very improbable. See Bergaigne, op. cit., 2, 209; Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 155 ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 49,175; 51. 272. 12 ix. 4, 11. See Paravata. 364 ORDEALS [ Divodasa Bhaimaseni opinion13 that Divodasa and Atithigva were different people cannot be supported in view of the complete parallelism in the acts of the two persons.14 See also Pratardana. The people of Divodasa are referred to in a hymn of the Rigveda.16 13 Op. cit., 2, 342 et seq. 14 Compare, e.g. , vii. 19, 8, with ix. 61 , 2 (opposed to Turvasa and Yadu); i. 51, 6; vi. 26, 3, with ii. 19, 6; vi. 31, 4 (defeat of Sambara) ; and see Hillebrandt, op. cit., 3, 268 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 210 et seq. ; Macdonell, op. cit., p. 161. 15 i. 130, 10 (one of the series attri- buted to Parucchepa) . Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 126; Oldenberg, Buddha, 406 ; Ludwig, op. cit., 3, 114, 176; Grierson, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 604, 837; Keith, ibid., 831 et seq. ; 1138 et seq. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., distinguishes two Divodasas, one being the ancestor or father of Sudas, the other the enemy of Sambara. Divodasa is not mentioned in Mandalas, iii, v, viii, x. Divo-dasa Bhaima-seni (' descendant of Bhlmasena ') is mentioned in the Kathaka Samhita1 as a contemporary of Aruni. 1 vii. 1, 8. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 472. Divya, ' ordeal,' is a term not found until the later literature, but several references to the practice of ordeals have been seen in Vedic literature. The fire ordeal seen in the Atharvaveda x by Schlagintweit,2 Weber,3 Ludwig,4 Zimmer,5 and others, has been disproved by Grill,6 Bloomfield,7 and Whitney.8 But such an ordeal appears in the Pancavimsa Brahmana,9 and an ordeal with a glowing axe10 occurs in the Chandogya Upanisad as applied in an accusation of theft. Geldner11 suggests that this usage is referred to even in the Rigveda,12 but this is most improbable.13 Ludwig14 and Griffith15 discover in another 1 ii. 12. 2 Die Gottesuriheile der Indier, 13 et seq. 3 Indische Studien, 13, 768. * Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 445. 5 Altindisches Leben, 184. 6 Hundert Lieder,2 45, 87. 7 Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, ccxxi ; American Journal of Philology, 11, 334, 335 ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 294. 54- 8 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 9 xiv. 6, 6. 10 Chandogya Upanisad, vi. 16. 11 Vedische Studien, 2, 159. 12 iii. 53, 22. 13 Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 254. 14 Op. cit., 4, 44. 15 Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 210. Dii] THE STAR SIRIUS— CARDINAL POINTS 365 passage of the Rigveda16 references to Dirghatamas' having been subjected to the fire and water ordeals, but this view cannot be supported. According to Weber,17 the ' balance ' ordeal is referred to in the Satapatha Brahmana,18 but see Tula. 16 i. 158, 4 et seq. 17 Indische Streifen, 1, 21 ; 2, 363. is xi. 2, 7, 33. Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 145 ; Zeit- schrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 44, 347, 348 ; Stenzler, ibid., 9, 669 et seq. Divya Svan, the ' divine dog,' in one passage of the Athar- vaveda1 appears to denote Canis major or Sirius. But Bloom- field2 thinks that the two divine dogs referred to in the Maitrayani Samhita3 and the Taittirlya Brahmana4 are the sun and moon, and that the sun is meant in the Atharvaveda. 1 vi. 80, I. 2 Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 163 ; Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 500, 501. 3 i. 6, 9. 4 i. 1, 2, 4-6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 353 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharva veda, 341. Dis, * direction,' is a word very frequently used in the Rigveda and later1 to denote a quarter of the sky. As a general rule, four quarters are mentioned — east, south, west, north.2 But the number of the ' directions ' is sometimes increased up to ten by the addition to these four of various others. The five points include the zenith (urdhvd) ;3 the six, the zenith and the nadir (urdhvd and avact) ;4 the seven, the zenith, the ground on which one stands (dhruva), and the air (antariksa) between these two (vyadhva) ;6 the eight include the inter- mediate quarters (S.E., S.W., N.E., N.W.) ;6 the nine add to these the zenith ;7 the ten, zenith and nadir.8 The number 1 Rv. i. 124, 3; 183, 5; iii. 30, 12; Av. iii. 31, 4 ; xi. 2, 12, etc. 2 Rv. vii. 72, 5; x. 36, 14; 42, 11; Av. xv. 2, 1 et seq., etc. 3 Taittirlya Samhita, vii. 1, 15 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 8, 9. 4 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 12, 8; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxii. 24 ; Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, iv. 2, 4. 5 Rv. ix. 114, 3 ; Av. iv. 40, 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 4, 1, 20 ; ix. 5, 2, 8 ; Taittirlya Aranyaka, i. 7. f 6 Taittiriya Samhita, vii, 1, 15 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 8, 1, 40, etc. 7 Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 28, 2. 8 Rv. i. 164, 14; viii. 101, 13; Sata- patha Brahmana, vi. 2, 2, 34 ; viii. 4, 2, 13, etc. 366 LEGENDS OF THE SEER DIRGHATAMAS [ Dirghatamas five is sometimes made up by the ground beneath the observer's feet (dhruva),9 and the number six by that point (dhruva) and the zenith (urdhva) ;10 the ' lofty ' (brhatl) u sometimes taking the place of the ' vertical ' (urdhva). 9 Av. viii. g, 15; xiii. 3, 6; xv. 14, 1-5 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, ix. 32 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 4, 3, to, and cf. Dhruva. 10 Av. iii. 27, 1 ; iv. 14, 8 ; xii. 3, 55 ; xv. 4, 1 et seq. ; xviii. 3, 34 ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 14, etc. Cf. Rv. x, 14, 16. 11 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 13 ; Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 8. Cf. Zimmer, AUindisches Leben, 359 ; Weber, Proceedings of the Berlin Academy, 1895, 846; Indische Studien, 17, 293, 294 ; 18, 153 ; St. Petersburg Dic- tionary, s.v. Dirgfha-tamas (' long darkness ') Mamateya (' son of Mamata ') Aucathya (' son of Ucatha ') is mentioned as a singer in one hymn of the Rigveda,1 and is referred to in several passages 2 by his metronymic, Mamateya, alone. He is said, both in the Rigveda1 and in the Sarikhayana Aranyaka,3 to have attained the tenth decade of life. In the Aitareya Brahmana4 he appears as the priest of Bharata. The Brhaddevata5 contains a preposterous legend made up of fragments of the Rigveda,6 according to which Dirghatamas was born blind, but recovered his sight ; in old age he was thrown into a river by his servants, one of whom, Traitana, attacked him, but killed himself instead. Carried down by the stream, he was cast up in the Ahga country, where he married Usij, a slave girl, and begot Kaksivant. The two legends here combined are not even con- sistent, for the second ignores Dirghatamas' recovery of sight. To attach any historical importance to them, as does Pargiter,7 would seem to be unwise. 1 i. 158, 1. 6. 2 i. 147, 3; 152, 6; iv. 4, 13. In viii. 9, 10, Dirghatamas is mentioned with Kaksivant, but not as a relative. 3 ii. 17; Keith, Sahkhay ana Ar any aha, 14. 4 viii. 23. 6 iv. 11-15; 21-25, with Macdonell's notes. 6 From i. 140-164, which hymns are traditionally attributed to Dirghatamas. But see Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 221. 7 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, 44. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig veda, 3, 164, 165 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 226, 232, 247, 268, 279. Dirgharanya] NAMES— LONGEVITY— FOREST TRACTS 367 Dirgha-nitha appears to be the proper name of a sacrificer in one hymn of the Rigveda.1 1 viii. 50, 10. Cf. Roth, St. Peters- burg Dictionary, s.v. Ludwig under- stands the word as an adjective, mean- ing ' of long duration.' DiFgha-gravas (' far-famed ') is the name of a royal seer who, according to the Pancavimsa Brahmana,1 having been banished from his kingdom, and suffering from actual hunger, ' saw ' a certain Saman (chant), and thus obtained food. In one passage of the Rigveda2 an Ausija,3 a merchant {vanij), is mentioned as dirgha-sravas, which may be a proper name, as Sayana holds, or an adjective, as it is understood by Roth.4 * xv. 3, 25. 2 i. 112, 11. 3 A metronymic, * descendant of Usij,' according to Sayana ; but an adjective, meaning « desirous,' accord- ing to Roth, St. Petersburg Dic- tionary, s.v. 4 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 114. Dirghapsas, used in the Rigveda1 as an epithet of a chariot, means, according to Roth,2 ' having a long front part.' 1 i. 122, 15. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Cf. 312. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, Dirghayutva, 'longevity,' is a constant object of the prayers of the Vedic Indians,1 and length of life is never deprecated in the Samhitas and Brahmanas, while the Atharvaveda2 is full of spells intended to prolong existence {ayusyani). 1 Rv. x. 62, 2 ; Av. i. 22, 2, etc. ; Vafasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 6 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, i. 9, 1, 13, etc. So the adjective dlrghayus, Rv. iv. 15, 9. 10 ; x. 85, 39 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xii. 100, etc. The Brahmanas regularly express the reward for ritual actions by the phrase sarvam ayur eti, ' he lives all his days.' The ideal of life is 100 years. See Weber, Indische Studien, 17, 193 ; Festgruss an Roth, 137 ; Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 384. 2 ii. 13 ; 28 ; 29 ; vii. 32, and many other hymns. See Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 49 et seq. ; Atharva- veda, 63-65. Dirgharanya, 'wide tract of forest,' in the Aitareya1 and Satapatha2 Brahmanas refers to the extensive jungles which 1 iii. 44 ; vi. 23. 2 xiii. 3, 7, 10. 368 DICE— CO W—DR UM—DOOR [Div must clearly then have covered Northern India. In one of the Aitareya passages3 it is said that in the east the villages are close together and frequent, while in the west there are forests. Div (fern.) in the Rigveda1 and the Atharvaveda2 denotes the ' game of dice.' See Aksa. x. 27, 17. vii. 50. 9 ; 109, 5. Dugfha, * yielding milk,' denotes 'cow' in a few passages in the Samhitas.1 1 Rv. viii. 50, 3 ; x. 67, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxviii. 16. 39, etc. Dundubhi, apparently an onomatopoetic word, means ' drum,' as used in both war and peace. It is often mentioned from the Rigveda1 onwards.2 A special sort of drum was the ' earth drum,' made by digging a hole in the ground and covering it with a hide. This was employed in the Mahavrata, a rite performed at the winter solstice, for the purpose of driving away influences hostile to the return of the sun.3 A ' drum- beater' is included in the list of sacrificial victims at the Purusamedha or 'human sacrifice.'4 1 i. 28, 5; vi. 47, 29. 31. 2 Av. v. 20, 1 et seq. ; 21, 7; 31, 7; vi. 38, 4 ; xii. 1, 41 ; Taittiriya Brah- mana, i. 3, 6, 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 5, 6; dundubhya, 'connected with the drum,' Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 35- 3 Kathaka Samhita, xxxiv. 5 (Indische Studien, 3, 477) ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvii. 14, 11 ; Aitareya Aranyaka, v. 1, 5, with Keith's notes ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 148, n. 2; Fried- laender, Sankhayana Aranyaka, 29, 45. 4 Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 13, 1 (not in the Vajasaneyi Samhita). Cf. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 4, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 289; and for the epic drum in battle, Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 318. Dur is used several times in the Rigveda1 to denote 'door,' both literally and metaphorically. 1 i. 68, 10 ; 113, 4 ; 121, 4 ; 188, 5 ; ii. 2, 7, etc. Durgaha] HOME— FORT— KING DURGAHA 369 Dupona is used in the Rigveda,1 and sometimes later,2 to denote * home,' both literally and metaphorically. See Grha. 1 iii. 1, 18; 25, 5; iv. 13, 1; v. 76, 1 2 Av. vii. 17, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, 4, etc. I xxxiii. 72, etc. Dur-ga, 'hard to approach,' occurs in the Rigveda as a neuter substantive only, sometimes in the sense of ' fort,' 'stronghold.'1 Cf. Pup. 1 v. 34, 7 ; vii. 25, 2. Dup-g"aha is mentioned in a hymn of the Rigveda,1 where his grandsons are lauded for their generosity, though Sayana renders the word adjectivally.2 In another passage of the Rigveda,3 however, Sayana sees in the epithet Daurgaha a description of Pupukutsa as Durgaha's son, who was either captured by the enemy or slain, and whose wife, Pupukutsani, then obtained a son, Tpasadasyu, to restore the line ; he also quotes a story, not found in the Brhaddevata,4 to support this interpretation. On the other hand, the Satapatha Brahmana6 seems to take Daurgaha as meaning a horse. Sieg6 thinks that the same sense should be adopted in the Rigveda passage, which he interprets as referring to the sacrifice of a horse, Daurgaha, by King Purukutsa to gain a son ; he also sees in Dadhikravan, with Pischel7 and Ludwig,8 a real horse, the charger of Trasadasyu. The Satapatha Brahmana's inter- pretation of Daurgaha is, however, doubtful, and cannot be regarded as receiving support from the case of Dadhikravan, who was probably a divinity, and not a real horse at all.9 1 viii. 65, 12. 2 ' Plunged in distress ' (duhkham gahamana). 3 iv. 42, 8. 4 As Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., says it is. 5 xiii. 5, 4, 5. According to the Naighantuka (i. 14), Daurgaha is a synonym of ' horse. ' VOL. I. 24 6 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 96-102. 7 Vedische Studien, i, 124. 8 Translation of the Rigveda, 4, 79. Cf. Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 71. 9 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 148, 149. Cf. Ludwig, op. cit., 3, 163, 174; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 301, 302. 37o DEMON— DWELLING— BOAR— LEPROSY [ Durnanu Dur-naman, ' of evil name,' is the designation in the Rigveda1 and the Atharvaveda2 of a demon causing disease, or the disease itself. The Nirukta8 explains the words as meaning a 'worm,' an interpretation which accords with the wide- spread belief in disease-causing worms.4 Later Durnaman denotes 'haemorrhoids.'5 1 X. l62, 2. 2 ii. 25, 2 ; viii. 6, 1 et seq. ; xvi. 6, 7 ; xix. 36, 1 et seq. So also the feminine Durnamni, iv. 17, 5 ; xix. 36, 6. 6 vi. 12. 4 Bloomfield, Atharvaveda, 61 ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 314 et seq., 351. 8 Susruta, x, 177, 10, etc. Dur-mukha, 'ugly-faced,' is the name, in the Aitareya Brahmana,1 of a Pancala, that is, Pancala king, who conquered the world, and whose priest was Brhaduktha. 1 viii. 23. The reading may be a-raja, ' not a king,' but this is not necessary. Durya, ' belonging to the door or house,' appears in several passages of the Samhitas1 as a plural substantive denoting the 1 door-posts,' or more generally ' dwelling.' 1 Masculine plural, Rv. i. 91, 19; 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, i. 11; feminine x. 40, 12 ; Taittirlya Samhita, i. 6, 3, 1 ; | plural, Rv. iv. 1, 9. 18 ; 2, 12 ; vii. 1,114 Duryona occurs a few times in the Rigveda1 in the sense of ' house.' 1 i. 174, 7 ; v. 29, 10 ; 32, 8. Dur-varaha probably denotes a ' wild boar.' It is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana1 and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana.2 xii. 4, 1, 4. i. 51, 4 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 23, 332). Dula. See Naksatra (Krttikas). Dug-carman, 'afflicted with a skin disease,' occurs in the Taittirlya Samhita1 and Brahmana.2 The disease meant is probably leprosy, the usual name of which is Kilasa.3 Taittirlya Aranyaka,, 1 "• 1. 4. 3; 5. 1. 7- 2 i. 7, 8, 3. 8 PancavimSa Brahmana, xiv. 3, 17 ; xxin. 16, 11 v. 4, 12. Duta] NAMES— DA UGHTER— MESSENGER 37 1 Duh-gasu is possibly a proper name in the Rigveda,1 and would then denote an enemy of KuruSravana. Ludwig2 thinks that he was a Pargu or Persian, but this is most improbable, and the word may simply be an adjective meaning ' malignant.' 1 x. 33, 1. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 165. Duh-gima is mentioned in the Rigveda1 as a generous donor, his patronymic perhaps being Tanva.2 x. 93, 14. x. 93. 15- Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 166. Dus-taritu, ' hard to defeat,' is the name of a king of the Srnjayas, who was deposed from a principality that had existed for ten generations, but was re-instated by Cakra Sthapati in spite of the resistance of Balhika Pratipiya, according to the Satapatha Brahmana.1 1 xii. 9, 3, 1 et seq. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 205 207. Duh-santa. See Dauhsanti. Duhitr is the regular designation of * daughter ' from the Rigveda onwards.1 The word appears to be derived from duh, ' milk,' in the sense of one who nourishes a child, rather than as the ' milker ' of the primitive family or the suckling.2 See also Stri, Pati, Pitr, Bhratr. 1 Rv. viii. 101, 15; x. 17, 1; 40, 5; 61, 5. 7; Av. ii. 14, 2; vi. 100, 3; vii. 12, 1; x. 1, 25; Satapatha Brah- mana, i. 7, 4, 1 ; 8, 1, 8, etc. 2 Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Ver- wandtschaftsnamen, 454. Duta, ' messenger' or * envoy,' is found several times in the Rigveda1 and later,2 used metaphorically. The Suta seems to have performed the duties later assigned to the Duta. 1 iii. 3, 2 ; vi. 4 ; vn. 3, 3 ; x. 14, 2 Av. viii. 8, 10, etc. ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 5, 1, 6 ; Kausitaki Upanisad, ii. 1, etc. The feminine form Duti is found in Rv. x. 108, 2. 3, in the story of Sarama's mission to the Panis. Dutya, * mission, ' occurs in Rv. i. 12, 4; 161, 1 ; iv. 7, 8 ; 8, 4, etc. 24—2 372 A GRASS— GARMENT— RHEUM— LEATHER BAG [ Durva Durva, a species of grass (Panicum dactylon), is mentioned frequently from the Rigveda1 onwards.2 It grew in damp ground.3 A simile occurring in the Rigveda4 seems to indicate that the ears lay horizontal with the stem. Cf. Pakadurva. i x. 16, 13; 134.5; 142, 8. 2 Taittirlya Samhita, iv. 2, 9, 2 ; v. 2, 8, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiii. 20 ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 5. 8 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, iv. 5, 10, 5 ; vii. 4, 2, 10. 12, etc. 3 Rv. x. 16, 13 ; 142, 8. 4 x. 134, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 70. Dur6a, denoting some kind of garment, is mentioned twice in the Atharvaveda.1 Weber2 thinks that it was worn by the aborigines. 1 iv. 7, 6; viii. 6, 11. 2 Indische Studien, 18, 29. Duslka, * rheum of the eyes,' is mentioned as a disease h the Atharvaveda1 and later.2 1 xvi. 6, 8. I saneyi Samhita, xxv. 9 ; Satapatha 2 Kathaka Samhita, xxxiv. 12 ; Vaja- | Brahmana, iii. 1, 3, 10. Drdha-cyut Agfasti (' descendant of Agastya ') is mentionec in the Jaiminiya Brahmana1 as having been Udga.tr priest at the Sattra (' sacrificial session ') of the Vibhinduklyas. 1 iii. 233 {Journal of the American of the patronymic is Agastya) as the Oriental Society, 18, 38). He is given author of Rv. ix. 25. Cf. Indische in the Anukramani (where the form Studien, 3, 219. Drdha-jayanta. See VipaScit and VaipaScita. 1. Drti, a * leather bag to hold fluids,' is frequently mentionec in the Rigveda1 and later.2 In one passage3 it is called dhmata, ' inflated,' the man afflicted with dropsy being compared with such a bag. Milk (Ksira) and intoxicating liquor (Sura) are mentioned as kept in bags.4 1 i. 191, 10; iv. 51, 1. 3 ; v. 83, vi. 48, 18 ; 103, 2 ; viii. 5, 19 ; 9, 18. 2 Av. vii. 18, 1 ; Taittirlya Sam- hita, i. 8, 19, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxvi. 18. 19; Taittirlya Brahmana, i. 8, 3, 4 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, v. 10, 2, etc. 3 Rv. vii. 89, 2. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 20, 30. 4 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiv. n, 26 ; xvi. 13, 13. Dr§ad ] NA MES— MILLSTONE 373 2. Drti Aindrota (' descendant of Indrota ') is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 as a contemporary of Abhipratarin Kaksaseni and as a pupil of Indrota Daivapa in a Vamsa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana.2 Possibly the same Drti is meant in the compound Drti-Vatavantau, which is found in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.3 The former is here said to have continued, after the Mahavrata was over, the sacrificial session in which both had been engaged, with the result that his descendants prospered more than the Vatavatas. 1 xiv. i, i2. 15. 2 iii. 40, 2. 3 xxv. 3, 6. So a Sattra of a year's duration is later called Drti-vatavator ay ana, Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxiv. 4, 16 ; 6, 25 ; Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 3; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xiii. 23, 1 ; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, x. 10, 7. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 52, 53- Dppta-balaki Gargya (' descendant of Gargra ') is the name of a teacher who is mentioned in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (ii. 1, 1) as a contemporary of Ajatagatru of Kaii. Drbhika is the name of a man1 or a demon,2 who, according to the Rigveda,3 was slain by Indra. 1 Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 152, 207, who compares the Derbikes ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 162. 2 Grassmann, Worterbuch, s.v. ; Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 85. 3 ii. 14, 3. Dr&ina Bharg-ava (' descendant of Bhrgu ') is mentioned as a seer in the Kathaka Samhita.1 1 xvi. 8. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 459. Drsad appears in the Rigveda1 and Atharvaveda2 to denote not a millstone,3 but merely a stone used to pound grain, which was placed on another stone as a support. When used later4 1 vii. 104, 22 ; via. 72, 4. 2 ii. 31, 1 ; v. 23, 8. 3 Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 269. 4 Taittirlya Samhita, i. 6, 8, 3 ; 9, 3 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. X, 1,22; ii. 6 1, 9, etc. 374 THE RIVER DRSADVATI— NAMES [ Drsadvati in connexion with Upala, the lower and the upper millstone, or mortar and pestle may be meant ; but this is not certain. Eggeling5 renders them as the large and small millstones. See also Upara and Upala. 5 Sacred Boohs of the East, 12, 11 I guished from ' mortar and pestle,' (drsad - upale, which are here distin- | ulukhala-musale). Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 108, 109. Drsadvati, ' stony,' is the name of a river which flows into the Sarasvati after running for a time parallel to it. It is mentioned in the Rigveda,1 along with the Sarasvati and the Apaya, as the scene of action of the Bharata princes. In the Pancavimsa Brahmana2 and later3 the Drsadvati and the Sarasvati are the scene of special sacrifices. In Manu4 these two rivers form the western boundary of the Middle Country. 1 m. 23, 4. 2 xxv. 10. 13. 3 Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxiv. 6, 6. 38 ; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, x. 19, 4. * ii. 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 18; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 34 ; Indian Literature, 67, 102 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 87. Drsta. See Adrsta. Devaka Manyamana (' descendant of Manyamana ') appears in the Rigveda1 as an opponent of the Trtsus, and as connected with Sambara. Possibly, however, as Grassmann suggests, the words should be understood as denoting Sambara, ' who deemed himself a god,' devaka being used contemptuously.2 vii. 18, 20 (devakam cin manya- 2 Cf. Rv. ii. 11, 2 (amartyam cid dasam manyamanam). Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 173. Devakl-putra, * son of Devaki,' is the metronymic of Krsna in the Chandogya Upanisad.1 According to the Epic,2 a Devaka was father of Devaki, Kysna's mother ; the St. Peters- burg Dictionary suggests that he was the ' king of the Gandh- arvas', also referred to in the Epic.3 1 iii. 17, 6. 2 Mahabharata, i. 4480 ; v. 80, etc. 3 Ibid., i. 2704. Devabhaga ] NAMES— DICEBOARD— LUNAR MANSIONS 375 Deva-jana-vidya, ' knowledge of divine beings,' is one of the sciences enumerated in the Satapatha Brahmana1 and the Chandogya Upanisad.2 1 xiii. 4, 3, 10. Cf, x. 5, 2, 20. vn. 1, 2. 4; 2, 1 ; 7, 1, Deva-taras Syavasayana KaSyapa ('descendant of Kasyapa') is mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana1 as a pupil of RgyaSrhg-a. In the Vamsa Brahmana,2 as Savasayana, he is a pupil of his father Savas, who again was a pupil of Kasyapa. 1 iii. 40, 2. 2 Indische Studien, 4, 373. Devatya occurs in the text of the Atharvaveda,1 where it must, if the reading is correct, denote some animal.2 But the reading should no doubt be rohim-devatyas, ' having the red one as deity.'3 1 i- 22, 3. 2 Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, 3 Whitney, Translation of the Athar- vaveda, 23. Devana is mentioned once in the Rigveda1 in connexion with dicing. The word must designate the place on which the dice are thrown (elsewhere called Adhidevana), and it is so explained by Durga in his commentary on the Nirukta.2 1 x. 43, 5. Cf. Liiders, Das Wiirfelspiel im alten Indien, 14. Deva-naksatra, ' asterism of the gods,' is the name applied in the Taittinya Brahmana1 to the first fourteen lunar mansions, which are said to be south, while the others are called Yama- naksatra, ' asterisms of Yama,' and are said to be north. See Naksatra. 1 i. 5, 2, 6. 7. Cf. Weber, Naxatra, 2, 309, 310. Deva-bhagra Srautarsa is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana1 as the Purohita, or 'domestic priest,' of both the 1 ii. 4, 4, 5. This passage is mis- I Weber, Indische Studien, 2, 9, n. ; quoted by Sayana on Rv. i. 81, 3. See I Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 152. 376 NAMES [ Devamalimluc Sriijayas and the Kurus. In the Aitareya Brahmana2 he is said to have taught Girija Babhravya the science of the dissection of the sacrificial animal (pa&or vibhakti). In the Taittiriya Brahmana3 he is an authority on the Savitra Agni. 2 vii. i. 3 iii. 10, 9, 11. Deva-malimluc, ' robber of the gods,' is the epithet of Rahasya,1 who is said in the Pancavimsa Brahmana2 to have slain the pious Vaikhanasas at Munimarana (* saint's death '). He was apparently an Asura, but may have been a real person. 1 Or Rahasyu. 1 of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and 2 xiv. 4, 7. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions \ Sciences, 15, 51, 52. Deva-muni, 'divine saint,' is the epithet of Tura in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xxv. 14, 5). The name is given in the AnukramanI to the author of a hymn of the Rigveda (x. 146). Deva-rajan apparently denotes a king of Brahminical descent in the phrase ' Samans of Devarajans ' in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xviii. 10, 5). Cf. Rajanyarsi and Varna. Deva-rata (' god-given ') VaiSvamitra (' descendant of ViSva- mitra ') is the name given to Sunahsepa after his adoption by Visvamitra in the Aitareya Brahmana.1 1 vii. 17. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 27. Devala is mentioned as a Esi in the Kathaka Samhita (xxii. 11). See also Daivala. Devavant is mentioned in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') in the Rigveda1 as the ancestor of Sudas, apparently his grand- father; or if Pijavana be accepted as Sudas' father, and Divodasa as his grandfather, then his great-great-grandfather, and father of Vadhryagva. The succession in the latter case would then be Devavant, Vadhryasva, Divodasa, Pijavana, Sudas. 1 vii. 18, 22. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 171 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 138. Devapi Ar§ti§ena J NAMES OF PRINCES AND SEERS 377 Deva-vata (' desired of the gods ') is the name of a Bharata prince in the Rigveda,1 where he is mentioned as sacrificing on the Drsadvati, Sarasvati, and Apaya. 1 iii. 23, 2. Cf. Oldenberg, Buddha, 409 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 218. Deva-vidya, ' knowledge of the gods,' is one of the sciences enumerated in the Chandogya Upanisad (vii. 1, 2,4; 2, 1 ; 7, 1). Deva-sravas is the name of a Bharata prince who with Devayata appears as a sacrificer on the Drsadvati, Sarasvati, and Apaya in the Rigveda.1 1 iii. 23, 2. 3. In the Anukramani he is called a son of Yama, and has a hymn, x. 17, ascribed to him. Devatithi Kanva {■ descendant of Kanva ') is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 as the seer of a Saman (chant) by which he turned pumpkins into cows for himself and his son when they were starving in the desert, whither they had been driven by rivals. He is also the reputed author of a hymn of the Rigveda.2 1 ix. 2, 19. j necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 8 viii. 4. 61. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- \ Devapi Arstisena (' descendant of Rstisena') is mentioned in a hymn of the Rigveda1 and in the Nirukta.2 According to the latter source there were two brothers, Devapi and Santanu, princes of the Kurus. The elder was Devapi, but Santanu got himself anointed king, whereupon no rain fell for twelve years. The drought being attributed by the Brahmins to his having superseded his elder brother, Santanu offered the kingdom to Devapi. The latter, however, refused, but acting as Purohita, or domestic priest, for his brother, obtained rain. The Brhad- devata3 tells much the same tale, but adds that the reason for Devapi's exclusion from the throne was the fact that he suffered from a skin disease. The Epic and later legends further 1 x. 98. 8 vii. 148 et seq., with MacdonelPs 2 ii. 10. I notes. 378 LEGEND OF DEV API— BROTHER-IN-LAW [ Dei develop the story, presenting two somewhat discrepant accounts According to the one version,4 the ground of Devapi's being passed over was leprosy, while in the other his devoting himself to asceticism in his youth was the cause of his brother's taking his place. The Epic,5 moreover, treats him as a son of Pratlpa, and names as his brothers Bahlika6 and Arstisena,7 who is a new figure developed from the patronymic of Devapi. Possibly Sieg8 is right in holding that two stories, those of Devapi, Pratlpa's son, and of Devapi, Kstisena's son, have been confused; but in any case it is impossible to extract history from them.9 The Rigvedic hymn certainly appears to represent Devapi as sacrificing for Santanu, who seems to be called Aulana.10 But there is no trace in it of the brotherhood of the two men, nor is there anything to show that Devapi was not a Brahmin, but a Ksatriya. Sieg,11 who interprets the hymn by the Nirukta, thinks that he was a Ksatriya, but on this occasioi was enabled by the favour of Brhaspati to officiate as priest, and that the hymn shows clear recognition of the unusual character of his action ; but this view seems very improbable. 4 Mahabharata, v. yyfretseq. (=149, | 7 Ibid., cited in n. 5. 15 et seq.), where Santanu is (as also in | 8 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 136. the Agni, eclxxvii. 34, the Brahma, 9 As does Pargiter, Journal of th xiii. 114, 118, and the Visnu Puranas) the form of the name ; Matsya Purana, 1. 39 et seq., in which, as well as in the Bhagavata, ix. 22, 12. 13, and the Vayu Purana, xcix. 234, 237, the form is Santanu. 5 Mahabharata, i. 3751 ( = 94, 62); ix. 2285 ( = 40, 1) ; Vayu Purana, »■ 37. 230, etc. 6 Mahabharata, cited in n. 4; Hari- vamsa, 18 19. Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, 52, 53. 10 RV. x. 98, 11. 11 Op. cit., 129-142. Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 272 et seq. ; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 203 Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 192^ seq.; Macdonell, Brhaddevatd, 1, xxix; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 131, 132. Devr is a rare word denoting the wife's ' brother-in-law (that is, the husband's brother). He is included with the sisters of the husband among those over whom the wife of the husband — his elder brother — rules j1 at the same time the wife is to be devoted to him,2 and friendly to him.3 After the death 1 Rv. x. 85, 46. Cf. Pati. 2 Rv. x. 85, 44. Av. xiv. 2, 18. Cf. xiv. 1, 39. Daidhi§avya ] LAND— DIKE— SON OF YOUNGER SISTER 379 of the husband the Devr could perform the duty of begetting a son for him.4 No word occurs for the wife's brother corresponding to Devr. 4 Rv. x. 40, 2. Cf. x. 18, 8 ; Kaegi, Der Rigveda, n. 51 ; Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 385 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 948. Cf. Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschafts- namen, 516. De§a, ' land,' is a word that does not come into use till the time of the Upanisads and Sutras,1 excepting one occurrence in the latest period of the Brahmana2 literature, and one in a much-discussed passage of the Vajasaneyi Samhita,3 where the Sarasvati is mentioned as having live tributaries. This passage militates against the view that Sarasvati was a name of the Indus, because the use of Desa here seems to indicate4 that the seer of the verse placed the Sarasvati in the Madhya- desa or * Middle Country,' to which all the geographical data of the Yajurvedas point.5 1 Where its use becomes common: I 3 xxxiv. 11. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 1, 16 ; 2, 3 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 14, 6 ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 4, 17, etc. So the adjective des'iya, ' belong- ing to a land,' Katyayana, xxii. 4, 22; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 6, 28. 2 Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 10 (a late passage) . 4 Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, io, who thinks that the word crept into the text, where the Sarasvati originally meant the Indus, with the five tribu- taries of the Panjab. 5 Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 174. Dehi in two passages of the Rigveda1 refers to defences thrown up against an enemy, apparently earthworks or dikes. Cf. Pup. 1 vi. 47, 2; vii. 6, 5. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 344; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 143. Daidhisavya is mentioned in a Mantra of the Taittiriya Samhita.1 Apparently the word (as derived from Didhisu) denotes the son of a younger sister married before the elder sister,2 rather than the son of a woman twice married, the explanation of the St. Petersburg Dictionary. 1 iii. 2, 4, 4 ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, I 2 American Journal of Philology, 17, ii. 1, 22 ; Kausika Sutra, 3, 5 ; 137, 37. | 431, n. 380 PATRONYMICS— SCIENCE OF PORTENTS [ Daiyampati Daiyampati, 'descendant of Dayampata,' is the name of a teacher of the east, who was instructed by Safldilyayana, according to the Satapatha Brahmana (ix. 5, 1, £4), in the lore of the construction of the fire-altar. The same patronymic is given, in the form of Dayyampati, to Plaksa, the contemporary of Atyamhas in the Taittirfya Brahmana (iii. 10, 9, 3-5). 1. Daiva (masc.) appears in the list of sciences in the Chandogya Upanisad,1 where Sankara explains it as utpdta- jfldna, apparently the 'knowledge of portents.' The St. Peters- burg Dictionary suggests that the word is here used adjectivally, and this view is followed by Little2 and by Bohtlingk in his translation.3 1 vii. i, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. 3 Though he does not render it. 2 Grammatical Index, 83. I (Daiva Nidhi). 2. Daiva is the patronymic of the mythical Atharvan in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 1 ii. 5, 22; iv. 5, 28 (Madhyamdina) . Daivala, ' descendant of Devala,' is the patronymic of Asita in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xiv. 11, 18). Daiva- vata, ' descendant of Devavata,' is the patronymic of Spfijaya, probably the Srnjaya king, in the Rigveda. He is mentioned1 as a devotee of the fire cult, and as victorious over the TupvaSa king and the Vrcivants.2 According to Zimmer,a his name was Abhyavartin Cayamana Parthava (' descendant of Prthu '), but Hillebrandt4 recognizes this as doubtful, though he none the less places the Srnjayas to the west of the Indus with Divodasa. What is more important is to note that the name suggests connexion with the Bharata Devavata, and as Kurus and Srnjayas were closely connected5 this is not immaterial. 1 Rv. iv. 15, 4. 2 Rv. vi. 27, 7. 3 Altindisches Leben, 133, 134. 4 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 105, 106. 6 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 4, 5. Cf. Oldenberg, Buddha, 402, 405 ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 153. DaureSravas ] PATRONYMICS— EVENING MILKING 38i Daivapa, ' descendant of Devapi,' is the patronymic of Indrota in the Satapatha Brahmana1 and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana.2 No connexion can be traced with the Devapi of the Rigveda.3 1 xm. 5, 4, I. 2 iii. 40, 1. 3 x. 98. See Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- schaft, 42, 240. Daivavrdha, 'descendant of Devavrdha,' is the patronymic of Babhru in the Aitareya Brahmana (vii. 34). Daivo-dasi, ' descendant of Divodasa,' is the patronymic of Pratardana in the Kausltaki Brahmana1 and the Kausitaki Upanisad.2 It is impossible to ascertain whether the famous Divodasa is meant. 1 xxvi. 5. 2 iii. 1. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 214. Dosa, 'evening,' is frequently referred to from the Rigveda1 onwards,2 usually as contrasted with usas, ' dawn.' In the Chandogya Upanisad3 the word is contrasted with pratar, 1 early.' See also Ahan. 1 i. 34. 3 ; 179. 1; ii. 8, 3; iv. 2, v- 5> 6 ; 32, 11 ; vi. 5, 2, etc. Av. vi. 1, 1 ; Nirukta, iv. 17. vi. 13, 1. Doha, 'milking,' is a common word in the Atharvaveda1 and later.2 Reference is made in the Sutras3 to the sdyam-doha, ' evening milking,' and the pratar-doha, ' morning milking.' Dohana has the same sense.4 See also Go. 1 iv. 11, 4. 9. 12; v. 17, 17; viii. 9, 15 (where five milkings are referred to metaphorically). In Rv. x. 42, 2, the literal sense is found. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, viii. 62 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, i. i, 10, 2 ; ii. 2, 9, 9, etc. 3 Katyayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 2, 38, etc. * Rv. viii. 12, 32 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, ix. 2, 3, 30 ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 2, 37, etc. Daure-sravas, ' descendant of Duresravas,' is the patronymic of the priest Prthusravas, who officiated at the snake sacrifice described in the Paficavimsa Brahmana (xxv. 15, 3). 382 PATRONYMICS— DICING— A PRINCE [ DaureSruta Daure-gruta, 'descendant of Duresruta,' is the patronymic of the priest Timirgha, who officiated at the snake sacrifice described in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xxv. 15, 3). Daur-g-aha. See Durgraha. Dauh-santi (' descendant of Duhsanta ') is the patronymic of Bharata in the Aitareya (viii. 23) and Satapatha (xiii. 5, 4, 11) Brahmanas. Dyutana Maruta (' descendant of the Maruts ') is the name of a divine being invoked in the Vajasaneyi Samhita1 and the Taittiriya Samhita,2 and also mentioned in the Kathaka Samhita.3 In the Satapatha4 Brahmana the name is explained to mean Vayu, while in the Pancavimsa Brahmana6 he seems to be regarded as the author of a Saman (chant). He is treated as a Rsi by the AnukramanI, which credits him with the authorship of a hymn of the Rigveda (viii. 96). v. 27. v- 5, 8 xv. 7. 4 iii. 6, 1, 16. 5 xvii. 1, 7. Cf. vi. 4, 2. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 311 ; Indische Studien, 3, 220. Dyumna, according to Pischel,1 denotes ' raft ' in one passage of the Rigveda.2 1 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- I 2 viii. 19, 14. Idndischen Gesellscha/t, 35, 720 et seq. Dyuta, ' dicing,' is mentioned in the Atharvaveda1 and the Sutras.2 See Ak§a. 1 xii. 3, 46. I Latyayana Srauta Sutra, iv. io, 23, 2 Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 6, 2 ; | etc. Dyotana is, according to Sayana, the name of a prince in the Rigveda.1 This is probably correct, though the word may also2 be interpreted as denoting 'glorification'; but it is not clear what relation existed between Dyotana and the other persons mentioned in the same passage, Vetasu, DaSoni, Tutuji, and Tugra. 1 vi. 20, 8. 2 As by Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 380. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 55, 328. Dm ] DROP— CLOAK— WOODEN VESSEL 383 Drapsa is a common word from the Rigveda onwards1 for a ' drop ' : according to Sayana,2 a ' thick drop ' as opposed to stoka, a ' small drop.' Hence there frequently occurs the ex- pression dadhi-drapsaS drop of curds.' 3 In the Rigveda4 the word normally denotes the thick drops of Soma or the Soma itself. In two passages5 Roth6 sees the sense of 'banner,' which is adopted by Oldenberg.7 Geldner,8 on the other hand, con- siders that ' dust ' is meant, but this interpretation is not very probable. Max M tiller9 renders the word * rain-drop ' in one of the passages. 1 Rv. i. 94, 11 (perhaps a 'drop' of fire) ; v. 63, 4 ('rain-drop') ; vii. 33, 11 ( = retas) ; Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 1, 2, 6; drapsin ('thick-flowing'), xi. 4, «i 15. * Taittiriya Samhita, 1, p. 70, 7. Cf. the epithet uru-drapsa, Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 3, 10, 2 ; Sayana, on Av. xviii. 4, 18, takes drapsa to mean 1 drops of curd ' ; so Agnisvamin on Latyayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 2, 4. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 2, 3, 40. ix. 78, 4 10 ; 2; 97. 56 106, 8; x. 11, 4; 17, 11. 12. Cf. Tait- tiriya Samhita, iii. 3, 9, 1. 5 iv. 13, 2, and drapsin in i. 64, 2. 6 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. satvan ; Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v. drapsa, drapsin. 7 Sacred Books of the East, 46, 357 ; Rgveda-Noten, 1, 64, 65. 8 Vedische Studien, 3, 57, 58 ; Rigveda, Glossar, 88. 9 Sacred Boohs of the East, 32, 104. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 80, with reference to Rv. i. 64, 2. Cf. Macdonell, op. cit., pp. 105, 113. Drapi occurs several times in the Rigveda1 in the sense of 1 mantle ' or * cloak.'2 Sayana, however, renders the word by * coat of mail '3 (kavaca). This seems needless, but none of the passages are very decisive one way or the other. ix. 86, 1 i. 25, 13 ; 116, 10 ; iv. 53, 2 14 ; 100, 9 ; Av. iii. 13, 1. 2 Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary s.v. ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 472 Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 333. 3 Cf. Max Muller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 536; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 201 1 1 202. Dru denotes a vessel made of wood,1 and in particular the vessel used at the Soma sacrifice,2 perhaps, as Hillebrandt3 sug- gests, to catch the Soma juice when running through the sieve. In the Taittiriya Brahmana4 the word simply means * wood.' 1 Rv. i. 161, 1; v. 86, 3 ; viii. 66, 11 ; in x. 101, 10, the mortar seems meant. In v. 86, 3, Bohtlingk takes it to denote a ' wooden handle. ' 2 ix. 1, 2 ; 65, 6; 98, 2. 3 Vedische My thologie, 1, 191, 192. 4 i. 3, 9, 1. So often in compounds, e.g., Rv. ii. 7, 6; vi. 12, 4, etc. 384 CLUB— POST— TREE— WOOD-CUTTER [ Drughana Dru-grhana is found in the Mudgala hymn of the Rigveda1 and in the Atharvaveda.2 The sense is uncertain. Yaska3 renders it as a ' ghana made of wood,' probably, as Roth4 takes it, meaning a 'club of wood.' Geldner6 thinks that it was a wooden bull used by Mudgala as a substitute for a second bull when he wanted to join in a race. But this interpretation of the legend is very improbable.6 Whitney7 translates the word as ' tree-smiter ' in the Atharvaveda, quoting Say ana, who explains it as a * cutting instrument,' so called because trees are struck with it. 1 x. 102, 9. I Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 2 vii. 28, 1. ( 46, 462 ; Bloomfield, ibid., 48, 456 ; 3 Nirukta, ix. 23. Franke, Vienna Oriental Journal, 8, 4 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. \ 342. 5 Vedische Studien, 2, 3, 4. 7 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 6 Cf. von Bradke, Zeitschri/t der ' 407. Dru-pada, a ' wooden pillar ' or ' post,' is several times referred to in the Rigveda1 and later.2 Sunahsepa was bound to three posts for sacrifice.3 Thieves, there is some evidence to show, were tied to posts as a penalty for stealing.4 1 i. 24, 13 ; iv. 32, 23. 2 Av. vi. 63, 3 ; 115, 2; xix. 47, 9 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xx. 20. 3 Rv. i. 24, 13. 4 Av. xix. 47, 9 ; 50, 1. Cf. vi. 63, 3 = 84, 4. See Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 181, 182, and Taskara, n. 26. Druma, 'tree,' is not found until the later period in the Sadvimsa Brahmana (v. 11) and the Nirukta (iv. 19; v. 26; ix. 23). Druvaya, 'wooden,' is used in the Atharvaveda1 as an epithet of the drum. in part read dhruvaye, and the Paip- palada has druye. 1 v. 20, 2. Cf. xi. 1, 12, where it is an epithet of upasvasa, 'blower,' pos- sibly ' bellows ' ; but the manuscripts Dru-han, ' wood-cutter,' seems to be meant by the word druhantara in the Rigveda,1 where it is usually taken as druham- tara, ' fiend-overpowering.' But as an epithet of parasu, ' axe,' the other sense (' mighty wood-cutter ') 2 is more probable.8 1 i. 127, 2. of the comparative. See Oldenberg, 2 But if this explanation is correct, Sacred Books of the East, 46, 132. the word should have the accentuation 3 Cf. Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 130. Dvapara ] THE DRUHYUS— TROUGH-- BUCKETS— YEAR 385 Druhyu is the name of a people mentioned several times in the Rigveda. In one passage1 it occurs, in the plural, with the Yadus, Turvasas, Anus, and Purus, suggesting that these are the famous five peoples of the Rigveda.2 Again, the Druhyu king shared in the defeat of his allies by Sudas, and appears to have perished in the waters.3 In a second passage Druhyu, Anu, Turvasa, and Yadu are all mentioned in the singular,4 while in another Puru and Druhyu occur.5 From the tribal grouping it is probable that the Druhyus were a north-western people,6 and the later tradition of the Epic connects Gandhara and Druhyu.7 1 i. 108, 8. 2 Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 122, 125; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 258 et seq. 3 vii. 18. vin. 10, 5. 6 vi. 46, 8. 6 Roth, Zur Litteratur und Geschichte des Weda, 131-133. 7 Pargiter, Journal of the Royal A siatic Society, 1910, 49. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 205 ; Macdonell, Vedic Myth- ology, p. 140. Drona denotes in the Rigveda1 a * wooden trough,' and more specifically it designates in the plural vessels used for holding Soma.2 The great wooden reservoir for Soma is called a Drona-kalasa.3 The altar was sometimes made in the form of 3l Drona.4 1 vi. 2, 8; 37, 2; 44, 20; ix. 93, 1; \ Vajasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 21 ; xix. 27; Nirukta, v. 26. j Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 17. 32. Sata- 2 ix. 3, 1; 15. 7i 28, 4; 30, 4; 67, 14, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 280. 3 Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 2, 1, 2; patha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 17, etc. * Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 4, 7 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxi. 4; Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 7, 2,8. Dronahava is used as an epithet of Avata, 'well,' in the Rigveda,1 apparently in the sense of ' having wooden buckets ' with reference to the drawing up of water. 1 x. 1 01, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 157. Dvada^a, ' consisting of twelve,'1 is used of the year in the Rigveda (vii. 103, 9). See Naksatra. 1 Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlcindischen Gesellschaft, 48, 645 etseq. Dvapara. See Aksa and Yuga. VOL. I. 25 386 DOOR— JANITOR— A SEER— ARYANS-BIPED [ Dvar Dvar is frequently used from the Rigveda1 onwards2 to denote the * door ' of a house. The later form, Dvara, has the same sense.3 Cf. Grha. The * door-fastener ' is called Dvara- pidhana in the Satapatha Brahmana.4 1 i. 13. 6. 2 Av. viii. 3, 22 ; xiv. 1, 63 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxx. 10; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 1, 1, 2 ; xiv. 3, 1, 13, etc. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 1, 19 ; iv- 3, 5, 9 ; 6, 7, 9 ; xi. 4, 4, 2, etc. Av. x. 8, 43, has nava-dvara, ' having nine openings,' of the body. 4 xi. 1, 1, 1. Cf. dvara-bahu, ' door- posts,' in Latyayana Srauta Sutra, i- 3. 1 ; "• 3, 9- Dvara-pa, * door-keeper,' is only found in a metaphorical sense in the Aitareya Brahmana (i. 30), where Visnu is called the * doorkeeper ' of the gods, and in the Chandogya Upanisad (iii. 13, 6). Dvi-gat Bharg-ava (' descendant of Bhrgu ') is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xiv. 9) as the seer of a Saman or Chant, by means of which he twice went to the heavenly world. Dvi-ja, ' twice-born,' as an epithet of the Aryans generally, or of the Brahmins in particular, is not found in Vedic litera- ture except in a quite obscure verse of the Atharvaveda.1 1 xix. 71, 1. Cf. Whitney, Transla- tion of the Atharvaveda, 1008 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 204. Neither dvi- janman nor dvi-jati occurs early, and the idea is not in this form an early one. Dvi-pad, * two-footed,' * biped,' denotes man, as opposed to quadrupeds, from the Rigveda1 onwards.2 1 i. 49, 3 ; iii. 62, 14 ; viii. 27, 12 ; x. 97, 20 ; 117, 8. 2 Av. ii. 34, 1 ; x. i, 24; Vajasaneyi Samhita, viii. 30 ; ix. 31 ; xiii. 17 xiv. 8, etc. Dvi-bandhu is in an obscure hymn of the Rigveda,1 according to Roth2 and Grassmann,3 the name of a man, while Ludwig4 renders it as a simple adjective meaning ' of double kinship.' 1 x. 61, 17. I 3 Worterbuch.s.v., and Translation of 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary. | the Rigveda, 2, 475. 4 Translation of the Rigveda, 2, 643, and 5, 526. DvyopaSa ] BATTLE— ASS AND MARE— ISLAND— PANTHER 387 Dvi-raja (neut.), 'conflict between two kings,' or 'battle,' is mentioned in the Atharvaveda (v. 20, 9). Cf. Daiarajna. Dvi-retas, * having double seed,' is an epithet of both the ass1 and the mare.2 1 Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 9; Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 3, 1, 23. Cf. Gardabha. 2 Pancavimsa Brahmana, vi. 1, 4. Dvipa, ' island,' is mentioned in the Rigveda1 and later.2 But there is no reason to imagine that the islands referred to were other than sandbanks in the great rivers, Indus or Ganges.3 Vedic literature knows nothing of the system of geography according to which the earth consists of four, seven, or thirteen Dvlpas grouped round Mount Meru. 1 i. 169, 3. I patha Brahmana, xii. 2, 1, 3 ; Latya- 2 Kathaka Samhita, xiii. 2; Sata- I yana Srauta Sutra, i. 6, 10. 3 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 256. Dvipin,1 ' panther' or ' leopard,' is mentioned in the Athar- vaveda2 and the Maitrayani Samhita.3 1 Lit., 'insulated' — i.e., 'spotted.' 2 iv. 8, 7 ; vi. 38, 2 ; xix. 49, 4, in every case associated with the tiger. 3 h. 1, 9. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 80. Dvaita-vana, 'descendant of Dvitavana,' is the patronymic of Dhvasan, the king of the Matsyas, whose Asvamedha, or \ horse sacrifice,' is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (xiii. 5, 4, 9). Dvy-opaSa. See OpaSa. 25—2 388 PRIZE— TREASURY— ASTERISM— SANDBANK [ Dhana DH. Dhana, ' prize,' is often found in the Rigveda,1 probably the prize in racing rather than the ' booty ' in battle. It also denotes2 the 'stake' at dicing. In some passages it possibly means the ' contest ' itself.3 More generally it denotes ' wealth ' or • gift.'4 But it sometimes expresses ' booty,'5 probably from the notion of { wealth ' rather than of ■ prize/ 1 Rv. i. 81, 3 ; vi. 45, 2 ; viii. 80, 8 ; ix. 53, 2 ; 109, 10. Cf. Geldner, Ve- dische Studien, 1, 120; Pischel, ibid., 1, 171. 2 Rv. x. 34, 10 ; Av. iv. 38, 3. 8 Rv. i. 31, 6; v. 35, 7; vii. 38, 8; viii. 5, 26; 8, 21 ; 49, 9 ; 50, 9 ; x. 48, 5, etc. 4 Rv. i. 42, 6; x. 18, 2; 84, 7; Av. i. 15, 3; ii- 7, 4; iii- 15. 2; v. 19, vi. 81, 1 ; vii. 81, 4; viii. 5, 16, etc. 5 Rv. i. 74, 3 ; 157, 2, etc. Dhana-dham, a 'treasure house,' is mentioned in the Taittirr Aranyaka (x. 67). Dhanistha (' very rich '), used in the plural, is the later name of the lunar mansion (Naksatpa) Sravi§tha. 1 Santikalpa, 13 ; Sankhayana Gyhya Sutra, i. 26. Dhanu (fern.), 'sandbank,' occurs several times in the Rif veda,1 but only metaphorically of the clouds in the atmosphere Dhanu is found in the Atharvaveda,2 where it seems to denot a sandbag used to prevent bleeding.3 Cf. Dhanvan. 1 1. 33. 4 ; 144. 5 ; via. 3, 19 ; x. 4, 3 ; 27, 17. 2 i. 17. 4- 3 Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 411 ; Whitney, Translation of the Athai veda, 18 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of tl Atharvaveda, 259, 260. Dhanus, the 'bow,' frequently mentioned in the Rigveda ] and later,2 was the chief weapon of the Vedic Indian.3 The last act of the funeral rite included the removal of the bow from 1 viii. 72, 4 ; 77, 11 ; ix. 99, 1 ; x. 18, 9 ; 125. 6- 2 Av. iv. 4. 6 ; 6, 6 ; v. 18, 8 ; vii. 50, 9; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 10; Paftca- vimsa Brahmana, vii. 5, 6; Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 14; Satapatha Brah- mana, i. 5, 4, 6 ; v. 3, 1, 11, etc. 3 Rv. vi. 75, 2. Practically no other weapon plays any substantial part in Vedic warfare. Dhanvan ] BOW— DESERT 389 the right hand of the dead man.4 The weapon was composed of a stout staff bent into a curved shape (vakra),5 and of a bow- string (Jya) made of a strip of cowhide6 which joined the ends. The tips of the bow, when the string was fastened, were called Artni. Relaxed when not in actual use, the bow was specially strung up when needed for shooting.7 The stages of the process are given in detail in the Vajasaneyi Samhita :8 the stringing (a-tan) of the bow, the placing (prati-dhd) of the arrow, the bending (a-yani) of the bow, and the shooting (as). The arrow was discharged from the ear,9 and is hence called karna-yoni,10 * having the ear as its point of origin.'10 The making of bows was a regular profession (dhanus-kdra,11 dhanus-krt).12 For the arrow see Isu, and for the handguard Hastag-hna. 4 Rv. x. 18, 9. 5 Av. iv. 6, 4. 6 Rv. vi. 75, 11 ; Av. i. 2, 3. 7 Rv. x. 166, 3 ; Av. vi. 42, 1. 8 xvi. 22. 9 Rv. vi. 75, 2 et seq. So also in the Epic, Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 271. The Homeric method is to draw to the breast — e.g., Iliad, iv. 123. 10 Rv. ii. 24, 8. 11 xxx. 7. 12 xvi. 46. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Lebcn, 298, 299; Hopkins, op. cit., 13, 270 et seq. The Epic bow is about 5J feet, and the arrow 3 feet in length. i. Dhanvan, ' bow,' is found frequently in the Rigveda1 and later.2 It also occurs in the compounds isu-dhanva, ' bow and arrow,'3 ajya-dhanva,4 'having clarified butter for its bow,'5 adhijya-dhanva, ' bow with string fixed,' etc. Cf. Dhanus. . 1 ii. 24, 8; 33, 10; vi. 59, 7 ; 75, 2 viii. 20, 2 ; ix. 69, 1 ; Nirukta, ix. 17. 2 Av. i. 3, 9 ; iv. 4, 7; xi. 9, 1, etc. Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 9, etc. 3 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 19 ; isu- dhanvin} Taittiriya Samhita, v. 1, 2. 4 Aitareya Brahmana, i. 25. 5 Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 1, 1, 6. 2. Dhanvan, ' desert,' is repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda1 and later.2 Death from thirst in the desert was not rare,3 and l ii. 38, 7; iii. 45, 1 ; iv. 17, 2; 19> 7; 33, 7'> v- 53. 6; 83, 10, etc. In i. 116, 4, the strand of the ocean (Samudra) is mentioned. 2 Av. v. 13, 1 ; vi. 100, 1 ; vii. 41, i, etc. 3 Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 19. 39<> REED— CALF— LAW AND CUSTOM [ Dhamani the value of a spring in the desert was fully appreciated.4 The great desert east of the Sindhu (Indus) and the Sutudri (Sutlej) is possibly referred to in one hymn of the Rigveda.5 4 Rv. x. 4, i. Cf. vi. 34, 4, etc. ; Av. i. 6, 4 ; xix. 2, 2. 5 x. 86, 20. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 47, Dhamani, * reed,' appears to denote ' pipe ' in a passage of the Rigveda1 and in a citation appearing in the Nirukta.2 In the Atharvaveda3 it denotes, perhaps, 'artery' or 'vein,' or more generally ' intestinal channel,' being coupled in some passages4 with Hira. 1 ii. 11, 8. 2 vi. 24. 3 i. 17, 23 ; ii. 33, 6 ; vi. 90, 2 ; vii. 35, 2. Cf. Chandogya Upanisad, iii. 19, 2. * i. 17, 3 ; vii. 35, 2. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 259, 546. Dharuna in one passage of the Vajasaneyi Samhita (viii. 51) denotes a ■ sucking calf.' Dharma,1 Dharman,2 are the regular words, the latter in the Rigveda,1 and both later,2 for ' law ' or ' custom.' But there is very little evidence in the early literature as to the administra- tion of justice or the code of law followed. On the other hand, the Dharma Sutras3 contain full particulars. (1) Criminal Law. — The crimes recognized in Vedic litera- ture vary greatly in importance, while there is no distinction adopted in principle between real crimes and what now are regarded as fanciful bodily defects or infringements of merely 1 i. 22, 18; 164, 43. 50; iii. 3, 1; 17, 1; 6o, 6; v. 26, 6; 63, 7; 72, 2, etc. ; Av. xiv. 1,51; Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, x. 29, etc. Cf. Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 90. 2 Dharma is found in Av. xi. 7, 17 ; xii. 5, 7 ; xviii. 3, 1 ; Taittiriya Sam- hita, iii. 5, 2, 2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 6 ; xx. 9; xxx. 6, etc. 3 See Jolly, Recht und Sitte; Foy, Die konigliche Gewalt nach den altindischen Rechtsbiichern ; Biihler, Sacred Books of the East, 2 and 14. Dharma, Dharman ] CRIMINAL LAW 39 1 conventional practices.4 The crimes enumerated include the slaying of an embryo (bhruna),5 the slaying of a man {vira),6 and the slaying of a Brahmin,7 a much more serious crime. Treachery is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana8 as being punishable by death, as it was punished later.9 But there is no trace of an organized criminal justice vested either in the king or in the people. There still seems to have prevailed the system of wergeld (Vaira), which indicates that criminal justice remained in the hands of those who were wronged. In the Sutras,10 on the other hand, the king's peace is recognized as infringed by crimes, a penalty being paid to him, or, according to the Brahminical textbooks, to the Brahmins. It may there- 4 Compare the list in Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 1, 9 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxi. 7 ; Kapisthala Samhita, xlvii. 7 ; and Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 2, 8, 11 (see Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Ver- wandtschaftsnamen, 579 et seq.), where bodily defects (bad nails and discoloured teeth), marrying a younger daughter when her elder sister was unmarried, are coupled with murder, though not equated with it. See also Chandogya Upanisad, v. 11, 5, where Asvapati's list of sinners includes a drinker of intoxicating liquor, a thief, and one who does not maintain a sacrificial fire. 5 Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, 10, 2; Kathaka Samhita, xxvii. 9 ; xxxi. 7 ; Kapisthala Samhita, xli. 7 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 1,9; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 2, 8, 12; Taittiriya Aranyaka, ii. 7, 8 ; 8, 3 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 1, 22 ; Nirukta, vi. 27; Kausltaki Upanisad, iii. 1. Cf. Av. vi. 112. 3; 113, 2 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 9, 481 ; 10, 66 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 522; American Journal of Philology, 17, 430. 6 Kathaka, xxxi. 7 ; Kapisthala, he. cit. ; Maitrayani, loc. cit. ; Taittiriya Brahmana, loc. cit. ; Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, xxx. 5, and cf. Vaira. For cases of justifiable homicide, see, e.g., Vasistha Dharma Sutra, iii. 15-18. Cf. also the story of Vr^a Jana in Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiii. 3, 12, where the death of a boy by careless driving is mentioned, and the king is reproached for it by his Purohita* They dispute as to the guilt, and, according to one version (see Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 66, 67), the Iksvakus decide that the action was sinful, and required expiation. 7 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, 2 ; v. 3, 12, 1 ; vi. 5, 10, 2 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxi. 7 (where the Kapisthala has brahma-jya, ' oppressor of a Brah- min'); Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 2, 8, 12. The Taittiriya Aranyaka, x. 38, declares that the slaying of a Brahmin alone is truly murder, and the Sata- patha Brahmana, xiii. 3, 1, 1 et seq., states that the sin of murdering a Brahmin can be expiated only by the performance of an Asvamedha, or 'horse sacrifice ' — the ne phis ultra of human generosity to Brahmins. See also Nirukta, vi. 27. The later tradition also interprets bhruna as Brahmin (see Sankara, cited in Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 410, n. ; Keith, Sahkhayana Aranyaka, 30, n. 5 ; Konow, Sama- vidhana Brahmana, 46, n. 1, and cf. Vasistha Dharma Sutra, xx. 23) . 8 xiv. 6, 8, the story of Kutsa. 9 Jolly, op. cit., 127. 10 See references in Buhler, Sacred Books of the East, 14, 345. 392 CRIMINAL PROCEDURE [ Dharma, Dharman fore reasonably be conjectured that the royal power of jurisdic- tion steadily increased ; the references in the Satapatha Brahmana to the king as wielding punishment (Danda) confirm this supposition. Whether, as the analogy of other systems suggests, the king was assisted in his judicial duties, as he undoubtedly was later, by assessors, presumably of the Brahmin caste, cannot be made out clearly.11 The procedure adopted in deciding cases is quite uncertain. In the Chandogya Upanisad12 the ordeal of the red-hot axe is mentioned as applied in an accusation of theft. It must apparently be understood to have been inflicted by the direction of the king. But no other judicial ordeal is known to Vedic literature (see Divya). The punishment of theft was in some cases at least death, probably when the thief was taken red- handed;13 in other cases binding to posts was the penalty,14 presumably accompanied by the return of the stolen goods. In the Chandogya Upanisad15 the list of sins given as apparently equal in wickedness is stealing gold, drinking spirits, defiling a Guru's bed, and the murder of a Brahmin. (2) Civil Law. — There is little recorded as to civil law in Vedic literature. The relations of the family and the question of family property are dealt with under Urvara, Ksetra, Pati ; succession and partition of property are treated under Daya. As regards the transfer of chattels — for land as transferable inter vivos is hardly yet recognized, save exceptionally as a sacrificial fee (Daksina), and then disapproved16 — the recognized modes are gift (Dana) and barter or sale (Kraya), which includes exchange. Original acquisition of land was no doubt brought 11 Compare the story of the death of the child killed by Tryaruna, and the decision of the Iksvakus referred to in n. 6 above, and the notice in Kathaka Samhita, xxvii. 4, that a Raj any a is adhyaksa, when a Sudra is punished (han). 13 vi. 16. Cf. Weber, Indian Litera- ture, 72, 73. 13 Gautama Dharma Sutra, xii. 43 ; Apastamba Dharma Sutra, i. 9, 25, 4. 14 See Av. xix. 47, 9 ; 50, 1, and Taskara. 16 v. 10, 9. Another list is given in Taittiriya Aranyaka, x. 65, which in- cludes slaying a Brahmin, defiling a Guru's bed, stealing a cow, drinking Sura, and killing an embryo, along with irregularities in offering a Sraddha, 'water offering to the dead.' Cf. also Nirukta, vi. 27, for a list of seven. Many more appear in the Samavidhana Brahmana, but that work cannot claim to be a Brahmana proper. 16 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 7, i, 13. Dharma, Dharman ] CIVIL LAW 393 about by occupation and apportionment among the tribesmen,17 while chattels were acquired by taking possession of them, provided that they were found on one's own land or on unoccupied land, and did not belong to any other person originally. The Sutras18 contain rules for the disposal of lost property, which tend to give it to the king, with the deduction of a percentage for the finder, unless the latter is a Brahmin, who keeps it all. As for contract, save in regard to money- lending (for which see Rna), practically nothing is to be gathered from Vedic literature, doubtless because of the primitive conditions prevailing in that early period. Much of the labour, which would in a more developed society have been done by workers for hire, would be performed by slaves (cf. Dasa, Sudra), while the technical workers of the village — of whom long lists are given in the Vajasaneyi Samhita19 and the Taittiriya Brahmana20 — may have been recompensed not by any sum based on each piece of work done, but by fixed allow- ances, much as the village servants are in modern times.21 But this must remain a matter of conjecture, and it is uncertain what exact status the carpenter or smith held in the village. Similarly it is impossible to trace in the early literature any legal theory or practice as to torts, but rules as to penalties for insults appear in the Sutras.22 Very little is recorded as to procedure. The list23 of victims at the Purusamedha, or ' horse sacrifice,' includes a prasnin, an abhi-prasnin, and a prasna-vivdka, in whom it is not un- reasonable to see the plaintiff, the defendant, and the arbitrator or judge : the terms may refer to what is probably an early 17 Cf Caesar, Bcllum Gallicum, iv. i ; vi. 22 ; Tacitus, Germania, 26, for Germany ; Mommsen, Romisches Staats- recht, 3, 1, 21, for the Roman hortus ; and the Greek tcXr/pos, Lang, Homer and the Epic, 236-241 ; Ridgeway, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 6, 319 et seq. ; Grote, History of Greece, 2, 36, 37. See also Pollock and Maitland, History of English Laiv, 2, 337 et seq. ; Baden Powell, Village Communities in India, 6 et seq. ; 131. 18 Gautama Dharma Sutra, x. 36 et seq. 19 xxx. 20 iii. 4. See Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 426 et seq. ; Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 75 et seq. 21 Cf. Maine, Village Communities, 127, 175 ; Baden Powell, op. cit., 124 et seq. ; Grote, History of Greece, 2, 36, n. 2. 22 Cf. Jolly, op. cit., 126-128. 23 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 10; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 6, 1. 394 LEGAL PROCEDURE [ Dharma, Dharman form of judicial procedure, a voluntary arbitration. The same idea may be conveyed by the word madhyama-si, * lying in the midst,' which occurs in the Rigveda,24 and which Roth,25 followed by Zimmer,26 understood to mean an arbitrator or judge, the expression being derived from the judge acting with other judicial persons,27 and being surrounded by the assembly of the people. But this interpretation is uncertain ; Whitney28 thinks that the word merely alludes to a chief round whom his men encamp. The king is later the chief civil judge, and may presumably have been so earlier, no doubt in conjunction with the elders of the tribe, but for this we are reduced to conjecture.29 The use of witnesses as evidence is uncertain (see Jfiatr), and the ordeal is not recorded as deciding any civil matter except the dispute between Vatsa and his rival as to the true Brahminical descent of the former, which was settled by his walking unharmed through the flame of a fire.30 But it is probable on analogy that the ordeal may have been used for the purpose of deciding disputes. Whether the oath was so used cannot be certainly shown. It appears, however, that a Brahmin was preferred in legal matters to a non-Brahmin.31 There are very few references to police officials: no doubt the king employed some of his dependents to execute sentences and arrest offenders (see Ugra, Jivagrbh). (3) Morality. — It is convenient to notice under this head 24 x. 97, i2 = Av. iv. 9, 4 = Vajasaneyi Samhita, xii. 86. Madhyamailvan, in the Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 408, is of quite doubtful sense. 25 Siebenzig Lieder, 174. This fact renders doubtful Lanman's view (Whitney, Translation of the Athar- vaveda, 159) that the St. Petersburg Dictionary, in giving intercessor as the interpretation, did not mean ' mediator,' but ' adversary. ' 26 Aliindisches Leben, 180. 27 As, apparently, in early Germany. See Caesar, Bellum Gallicum, vi. 23 ; Tacitus, Germania, 11. 12; Coulanges, Recherches stir quelques problemes d'histoire, 361 et seq. 28 See n. 25. 29 Cf. the later Parisad, Gautama Dharma Sutra, xxviii. 48. 49; Baudha- yana Dharma Sutra, i. i, 7-16; Vasistha Dharma Sutra, xi. 5-7, 20 ; Jolly, op. cit., 132 et seq. The parallels from other Aryan peoples suggest the use of assessors, as in the Anglo-Saxon courts of the shire and hundred. Cf. Sohm, A ltdeutsches Reichs- tmd Gerichtsverfassung, 6 et seq. 30 PaiicavimSa Brahmana, xiv. 6, 6. 31 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, n, 9. which seems to refer either to giving evidence for or passing judgment on a case when both a Brahmin and a non- Brahmin are engaged. Dharma, Dharman ] MORALITY 395 several points bearing on the moral condition of the people : (a) the exposure of children ; (6) the exposure of the aged ; (c) prostitution ; (d) adultery ; (e) incest. (a) The exposure of girl infants is asserted by Zimmer32 on the strength of a passage in the Kathaka Samhita,33 but it seems clear that the passage has been misunderstood,34 and that it refers merely to laying the child aside, not exposing it, while a boy was lifted up. It is, however, true that the birth of a girl was not at all popular, not an unnatural sentiment in an early society, and paralleled among other Aryan peoples.35 (b) The exposure of the aged is also inferred by Zimmer36 from a passage of the Rigveda,37 and from the mention of persons exposed (ud-hitah) in the Atharvaveda.38 The latter passage may well refer merely to the bodies being exposed after death to the elements (as is done by the Parsis). The former passage merely refers to the individual case of some person who may have been cast out, and proves absolutely nothing as to a habitual or recognized custom, nor can such a custom be inferred from, e.g., the legend of Cyavana. (c) That prostitution existed in Rigvedic times is certain, but its extent is disputed. Brotherless girls were frequently reduced to becoming prostitutes;39 the putting away of an illegitimate child is referred to in the Rigveda;40 besides the 32 Altindisches Leben, 319, 320. Cf. also Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 54, 260 ; Kaegi, Der Rigveda, n. 49; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 389, 390 ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda. 6, 142 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 48. 33 xxvii. 9. Cf. Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, 10, 3 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 17, 12 ; Nirukta iii. 4. 34 Bohtlingk, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 44, 494- 496. The traditional rendering of the passages is not that it refers to ex- posure, but to getting rid of a daughter on her marriage. 35 Av. viii. 6, 25 ; Aitareya Brah- mana, vii. 15 ; Max Muller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 409 ; Zimmer, op. cit., 320 ; Schrader, op. cit., 390. 36 Op. cit., 327, 328. Strabo, pp. 513 , 517, 520, reports the practice as pre- vailing in Iran, Bactria, and the Massagetae ; it prevailed among the Norsemen, Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 473, and conceivably among the early Romans (depontani senes, Cicero, Pro Roscio, 100 ; but this and other cases may be really instances of the ritual casting into water of the worn- out vegetation spirit for the purpose of reviving it). See Kaegi, op. cit., n. 50 ; Schrader, op. cit., 379, n. 37 vm. 51, 2. 38 xviii. 2, 34. See Anagnidagdha. 39 Rv. i. 124, 7 ; iv. 5, 5 ; Av. i. 17, 1 ; and cf. Ayogu. 40 ii. 29, 1. Cf. Max Muller, op. cit.* 26. ?96 PROSTITUTION AND ADULTERY [ Dharma, Dharman terms pumscali41 and mahdnagm,42 which undoubtedly mean ' harlot,' there are other clear references to prostitution ;43 and expressions like kumarl-pntra, 'son of a maiden,'44 and the 'son of an unmarried girl ' (agru), spoken of in the Rigveda45 as exposed and attacked by animals, point in the same direction. The Vajasaneyi Samhita46 seems to recognize prostitution as a profession. Pischel47 sees many references to Hetairai in the Rigveda, which as Geldner48 insists reflects in its imagery the court life of Indian princes. But the correct- ness of the view of these two scholars on this point is not b] any means certain.49 (d) Adultery was generally regarded among Aryan peoples as a serious offence against the husband of the woman affected. We accordingly find in the legal literature of India traces oi the rule that an adulterer can be slain with impunity if takei in the act.60 Weber,61 however, has adduced some materia indicating an indifference to these matters in Vedic times, and Ludwig62 has adopted the same view. But, as Delbriick53 has clearly shown, the evidence is not convincing ; the cited pre- scriptions64 forbidding connexion with another man's wife during a certain rite do not imply that such connexion would otherwise be allowed : the ritual of the Varuna-praghasas,£ when a wife names her lover or lovers, seems originally to have been a solemn means of banishing the evil brought on a family by a wife's fall; Yajhavalkya's famous saying56 that no one 41 Av. xv. 2, etc. 42 Av. xiv. i, 36; xx. 136, 5 et seq. ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 27. Cf. nagnd in Av. v. 7, 8. 43 Rv. i. 167, 4 (Wilson, Translation of the Rigveda, 2, xvii), can hardly be so interpreted ; see Zimmer, op. cit., 332, n. Max M tiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 277, interprets it as a reference to polyandry, but this is still more doubtful ; but see Rv. viii. 17, 7. 44 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 6 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 2, 1. 45 iv. 19, 9; 30, 16. 19; ii. 13, 12; 15, 17; Zimmer, op. cit., 334, 335. 46 Apparently this is meant by the epithets atiskadvarl (apaskadvarl in the Taittinya Brahmana, iii. 4, 11, 1), atltvarl, vijarjara, in the Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 15. 47 Vedische Studien, 1, xxv ; 196, 275, 299, 309, etc. ; 2, 120. 48 Ibid., 2, 154. 49 Cf. Winternitz, Geschichte dcr in- dischen Litteratur, 1 , 60 ; Jolly, op. cit. , 48. 50 Leist, Altarisches Jus Gentium, 276 et seq., 309. 51 Indische Studien, 10 , 83 et seq. 52 op. cit., 5, 573. 53 Die indogermanischen Verwandt- schaftsnamen, 545 et seq. 54 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 6, 8, 3 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 4, 7. 55 Maitrayani Samhita, i. 10, 11 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 2, 20. 56 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 3, 1, 21. Dhava ] INCEST 397 cares whether a wife is ' unchaste ' (parah-pumsd) or not is a mere mistranslation,57 the expression parah-pumsa really mean- ing ' removed from the male persons.' And the uncertainty asserted in some passages58 as to origin from a Esi is not a sign of doubtful descent, but is due to the fact that Rsihood was a difficult matter to ascertain. None the less woman's position was lowered by the prevalence of polygamy, and such stories as that of Ahalya and Indra59 are not compatible with a very high standard of morality. A similar conclusion is pointed to by references in the Yajurveda60 to relations between the Arya man and the Sudra woman, and by a spell given in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad61 to expiate relations with the wife of a Srotriya (Brahmin theologian). {e) Incest was recognized in the marriage of brother and sister as appears from the legend of Yama and Yarn! in the Rigveda,02 which clearly shows that such a marriage was not approved by the feeling of the Vedic age. There is also another hymn63 in which reference to such intercourse appears to be made. Mention is further made in the Rigveda64 to the wedlock of Prajapati and his daughter, which is, however, interpreted mythologically in the Brahmanas,65 an interpre- tation which may be correct. That incest, however, actually did take place is clear from the Atharvaveda j66 but even though the mythological interpretation of the passage were not justi- fied, no conclusion could be drawn from the hymn as to the normal occurrence of such relations. 57 So Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v. ; Delbriick, op. cit., 548. 58 Mai tray ani Samhita, i. 4, 11 ; Gopatha Brahmana, cited in Ludwig, loc. cit. 59 Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 65. 60 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 4, 19, 2. 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii. 30. 31. 01 vi. 4, 11. w x. 10. 63 x. 162, 5. 64 x. 61, 5-7. 65 Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 33 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, i. 7, 4, 1 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 4, 46, 47 ; Max Muller, op. cit., 529, 530. 66 viii. 6, 7. I. Dhava is the name of a tree (Grislea tormentosa) mentioned, together with the Plaksa, Asvattha, and Khadira, in the Atharvaveda.1 v. 5, 5 ; xx. 137, 11. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62. 39? MA N—FA N—GRA IN [ DhaT 2. Dhava, ' man,' is not found before the Nirukta.1 The word clearly owes its existence merely to vidhavd, * widow,' wrongly interpreted as vi-dhava, ■ without a husband.' 1 iii. 15. Cf. Naighantuka, ii. 3. Dhavitra, occurring in the Satapatha Brahmana1 and the Taittiriya Aranyaka,2 denotes a ' fan ' of hide or leather for blowing the sacrificial fire. xiv. i, 3, 30; 3, i, 2 v. 4, 33- Dhanam-jayya, 'descendant of Dhanam -jaya,' is the patronymic of Amsu in the Vamsa Brahmana.1 1 Indische Studien, 4, 373. Under this patronymic he is frequently named by Latyayana Srauta Sutra, i. 1, 25 ; ii. 1, 2; 9, 10, etc. (misread Dhanam- japya in many manuscripts). Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 76, 77, 82. Dhana, always used in the plural, and frequently referred to in the Rigveda1 and later,2 means ' grains of corn.' They were sometimes parched (bhrjj),3 and were regularly mixed with Soma.4 1 i. 16, 2; iii. 35, 3; 52,5; vi. 29, 4, etc. 2 Av. xviii. 3, 69; 4, 32. 34; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xix. 21. 22; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 5, 11, 2, etc. 3 Rv. iv. 24, 7. 4 Rv. iii. 43, 4 ; 52, 1 ; viii. 91, 2 ; Taittiriya Samhita, iii. i, 10, 2 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, iv. 4, 3, 9. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 283. Dhanya (neut.), a derivative from the preceding word,1 denotes 'grain' in general. It is found in the Rigveda2 and later.3 According to the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,4 there are ten cultivated (grdmydni) kinds of grain : rice and barley (vrihi- y avdh), sesamum and beans (tila-masdh), Panicum Miliaceum and Italicum (anu-priyangavah), maize (godhumdh), lentils (masurah), Khalvah and Dolichos uniflorus (khala-kulah) . The 1 Primarily as an adjective, ' con- sisting of grain.' 2 vi. 13, 4. 3 Av. iii. 24, 2. 4 ; v. 29, 7 ; vi. 50, 1 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, xi. 8 ; Sadvimsa Brahmana, v. 5, etc. 4 vi. 3, 22 (Madhyamdina=i3 Kanva). Dhisana ] DWELLING— EDGE OF WEAPON-BOWL 399 horse is called ' corn- eating ' {dhanyada) in the Aitareya5 and Satapatha6 Brahmanas, and men are mentioned as ' purifying corn ' (dhanyd-krt) in the Rigveda.8 5 viii. 21. 6 xni. 5, 4, 2. 7 Lit., ' preparing corn.' x. 94, 13. Dhanva is the patronymic of Asita in the Satapatha Brah- mana.1 In the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra2 the form of the name is Dhanvana. 1 xiii. 4, 3, 11 ; Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, x. 7. xvi. 2, 20. Dhaman denotes in the Rigveda1 and later2 'dwelling' and 'house,' or sometimes3 its inmates. The word is also4 found in the sense of ' ordinance,' ' law,' expressing much the same as Dharman, especially in conjunction5 with Eta, 'eternal order.' Hillebrandt6 sees in one passage7 the sense of Naksatra. 1. 144. i in. 55, 10 vii. 61, 4 ; 87, 2 ; x. 13, 1, etc. 2 Av. iv. 25, 7 ; vii. 68, 1 ; xii. 1, 52 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iv. 34 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, ii. 7, 2. 3 Rv. viii. 101, 6 ; ix. 63, I4 ; x. 82, 3 ; Av. ii. 14, 6. Many of the examples given in the St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., C, are doubtful. 4 Rv. iv. 55, 2 ; vi. 21, 3 ; vii. 63, 3 ; viii. 41, 10; x. 48, 11. 5 Rv. i. 123, 9 ; iv. 7, 7 ; vii. 36, 5 ; x. 124, 3. 6 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 446. 7 Rv. ix. 66, 2. Cf. Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 92, 93- Dhara denotes the ' edge ' of a weapon,1 as of an axe (svadhiti)y2 or of a razor (ksura).3 See also Asi. 1 Rv. vi. 3, 5 ; 47, 10. Cf. viii. 73, 9 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, iv. 38, 1, for metaphorical applications. 2 Kausika Sutra, 44. 3 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 3, 2. Dhisana, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, denotes1 an implement used in preparing the Soma, ' bowl ' or ' vat,' and by metonymy also the Soma draught itself.2 The dual, by 1 Rv. i. 96, 1 ; 102, 1 ; 109, 3. 4 ; iii. 49, 1 ; iv. 34, 1 ; 36, 8 ; viii. 61, 9 ; ix. 59, 2 ; x. 17, 12 ; 30, 6 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, i. 19 ; vi. 26. 35, etc. 2 Rv. i. 102, 7 ; iii. 32, 14 ; 49, 4 ; vi. 19, 2 ; vii. 90, 3 ; viii. 15, 7 ; x. 96, 10, etc. 4oo PLANKS OF SOMA PRESS— PRAYER [ Dhl a metaphor,3 also expresses the ' two worlds,' heaven and earth. Hillebrandt,5 however, thinks that the word properly means earth,6 in the dual heaven and earth,7 in the plural the triad, earth, atmosphere, and heaven,8 while in some passages1 Dhisana denotes the Vedi, the excavated ground used as an altar. This is not, however, certain, while it seems clear that the Vajasaneyi10 and Taittiriya11 Samhitas understand the Dhisanas (dual) to be the planks over which the pressing of the Soma took place (adhisavana-phalake) .12 Pischel13 sees in Dhisana a goddess of wealth akin to Aditi and the earth. 3 Like Camu. 4 Rv. i. 160, i ; vi. 3, 3 ; 50, 3 ; 70, 3; x. 44, 8; in the plural, 'the three worlds, ' Rv. v. 69, 2. In other passages, Rv. i. 22, 10; iii. 56, 6; v. 41, 8; vi. 11, 3; x. 35, 7, the sense of 'a genius of prosperity ' was assigned to Dhisana by Roth. 5 Vedische My thologiet 1, 1 75-181. 6 Rv. i. 22, 10; 96, I ; 102, 1 ; iii. 31, 13 ; 56, 6 ; vi. 19, 2 ; vii. 90, 3 ; viii. 15, 7 ; x. 30, 6 ; 35, 7 ; 96, 10. 7 See n. 3 ; also Rv. viii. 61, 2 ; nivid in Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 19, 4. 8 Rv. iv. 36, 8 ; v. 69, 2 ; ix. 59, 2. y Rv. i. 109, 3. 4 ; iii. 2, 1 ; 49, 4 (or perhaps 'earth ') ; iv. 34, 1 ; v. 41, 8 ; vi. 11, 3 ; x. 17, 12. 10 vii. 26. J1 iii. 1, 10, 1. 12 Mahldhara on Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, vii. 26; Sayana on Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cil. 13 Vedische Studien, 2, 82-87. Cf- Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 124 ; Oldenberg, Sacred Boohs of the East, 46, 120122. Dhl, 'thought,' is used several times in the Rigveda1 to denote the ' prayer ' or ' hymn of praise ' of the singer. One poet speaks of himself as 'weaving' such a prayer,2 while another refers to his ' ancient ancestral hymn,' which he refurbishes presumably for use.3 1 i. 3, 5; 135, 5: ^L 6; 185, 8; ii. 3, 8 (where it is connected with Sarasvati) ; 40, 5, etc. 2 Rv. ii. 28, 5. 3 Rv. iii. 39, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 338. Dhiti has in several passages of the Rigveda1 practically the same sense as Dhl, ' prayer,' or ■ hymn of praise.' 1 i. no, 1 ; iii. 12, 7 ; 52, 6 ; v. 25, 3 ; 53, n ; vi. 15, 9, etc. ; Nirukta, ii. 24. Dhira Sata-parneya ('descendant of Sataparna') is men- tioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (x. 3, 3, 1) as a pupil of MahaSala. Dhur ] FISHERMAN— ABORIGINAL CHIEF— YOKE 401 Dhivan occurs in the Atharvaveda,1 where it may either be taken with Roth,2 Bloomfield,3 and Whitney4 as an epithet of 'chariot-builders' (ratha-kavah) , meaning 'clever,' or be con- strued with the scholiast as denoting 'fishermen' (dhwara). The Paippalada recension has taksanah, * carpenters.' 1 iii. 5. 6. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 114. 4 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 114. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 17, 194 et seq. ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 252. Dhunksa is the name of some sort of bird in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or • horse sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda Samhitas.1 See also Dhuriksna and Dhvaftksa. 1 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 12 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 31. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 93. Dhuni is the name of a foe of Indra, normally mentioned along with Cumuri in the Rigveda.1 He and Cumuri seem to have been opposed to Dabhiti.2 His name is probably that of an aboriginal chief.3 11. 15, 9 ; vi. 11 20, 13 ; vn. 19, 4. 2 Rv. x. 113, 9. 2 Wackernagel, A Itindische Gvammatih, 1, xxii ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 162. Cf. Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 157, 158. Dhur in the Rigveda1 and later2 denotes, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, that part of the yoke which is placed on the shoulders of the animals drawing the chariot or cart, whence they are called dhur-sdh, l yoke-bearing,' in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.3 In one passage of the Rigveda4 the sense is uncertain : Roth5 takes it to mean the pin at either end of the axle (Aksa) which goes through the nave of the wheel, and would thus be equivalent to Ani, and Oldenberg6 1 i. 84, 16 ; 100, 16 ; 134, 3 ; 164, 19 ; ii. 18, 7 ; iii. 35, 2 ; v. 55, 6 ; vii. 34, 4, etc. 3 Av. v. 17, 18 ; Aitareya Brahmana vi. 18; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 2 10 ; 4, 4, 13, etc. ; Aitareya Aranyaka i. 5, 2 (the Dhur is the end), etc. 3 iv. 33. Cf. Usra. VOL. I. 4 v. 43, 8. 5 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., 2. 6 Rgveda - Noten, 1, 339 ; Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 508. The aksa- dhurau axe mentioned in the Apastamba Srauta Sutra, xi. 6, 5 ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 3, 22. Cf. Caland and Henry, L'Agnistoma, 81. 26 4o2 A BIRD— DEATH— CAMEL— CHARIOTEER [ Dhuiik§nl seems to adopt the same view. Monier Williams7 seems t( think that ' load ' is meant, but this is not probable. It is possible that Dhur has the sense of 'pole,'8 and then mon generally still the pole and the axle together regarded as th( drawing part of the chariot : this might explain the use in th( doubtful passage of the Rigveda. 7 Dictionary, s.v. ; Aitareya Aranyaka (n. 2). This modi- 8 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 246. j fication of meaning seems to be due to Later, the word means the ' end of the J the fact that the yoke is at the end of pole,' a sense already found in the | the pole. See also Dhursad. Dhunksna is the form in the Taittiriya Samhita1 of th( name of the bird elsewhere found as Dhunksa. It is glossed as * white crow' (sveta-kdki). 1 v- 5. I9> !• Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 93, gives the form as Dhunksna, perhaps in error. Cf. also Dhvanksa. Dhuma-ketu, * smoke-bannered,' is an epithet of Mytyu, 'death,' in the Atharvaveda.1 Zimmer2 thinks that a comet is meant, but Whitney3 considers this extremely improbable. Lanman4 plausibly suggests that the smoke of the funeral pile is referred to. 1 xix. 9, 10. I 3 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 91 2 Altindisches Leben, 358. | 4 Ibid. Dhumra in the Taittiriya Samhita (i. 8, 21, 1) denotes ' camel ' according to Bohtlingk's Dictionary. Dhur-sad means, according to Roth,1 ' standing under the yoke' and so 'burden-bearing,' and thus metaphorically ' promoting,' in the passages of the Rigveda2 where it occurs. More probable, however, is the view3 that it means 'sitting on the pole,' that is, ' charioteer,' with reference to the fact that 1 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2 i.143,7; ii. 2, 1; 34,4(buU/.Pischel, Vedische Studien, i, 301). In x. 132, 7, ] Aitareya Aranyaka, 195. Roth renders ' resting on the yoke.' 3 Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 237 et seq. ; Keith,. Dhr§ti] A SNAKE DEMON— KING DHRTARASTRA— TONGS 403 to get near his horses the charioteer might well go forward and sit on the pole or even on the yoke.4 4 Cf. Mahabharata, viii. 617 : dhurydn dhuryagaldn siitdn. i. Dhrta-rastra (' having his kingdom firmly established ') is the name of a snake demon with the patronymic Airavata, 1 descendant of Iravant,' in the Atharvaveda1 and the Panca- vimsa Brahmana.2 1 viii. 10, 29. I Brahmana, iv. 26, 15 ; Weber, Indische 2 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Jaiminiya Upanisad | Studien, 17, 257. 2. Dhrtarastra Vaicitra-vlrya (' descendant of Vicitra- vlrya') is mentioned in a passage of the Kathaka Samhita,1 which is, unhappily, far from intelligible. But there is no ground for supposing that he was a Kuru-Pancala king ; he seems rather to have lived at some distance from the Kuru- Pancalas. There is no good reason to deny his identity2 with the Dhrtarastra of the Satapatha Brahmana,3 king of Kaii, who was defeated, when he attempted to offer a horse sacrifice, by Satrajita 3atamka. The fact that the latter was a Bharata also points to Dhrtarastra's not having been a Kuru-Paiicala at all. In the Kathaka Samhita he appears as having a dispute with Vaka Dalbhi ; but even assuming that the latter was a Pancala, there is nothing to hint that the former was a Kuru or that this dispute is a sign of an early hostility of Kuru and Pancala.4 It is true that in the Epic Santanu and Vicitravlrya and Dhrtarastra himself are all connected, but this connexion seems to be due, as so often in the Epic, to a confused derange- ment of great figures of the past. 1 x. 6. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 469 et seq. 2 As does Weber, Indian Literature, 90, 114, 125 ; Episches im vedischen Ritual, 7, 8. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., treats them as identical. 3 xin. 5, 4, 22. 4 Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 831 et seq. This argument is independent of the identification of the two Dhrtarastras, but is confirmed by it. Dhrsti, found in the dual in the Taittiriya Aranyaka,1 the Satapatha Brahmana,2 and the Sutras,3 seems to denote ' fire- tongs.' 1 v. 9, 8. I 3 Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxvi. 2, 2 xiv. 3, 1, 22. I 10, etc. 26 — 2 404 MILCH COW— FISHERMAN [ Dhena Dhena denotes a g milch cow,'1 or in the plural, ' draughts of milk.'2 In two passages3 Roth4 takes the word to mean ' mare,' and in another the ' team ' of Vayu's chariot. Benfey,6 on the other hand, renders it ' lips ' in one passage,7 with Sayana and with Durga's commentary on the Nirukta.8 Geldner9 assigns to the word the senses of ' lips,'10 ' speech,'11 ' cow,'12 ' beloved,'13 and ' streams.'14 1 Rv. iii. 34, 3 (Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 61) ; v. 62, 2. Cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 114. 2 Rv. iii. 1, 9; iv. 58, 6, etc. 3 i. 101, 10 ; v. 30, 9. 4 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 5 Rv. i. 2, 3. 6 Orient und Occident, 3, 130. 7 Rv. i. 101, 10. 8 vi. 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 249. 9 Vedische Studien, 3, 35 - 43 ; 166 ; Rigveda, Glossar, 95. 10 Rv. i. ioi, 10; iii. X, 9. 11 Rv. iv. 58, 6; i. 55, 4; 141, 1 ; viii. 32, 22; x. 104, 3. 10. 12 Rv. v. 62, 2, and Vayu's cow of plenty, i. 2, 3. 13 Rv. v. 30, 9. 14 Rv. vii. 21, 3 ; iii. 34, 3. Cf. Max Mviller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 441, 442. Dhenu in the Rigveda1 and later2 means * milch cow,' which is often mentioned with special reference to the production of milk,3 and is contrasted with the ' bull ' (vrsabha,4 pumaonsf anadvdh).6 In the plural7 the word denotes * draughts of milk.' The derivative, dhenukd, means merely * female.'8 1 i. 32, 9 (saha-vatsd, ' with her calf ') ; 134, 4; ii. 2, 2; 34, 8; vi. 135, 8, etc. 2 Av. v. 17, 18 ; vii. 104, 1 ; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 6, 2, 3 ; Maitrayani Sam- hita, iv. 4, 8 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 27; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 2, 1, 21, etc. 3 Rv. vii. 33, 22 ; viii. 14, 3 ; Av. iv. 34, 8 (Mma-dugha, ' milking desires,' the later ' cow of plenty' of the Epic) ; Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 2, 2. 4 Rv. x. 5, 7. 5 Av. xi. i, 34. 6 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 27 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 1, 2, 21. 7 Rv. iv. 22, 6; viii. 2, 6; 4, 8 ix. 61, 21 ; 72, 1, etc. 8 Av. iii. 23, 4 ; PancavimSa Brah- mana, xxv. 10, 23 ; AsValayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 6, etc. Dhenu-stari in the Kathaka (xiii. 6) and Maitrayani Samhita (ii. 5, 4) denotes a cow which has ceased to give milk. Dhaivara means a * fisherman,' as a member of a caste,1 in the list of victims at the Purusamedha, or ' human sacrifice," in the Yajurveda.2 Cf. Dhivara. 1 This seems to be shown by the 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 16 ; Tait- patronymic form, 'descendant of a tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 15, 1. dhivara. ' Dhruva ] SMELTER— GALES— POLE STAR 405 Dhmatr (lit. ' blower ') occurs twice in one passage of the Rigveda1 in the two forms, dhmata, nom. ' smelter,' and dhmatarl, which, according to the Padapatha, stands for dhmatari, a locative probably meaning ' in the smelting furnace.'2 Geldner,3 Bartholomae,4 and Oldenburg5 regard the latter form as a locative infinitive, 'in the smelting.' Ludwig6 and Neisser7 think dhmatarl is a nom. sing. masc. used in the same sense as dhmata. Smelting is also clearly referred to,8 and the smelter is described as using the wings of birds (parna sakunanam) to fan the flame.9 That the art was widely applied is shown by the fact that reference is made to arrows with points of Ayas,10 to kettles which were fashioned of the same metal and could be placed upon a fire,11 and to Soma cups of beaten Ayas.12 1 v. 9, 5. 2 Macdonell, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1893, 446. 3 Vedische Studien, 1, 146, n. 1. 4 Indogermanische Forschungen, 1, 496, n. 2. 5 Sacred Boohs of the East, 46, 388. 6 Jnfinitiv im Veda, 9 ; Translation of the Rigveda, 4, 334. 7 Bezzenberger's Beitrdge, 20, 40. 8 Rv. iv. 2, 17. In the Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 1, 3, 5, Ayas is smelted from the ore {aiman), and gold from the Ayas. 9 Rv. ix. 112, 2. 10 Cf. Isu. 11 Rv. v. 30, 15. 12 RV. ix. 1, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 252 ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 159. Dhraji in the Rigveda1 and later2 denotes the ■ sweep ' of the wind, referring no doubt to the violent gales which often blow in India devastating the forests, and which figure in the descriptions of the Maruts, or storm gods.3 1 i. 164, 44 ; x. 97, 13 ; 136, 2. I 3 Cf. Max Muller, Sacred Books of the 2 Av. iii. 1, 5; Maitrayani Samhita, East, xxxii, xxiii et seq.; Macdonell, i. 2, 17 ; iv. 9, 5 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, Vedic Mythology, p. 79. in, 19, etc. Dhruva in the Sutras1 denotes the pole star, being mentioned in connexion with the marriage ritual, in which the star is pointed out to the bride as an emblem of constancy. In the 1 Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, i. 7, 22 ; Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 17, 2 et seq. ; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 3, 6, etc. It is to be noted that the marriage Mantras, of which we have a great many, do not include any reference to the Dhruva; but it is not possible to say definitely whether the practice is really an old one or not. 406 POLE STAR— CARDINAL POINT— BANNER [ Dhruva Maitrayani Upanisad,2 a late work, the movement of the Dhruva (dhruvasya pracalanam) is mentioned, but this can hardly be interpreted as referring to an actual observed motion of the nominal pole star,3 but rather to an extraordinary event, such as a destruction of the world, as Cowell understood the expression.4 Jacobi5 sees in the motion of the Dhruva the possibility of fixing a date, on the ground that the only star which could have been deemed a pole star, as ' immovable,' was one (a Draconis) of the third millenium B.C. But this attempt to extract chronology from the name of the star is of very doubtful validity.6 2 See Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 15, 289 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 2, 396. 3 As understood by Weber, Indian Literature, 98, n. 103 ; Biihler, Indian Antiquary, 23, 245, n. 21 ; Jacobi, Zeit- schrift der Deutschen M orgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 49, 228, n. 2. 4 In his edition of the Upanisad, p. 244. 5 Indian Antiquary, 23,157; Zeitschrift, loc. tit., 50, 69 et seq. ; Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 721 et seq. ; 1910, 461 et seq. 6 Whitney, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 16, xc ; Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 1102 1910, 465 et seq. Dhruva, ' fixed,' as an epithet of Dig, ' cardinal point,' denotes the ground under one's feet. 1 Av. iii. 27, 5 ; xii. 3, 59 ; xv. 6, I ; AitareyaBrahmana, viii. 14 (cf. Madhya- de£a) ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 9, 25, etc. Dhvaja occurs twice in the Rigveda1 in the sense of ' banner ' used in battle. It is characteristic of Vedic fighting that in both passages reference is made to arrows being discharged and falling on the banners. 1 vii. 85, 2; x. 103, 11. In Epic warfare banners are of vast importance — e.g., Ramayana, ii. 67, 26 ; they were attached to a pole on the chariot, Mahabharata, vii. 3332, etc. The army was called dhvajinl, 'bannered host,' ibid., i. 2875, etc. Dhvanya is apparently the name of a patron, son of Laks- mana, in a hymn of the Rigveda.1 1 v. 33, 10. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 155. Dhvasra ] A MATSYA KING— PATRONS 407 Dhvasan Dvaita-vana (' descendant of Dvitavana ') is the name in the Satapatha Brahmana1 of the king of the Matsyas who celebrated an Asvamedha, or 'horse sacrifice,' near the Sarasvati. 1 xiii. 5, 4, 9. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 211 ; Episches im vedischen Ritual, 6. Dhvasan ti is in one passage of the Rigveda1 mentioned together with Purusanti as having been aided by the Asvins. There can be no doubt that this is the longer form of the name Dhvasra, which is found with Purusanti both in the Rigveda2 and in the Paficavimsa Brahmana.3 1 i. 112, 23. I Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 2 ix. 58. 3 = Sv. ii. 409. J 62, 63 ; Benfey, Samaveda, 105, 126, 3 xiii. 7, 12 (where the dual of who is inclined to think that Dhvasanti Dhvasra appears as a feminine Dhvasre). | and Purusanti are names of women. Dhvasra is named with Purusanti in the Paficavimsa Brah- mana1 as giving gifts to Taranta and Purumidha. These two, being kings, could not2 properly accept gifts which Brahmanas alone could accept, but by becoming authors of a verse of the Rigveda3 they qualified themselves to accept them. The verse mentions the names in the dual as Dhvasrayoh, Purusantyoh, 'from the two, Dhvasra and Purusanti.'4 In the Paficavimsa Brahmana6 the names occur in the dual as Dhvasre Purusanti, a reading which is confirmed by the Nidana Sutra.6 The former is necessarily a feminine form, though Sayana, in his comment on the passage, explains it as really an irregular masculine. According to Roth,7 the feminine is a corruption based on the dual form in the verse of the Rigveda mentioned above; but the names may be those of women,8 as Benfey9 1 xiii. 7, 12. Cf. Jaiminiya Brah- 1 5 Loc. cit. mana, iii. 139 ; Satyayanaka, apud | 6 ix. 9. Sayana, on Rv. ix. 58, 3. 7 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2 Manava Dharma Sastra, x. 75-77. 3 ix. 58, 3. 4 Both words are in the dual, as if they were members of a Dvandva com- pound. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, 261. dhvasra. 8 The first would in that case be Dhvasra. 9 Samaveda, 105, 126, under Dhvasanti and Purusanti. 4o8 CRO W— WIND—ICHNE UMON [ Dhvanksa inclines to believe. Weber10 suggests that the two were demons, but this is, as Sieg11 shows, quite unnecessary. Dhvasra is no doubt identical with Dhvasanti. 10 Episches im vedischen Ritual, 27, n. 1. 11 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 62, 63. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 139 ; Oertel, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 39 ; Max Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 360, points out that the sense of the Rigveda passage is quite uncertain, and that the two, Taranta and Puru- milha, as they appear in Rv. v. 61, are rather donors than receivers (see, however, verse 9, Purum'ilhaya vipraya). See also Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 232 ; Rgveda-Noten, 1, 354. Dhvanksa, ' crow,' is mentioned twice in the Atharvaveda,1 and in the Sutras.2 Possibly the same bird is meant by the words Dhufiksa and Dhunksna. 1 xi. 9, 9 ; xii. 4, 8. 2 Katyayana Srauta Sutra xxv. 6, 9. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 88. Dhvanta is the name of some wind in the Yajurveda Samhitas1 and later.2 1 Taittirlya Samhita, i. 7, 7, 2 ; I 2 Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 7, 16, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxxix. 7. | Taittiriya Aranyaka, iv. 24, 1 ; 25, 1. N. Nakula, 'ichneumon,' is mentioned in the Atharvaveda1 as being able to cut a snake in two and then join it up again. Its knowledge2 of a remedy against snake poison is also mentioned. The animal figures in the list of sacrificial victims at the Asvamedha, or ' horse sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda Samhitas.3 1 vi. 139, 5. 2 Av. viii. - 7- 23. 3 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 12, 1 ; 2i, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 26. 2 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 7. In the Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 3, 18, 1 ; Rgveda PratiSakhya, xvii. 9, nakula denotes a colour — no doubt that of the ichneumon. Naksatra ] NIGHT— STARS 409 Nakta, 'night,' is found frequently in the Rigveda,1 and sometimes later,2 usually in the adverbial form naktam, 'by night.' 1 i. 13, 7; 73. 7; 96, 5; vii. 2, 6; x. 70, 6 ; adverbially, i. 24, 10 ; 90, 7 ; v« 76, 3 ; vii. 15, 15 ; 104, 17 ; viii. 96, 1. 2 Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 4, 2 ; adverbially, Av. vi. 128, 4 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 1, 4, 2 ; xiii. i, 5, 5, etc. Naksatra is a word of obscure origin and derivation. The Indian interpreters already show a great divergence of opinion as to its primary meaning. The Satapatha Brahmana1 re- solves it into na-ksatra (' no power '), explaining it by a legend. The Nirukta2 refers it to the root naks, 'obtain,' following the Taittiriya Brahmana.3 Aufrecht4 and Weber5 derived it from nakta-tra, ' guardian of night,' and more recently6 the derivation from nak-ksatra, ' having rule over night,' seems to be gaining acceptance. The generic meaning of the word therefore seems to be ' star.' The Naksatras as Stars in the Rigveda and Later. — The sense of ' star ' appears to be adequate for all or nearly all the passages in which Naksatra occurs in the Rigveda.7 The same sense occurs in the later Samhitas also : the sun and the Naksatras are mentioned together,8 or the sun, the moon, and the Naksatras,9 or the moon and the Naksatras,10 or the Naksatras alone;11 1 ii. 1, 2, 18. 19. Cf. a citation in Nirukta, iii. 20. 2 Loc. tit., and cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v, 3 i. 5, 2, 5. 4 Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 8, 71, 72. So Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, 288, n. 2. 5 Naxatra, 2, 268. 6 Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 74, line 8. 7 See i. 50, 2 ; vii. 86, 1 ; x. 68, 11 ; in, 7 ; used of the sun itself, vi. 67, 6 (as masculine); vii. 81, 2; x. 88, 13. The sun is allied with them, iii. 54, 19. Naksatra- savas, ' equalling the multitude of the stars,' is used as an epithet in x. 21, 10. Even in x. 85, 2, where Soma, on the lap of the Naksatras, is mentioned, ' stars ' would do ; but, as this hymn refers to two of the later Naksatras, ' lunar mansions ' may well be meant. 8 Av. vi. 10, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii. 43 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, x. 1, 1 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, iv. 10, 12. 9 Av. vi. 128, 3 ; xv. 6, 2 ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 13, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, xxii. 29, etc. 10 Av. v. 24, 10 ; vi. 86, 2 ; Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 4, 5, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxv. 15 ; xxx vii. 12 ; Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, xxx. 21 ; xxxix. 2, etc. 11 Taittiriya Samhita, i. 2, 2, 2 ; ii 6, 2, 6, etc ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 21 etc. ; Kathaka Samhita, Asvamedha, v. 5, and very often elsewhere. 4io LUNAR MANSIONS IN THE RIG VEDA [ Nak§atra but there is no necessity to attribute to the word the sense of ' lunar mansion ' in these passages. On the other hand, the names of at least three of the Naksatras in the later sense occur in the Rigveda. Tisya,12 however, does not seem to be mentioned as a lunar mansion. With Agfhas (plur.) and Arjuni (dual)13 the case is different: it seems probable that they are the later lunar mansions called Maghas (plur.) and Phalguni (dual). The names appear to have been deliberately changed in the Rigveda, and it must be remembered that the hymn in which they occur, the wedding hymn of Surya, has no claim to great age.14 Ludwig15 and Zimmer16 have seen other references to the Naksatras as 27 in the Rigveda,17 but these seem most improbable. Nor do the adjectives revati (' rich ') and punarvasil (' bringing wealth again ') in another hymn w appear to refer to the Naksatras. The Naksatras as Lunar Mansions. — In several passages of the later Samhitas the connexion of the moon and the Naksatras is conceived of as a marriage union. Thus in the Kathaka19 and Taittiriya Samhitas20 it is expressly stated that Soma was wedded to the mansions, but dwelt only with Rohini; the others being angry, he had ultimately to undertake to live with them all equally. Weber21 hence deduced that the Naksatras were regarded as of equal extent, but this is to press the texts unduly, except in the sense of approximate equality. The number of the mansions is not stated as 27 in the story told in the two Samhitas : the Taittiriya has 33, and the Kathaka no 12 Rv. v. 59, 13 ; x. 64, 8 ; Weber, 2, 290. 13 x. 85, 13; Weber, 364-367, and see references under Agha and Arjuni. 14 Cf. Arnold, Vedic Metre, 322. 15 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 184 et seq. 16 Altindisches Leben, 354. Cf. Tilak, Orion, 158. 17 i. 162, 18 (the 34 ribs of the horse = moon, sun, 5 planets, 27 Naksatras) ; x. 55, 3 (34 ^ghts). 18 x. 19, I. 19 xi. 3 (Indische Studien, 3, 467). 20 ii- 3, 5, 1-3- Cf. also iii. 4, 7, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xviii. 14 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 40 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, ix. 4, 1,9; Sadvimsa Brahmana, iii. 12. The dwelling of the moon in a Naksatra is mentioned, Satapatha Brahmana, x. 5, 4, 17 ; Nirukta, v. 21 ; a Mantra in Kausika Sutra, 135 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, i. 11, 6; v. 12, I, etc. 21 Op. cit., 277. Cf. the later system of the Siddhantas, Whitney, Oriental and Linguistic Studies, 2, 372, and see Tilak, Orion, 33 et seq. Naksatra ] NUMBER OF THE LUNAR MANSIONS 411 number ; but 27 appears as their number in the list which is found in the Taittiriya Samhita22 and elsewhere.23 The number 28 is much less well attested : in one passage of the Taittiriya Brahmana24 Abhijit is practically marked as a new comer, though in a later book,25 in the Maitrayani Samhita,26 and in the Atharvaveda list,27 it has found acceptance. It is perfectly possible that 28 is the earlier number, and that Abhijit dropped out because it was faint, or too far north, or because 27 was a more mystic (3x3x3) number : it is significant that the Chinese Sieou and the Arabic Manazil are 28 in number.28 Weber,29 however, believes that 27 is the older number in India. The meaning of the number is easily explained when it is remembered that a periodic month occupies something between 27 and 28 days, more nearly the former number. Such a month is in fact recognized in the Latyayana30 and Nidana Sutras31 as consisting of 27 days, 12 months making a year of 324 days, a Naksatra year, or with an intercalary month, a year of 351 days. The Nidana Sutra32 makes an attempt to introduce the Naksatra reckoning into the civil or solar (sdvana) year of 360 days, for it holds that the sun spends 13J days in each Naksatra (13^x27 = 360). But the month of 27 or 28 days plays no part in the chronological calculations of the Veda.33 The Names of the Naksatras. — In addition to the two men- tioned in the Rigveda, the earlier Atharvaveda34 gives the •" iv. 4, 10, 1-3. 23 Kathaka Samhita, xxxix. 13, but Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 13, 20, has 28 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 5, 1, 1-5, in lists of Naksatras. See also Vajasaneyi Samhita, ix. 7 ; Satapatha Brahmana, x. 5, 4, 5 ; Paiicavimsa Brahmana, xxiii. 23 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, v. 1 ; Sankhayana Aranyaka, ii. 16 ; Tait- tiriya Samhita, vii. i, 2, 2; Jyotisa, 18. 20 (verse 34 has 28, but it is inter- polated) ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xiv. 78, etc. 24 i. 5, 2, 3. Cf. Weber, 1, 360, n. 25 iii. 1, 2, 6. M 11. 13, 20. 27 xix. 7, 1 ; 8, 1 = Naksatrakalpa, 10. 26. So in Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 26. 28 Whitney, op. cit., 409-411 ; Journal of the American Oriental Society, 8, 390. 29 Op. cit., 2, 280; Indische Studien, 9, 446; 10, 223, 224, 226, 227. 30 iv. 8, 1 et seq. 31 v. 11. 12. See Weber, 2, 281- 288. 32 Thibaut, A stronomie, Astrologie und Maihematik, 7. 33 See Masa. 34 I.e., books i-xvi. 412 NAMES OF THE LUNAR MANSIONS [ Naksati names of Jyesthaghni35 (the later Jyestha) and Vicrtau,36 which are mentioned as in close connexion, and of Revatls (plural and Kyttikas.37 With reference to possible times for the ceremony of the Agnyadhana, or Maying of the sacred fires/ the Kathaka Samhita,38 the Maitrayani Samhita,39 and the Taittiriya Brahmana40 mention the Naksatras called Krttikas, Rohini, Phalgunyas, Hasta ; the latter Brahmana adds Punar- vasu, and in an additional remark41 excludes Purve Phalguni in favour of Uttare Phalguni. The Satapatha Brahmana42 adds Mrgaslrsa and Citra as possibilities. On the other hand, Punarvasu is recommended by all authorities43 as suitable for the Punaradheya, ' relaying of the sacred fires,' which takes place if the first fire has failed to effect the aim of its existence, the prosperity of the sacrificer.44 The Kathaka Samhita,4 however, allows Anuradhas also. In the ceremony of the Agnicayana, or * piling of the fire- altar,' the bricks are assumed to be equal in number to the Naksatras. The bricks number 756, and they are equated t< 27 Naksatras multiplied by 27 secondary Naksatras, reckoned as 720 (instead of 729), with the addition of 36 days, the length of an intercalary month. Nothing can be usefully derived from this piece of priestly nonsense.46 But in connexion with this ceremony the Yajurveda Samhitas47 enumerate the 27 35 vi. no, 2. This constellation, •the slayer of the oldest,' was ap- parently of evil omen. Cf. Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 5, 2, 8. Whitney, Trans- lation of the Atharvaveda, 361, equates it with Antares or Cor Scorpionis, with or without 2, 3. 57 Op. cit., 305, 306. 58 ii. 13, 20. 59 i. 5, 2, 7. Cf. Tilak, Orion, 41 et seq. Nak§atra ] POSITION OF THE LUNAR MANSIONS 415 given are : Krttikas, Rohini, Mrgasiras, Ardra, Punarvasu, Pusya, Aslesas, Maghas, Purva Phalgunyau (sic),62 Hasta, Citra, Svati (masc.),63 Visakhe, Anuradha,64 Jyestha, Mula, Purva Asadhas,65 Uttara Asadhas, Abhijit, Sravana, Sravisthas, Satabhisaj, Dvaya Prosthapada, RevatI, Asvayujau, Bharanyas. The Position of the Naksatras. — There is nothing definite in Vedic literature regarding the position of most of the Naksatras, but the later astronomy precisely locates all of them, and its statements agree on the whole satisfactorily with what is said in the earlier texts, though Weber66 was inclined to doubt this. The determinations adopted below are due to Whitney67 in his notes on the Surya Siddhanta. 1. Krttikas are unquestionably rj Tauri, etc., the Pleiades. The names of the seven stars forming this constellation, and given above from Yajurveda texts,68 include three — abhrayantl, ' forming clouds '; tneghayanti, l making cloudy '; varsayantl, * causing rain ' — which clearly refer to the rainy Pleiades. The word krttika possibly means ' web,' from the root krt, * spin.' 2. Rohini, ' ruddy,' is the name of the conspicuously reddish star, a Tauri or Aldebaran, and denotes the group of the Hyades, a 8 y 8 € Tauri. Its identification seems absolutely assured by the legend of Prajapati in the Aitareya Brahmana.69 He is there represented as pursuing his daughter with incestuous intention, and as having been shot with an arrow (Isu Trikanda, 1 the belt of Orion ') by the * huntsman ' (Mrg-avyadha, * Sirius '). Prajapati is clearly Orion (Mrgasiras being the name of the little group of stars in Orion's head). 3. Mrgaslrsa or MrgaSiras, also called Invaka or Invaga, 62 The reading Purva, Phalgunyau must be wrong ; perhaps Dvaye (cf. verse 5) or Purve should be read. See Lanman in Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 908. The Uttare Phalgunyau are omitted. 63 Svati should, no doubt, be read ; but for the Svati {sic) of all the manu- scripts (Samhita and Pada), cf. the navasrakti of the Aitareya Aranyaka, ii. 3, 6, with Keith's note. 64 See Lanman in Whitney, 908. 65 Lanman, ibid., 909, reads Purva Asadha and Uttara Asadha ; Whitney reads Purva. and Uttara Asadhas. The manuscripts have Purva and Uttare, which cannot stand. 66 Op. cit., 2, 367 et seq. 67 Oriental and Linguistic Essays, 2, 350 ft seq. 68 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 4, 5, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xl. 4 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 1, 4, 1. 69 iii. 33. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 1, 2, 8 ; Tilak, Orion, 98 et seq. 4i6 POSITION OF THE LUNAR MANSIONS [ Nak§atra seems to be the faint stars X, (/j,1 4>2 Ononis. They are called Andhaka, ' blind,' in the Santikalpa of the Atharvaveda, probably because of their dimness.70 4. Ardra, ' moist,' is the name of the brilliant star, a Orionis. But the names by which it is styled, in the plural as Ardras in the Sahkhayana Grhya Sutra71 and the Naksatrakalpa,72 and in the dual as Bahu, in the Taittiriya Brahmana,73 point to a constellation of two or more stars, and it may be noted 74 that the corresponding Chinese Sieou includes the seven brilliant stars composing the shoulders, the belt, and the knees of Orion. 5. Punarvasu, ' the two that give wealth again,' denotes the two stars, a and /3 Geminorum, on the heads of Castor and Pollux. The name is no doubt connected with the beneficent character of the Asvins, who correspond to the Dioscuri.75 6. Tisya or Pusya includes the somewhat faint group in the body of the Crab, 7, B, and 0 Cancri. The singular is rather curious, as primarily one star would seem to have been meant, and none of the group is at all prominent.76 7. ASresas or ASlesas, which in some texts77 is certainly to be read Asresas or Aslesas, denotes S, e, 77, p, 35 followed by Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 301 (who, however, does not construe asubliih, VOL. I. ' sharp,' with karnaih as Pischel does in Vedische Studien, 1, 190). He sees ' reed ' also in x. 11, 2, but 'horse ' in x. 105, 4. 5 i. 179, 4 ; viii. 69, 2. 6 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. The sense of * bull ' seems imperative in viii. 89, 2 ; it is admissible in i. 179, 4, where ' bull ' may denote a man, and in x. 11, 2, and possibly in i. 32, 8, but ' reed ' there seems far more likely. 28 434 RIVER— MOTHER— HUSBAND'S SISTER [ NadI phorically) in all passages. Once at least7 the * neigher ' (from the root nad, 'sound') seems to be meant with reference to Indra's horse. In the phrase nadasya karnaih8 the sense is, perhaps, ' through the ears of the (side) horse ' (that is, by their being ready to hear the word of command) of their chariot, the Maruts ' hasten on with their swift steeds ' (turayanta asubhih). 7 x. 105, 4, and in x. n, 2. The latter passage suggests that ' river ' may, after all, be the sense there. Cf. Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, i, 178, 215. 3A NadI, 'stream,' is mentioned in the Rigveda1 and later.2 Reference is made to shallows (gddha)3 in the river's bed, to the opposite bank (para),4 and to the bathing of horses in streams.5 Rivers are also mentioned in close connexion with mountains.6 The title Nadi-pati, 'lord of rivers,'7 is once used to express ' ocean ' or ' sea-water.' 1 i. 158, 5 ; ii. 35, 3 ; iii. 33, 4 ; v. 46, 6, etc. 2 Av. iii. 13, 1 ; xiv. 1, 43. 3 Rv. vii. 60, 7. 4 Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 1, 6, 6. 6 Rv. viii. 2, 2. 6 Rv. v. 55, 7; x. 64, 8. 7 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 4, 10. Nana is a familiar name for mother, parallel with Tata, foi father, with which it is found in a verse of the Rigveda describing the occupations of the parents of the poet. 1 ix. 112, 3. Cf. Nirukta, vi. 6, and see Upala-praksini. Nanandr is a word occurring only once in the Rigveda, ] where it denotes, according to Sayana, the ' husband's sister, over whom the wife is to rule. This interpretation is confirmed by the fact that the same position is ascribed to the husband's sister — no doubt while unmarried and living in her brother's care — by the Aitareya Brahmana.2 1 x. 85, 46. 2 iii. 22. Cf. Delbruck, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 516. The native lexicographers recognize the word, though its occurrence in the later literature is very rare (it has been noted in the Uttararamacarita). See the St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Nabhaka ] GRANDSON— A SEER 435 Napat in Vedic literature apparently has both the wider sense of ' descendant,'1 and the narrower one of ' grandson ' in the Samhitas.2 In the Brahmanas the word seems hardly to have the sense of * descendant ' at all, while it denotes not only 'grandson,'3 but also 'great-grandson' in the sequence 1 sons, grandsons, great-grandsons ' (putran, pautrdn, naptfn).4 'Grandson' is also expressed by Pautra ('son's son') in the Atharvaveda and later,5 while the sense of ' great-grandson ' is accurately conveyed as early as the Rigveda6 by Pra-napat, used beside Napat, 'grandson.' Napti, the feminine, is practi- cally limited to the Samhitas,7 and denotes ' daughter.' The use in the Veda throws no light on the original use of the word.8 1 It is equivalent to ' son ' in a number of mythological epithets such as apam napat, ' son of waters.' 2 Rv. x. io, i, clearly 'son '; vi. 20, 1 1, may be ' grandson. ' Most passages, vi. 50, 15 ; vii. 18, 22 ; viii. 65, 12 ; 102, 7 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 61 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxii. 2, require ' de- scendant.' 3 As in Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 48 : putva-naptarah, 'sons and grandsons.' Cf. Nirukta, viii. 5. 4 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 10, 3 ; Apastamba Srauta Sutra, x. n, 5. 5 Av. ix. 5, 30; xi. 7, 16; Aitarey Brahmana, vii. 10, 3 ; Taittiriya Brah- mana, ii. 1, 8, 3. 6 Rv. viii. 17, 13, with napat. 7 Rv. iii. 31, 1 (Nirukta, iii. 4) ; viii. 2, 42. Cf. i. 50, 9 ; ix. 9, 1 ; 14, 5 ; 69, 3 ; Av. i. 28, 4 ; ii. 14, 1 ; vii. 82, 6. 8 Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Ver- wandtschaftsnamen, 403-405 ; Lanmann, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 77. Naptri, as feminine of Napat, is found in the Samaveda, Aranya (v. 13). Nabha(s), Nabhasya. See Masa. Nabhaka is the name of a Ksi who is referred to in the Rigveda1 and the Aitareya Brahmana.2 The Anukramani (Index) attributes to Nabhaka the composition of several hymns of the Rigveda (viii. 39"42)- 1 viii. 40, 4. 5. 2 vi. 24. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 107. 28—2 436 NAVE— A KING— MAN [ Nabh3 Nabhya, the ' nave ' of the wheel, is mentioned in th< Atharvaveda1 and later.2 See also Nabhi. 1 vi. 70, 3 ; xii. 1, 12. 2 Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 15 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, iii. 5, 3, 20 ; Kausl- taki Brahmana, ix. 4 ; Brhadaranys Upanisad, i. 3, 23, etc. Nam! Sapya is the name of a man in the Rigveda.1 Weber2 thinks that he is mentioned as a priest, but the passages suit a king better, and in the Paficavimsa Brahmana3 he appears as NamI Sapya, Vaideho raja, ' King of Videha.' In one passage4 he is represented as engaged in the contest against Namuci. 1 vi. 20, 6 ; x. 48, 9. Simply Nami in i. 53, 7. 2 Indische Studien, 1, 231, 232. 3 xxv. 10, 17. 4 Rv. i. 53, 7. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 149 ; Macdonell, Vedic Myth- ology, p. 161 ; Hopkins, Transactions 0) the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 49. Sapya may be read Sayya, but Sayana recognizes the p ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 55, 328. Nara, Nr. — The general name for * man ' in the Rigveda1 and later2 is Nr, while Nara3 is found occasionally in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas.4 1 i. 25, 5; 167, 20; 178, 3; ii. 34, 6; iii. 16, 4, etc. 2 Av. ii. 9, 2; ix. 1, 3 ; xiv. 2, 9; Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 34 ; vi. 27. 32, etc. 3 This form of the word, common in the post- Vedic language, is secondary, having originated from cases like nar- am, understood as nara-m ; but its origin goes back to the Indo-Iranian period. See Brugmann, Grundriss, 2, 106. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, 318, a 5. 4 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 12, 1 Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 3, I, 3 Nirukta, v. i, etc. Naraci occurs once in the Atharvaveda,1 perhaps meaning a poisonous plant. 1 v. 31, 4. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 286. Narya (' manly ') is in two passages of the Rigveda (i. 54, 6 ; 112, 9) understood by the commentator Sayana as the proper name of a man. See also Narya. Navanlta ] NA RD—THE NA VA G VA S—B UTTER 437 Nalada, ' nard ' (Nardastachys Jatamansi) is a plant mentioned in the Atharvaveda,1 in the Aitareya2 and the Sankhayana3 Aranyakas (where it is mentioned as used for a garland), as well as in the Sutras. In the Atharvaveda4 the feminine form of the word, Naladi, occurs as the name of an Apsaras, or celestial nymph. 1 VI. 102, 3. 2 iii. 2, 4. 3 xi. 4. 4 iv- 37, 3- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 68, 69 ; Grohmann, Indische Studien, 9, 420 ; Caland, Altindisches Zattberritual, 177, n. 4. Navaka is mentioned as having wished for a wife at the Sattra of the Vibhindukiyas in the Jaiminlya Brahmana.1 1 ii. 233 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 38). Nava-gra occurs in several passages of the Rigveda1 as a man, an Angiras in the highest degree {A ngirastama),2 appar- ently being the type of the Navagvas,3 who appear as a mystic race of olden times, coupled with, and conceived probably as related to, the Angirases. They are often associated with the Dasag-vas.4 1 iv. 51, 4 ; ix. 108, 4 ; x. 62, 6. 2 x. 62, 6. 3 Rv. i. 62, 4 ; iii. 39, 5 ; v. 29, 12 ; 45, 7. 11; vi. 22, 2; x. 14, 6; 6i, 10; 108, 8 ; Av. xiv. 1, 56 ; xviii. 3, 20, etc. 4 Rv. i. 62, 4 ; iv. 51, 4 ; v. 29, 12 ; x. 62, 6, etc. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 165; Macdonell, Vedic Myth- ology, pp. 144 (B), 170. Nava-nita, ' fresh butter,' is mentioned frequently in the later Samhitas1 and the Brahmanas.2 According to the Aitareya Brahmana3 this is the kind of butter which is fitted for anointing an embryo (garbha), while the gods receive Ajya, men fragrant ghee (Ghrta), and the fathers Ayuta. Elsewhere4 it is contrasted with Ghrta and Sarpis. 1 Taittirlya Samhita. ii. 3, 10, 1 ; vi. 1, 1, 5; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 7; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 3, 4, etc. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 1, 3, 7. 8 ; v. 3, 2, 6 ; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brah- mana, iii. 5, 3. 3'i. 3. 4 Taittirlya Samhita, ii. 3, 10, 1, etc 438 GRANDSON— NEIGHBOUR [ Navavastva Nava-vastva appears in three passages of the Rigveda. In one1 he seems to be a protege of Agni; in another2 as perhaps a son of USanas and favourite of Indra, but in the last he seems to be defeated, or even slain, by Indra.3 But he may be a mythic figure altogether. Cf. also Brhadratha. 1 i. 36, 18. 2 vi. 20, 11. 3 x. 49, 6. Cf. Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, 223 ; Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, i, 581 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 128, 129 ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 147 ; ijber die nenesten Arbeit en auf dem Gebiete der Rgvedaforschung, 160 ; Perry, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 11, 202 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 158. Nah has been taken by Roth1 and Grassmann2 to be the stem, meaning 'bond,' of the dative form nadbhyas, which occurs once in the Rigveda,3 and which Sieg4 thinks means ' sister's sons.' But the sense of this dative is probably rather 'to the grandsons.'5 1 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2 Worterbuch, s.v. 3 x. 60, 6. 3*. 4 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 129. 5 Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 56, Nahus occurs several times in the Rigveda, but the exact sense is not certain. Ludwig1 sees in the Nahus a tribe on the Sindhu (Indus)2 or Sarasvati,3 rich in horses,4 allied with the Bharatas and Simyus,5 connected with Kaksivant and the Varsagiras,6 and having as kings MagarSara and Ayavasa.7 Roth,8 on the other hand, sees in Nahus the general sense of ' neighbour ' as opposed to a member of one's own people (Vi6) ; this interpretation is supported by the occurrence of the phrase nahuso nahustara,9 ' closer than a neighbour.' Nahusa has the same sense as Nahus in two passages of the Rigveda,10 but in 1 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 206. 2 Rv. i. 31, 11; vi. 22, 10; 46, 7; x. 80, 6. 3 Rv. vii. 95, 2. Cf. ix. 88, 2 ; 91, 2, 4 Rv. viii. 6, 24. 5 Rv. i. 100, 18; vii. 18, 5. 6 Rv. i. 100, 16. 17. 7 Rv. i. 122, 15. Cf. also naiiitso visah, Rv. vii. 6, 5 ; x. 49, 8 ; 99, 7, etc. 8 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 9 Rv. x. 49, 8. Cf. also viii. 8, 3. 10 i. 31, 11 ; v. 12, 6. Naka J FIRMAMENT— A TEACHER 439 one it seems to be intended for the proper name of a man.11 Possibly Nahus was originally a man like Manu.12 11 Rv. viii. 46, 27. 12 Oldenberg, Sacred Books of the East, 46, 28 ; Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, 324. But Nahus, if it was originally the name of a mythic forefather, cannot have been that of a forefather recog- nized by all the tribes, for there is no passage in which it applies to all men. Geldner, Rgveda, Glossar, 92, regards Nahus as a tribe, Nahusa as a king. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 128, leaves the question open. Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 165, n. 7; 179 et seq.; 307 et seq. i. Naka denotes the * firmament ' in the Rigveda1 and later.2 It is often used with the epithet ' highest ' (uttama)3 or ' third ' (trtlya)* referring to the threefold division of heaven, parallel to the threefold division of earth, atmosphere, and sky (Div). The Naka is said to be on the third ridge (prstha), above the luminous space (rocana) of the sky.5 Elsewhere6 the series earth, atmosphere, sky, and the firmament {naka), heaven (svar), the celestial light (Jyotis), occurs. The word naka is explained in the Brahmanas7 as derived from na, 'not,' and oka, 'pain,' because those who go there are free from sorrow. 1 i. 60, 10; 125, 5; iii. 2, 12; iv. 13, 5 ; vii. 86, 1 ; 99, 2 ; viii. 103, 2 ; ix. 73, 4, etc. 2 Av. vii. i8, 1 ; xviii. 2, 47 ; xiii. 1,7; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 10 ; Panca- vimsa Brahmana, xviii. 7, 10 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, viii. 5, 3, 4, etc. 3 Av. iv. 14, 6 ; xi. 1, 4 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, ix. 10 ; xii. 63. 4 Av. vi. 122, 4 ; ix. 5, 1. 4 ; xviii. 4, 3. 5 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 50. 6 Av. iv. 14, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvii. 67. In Rv. x. 121, 5, the earth and sky (dyauh), and heaven (svar), and the firmament (naka), are all mentioned. 7 Pancavimsa Brahmana, x. 1, 18 ; Satapatha Brahmana, viii. 4, 1, 24; Nirukta, ii. 14 ; and cf. Chandogya Upanisad, ii. 10, 5. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 9 ; Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 50, 56, 57- 2. Naka is the name of a teacher in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana.1 Presumably he is identical with Naka Maudgalya (' descendant of Mudgala '), who is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana,2 the Byhadaranyaka Upanisad,3 and the Taittiriya Upanisad.4 m. 13, 5. xii. 5, 2, I. vi. 4, 4. i. 9. 1. 44o CROCODILE— ELEPHA NT—NA MES [ Nakra Nakra is the name of an aquatic animal included among the victims at the Asvamedha, or ■ horse sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda Samhitas.1 Perhaps the animal meant is the crocodile, which later is called Nakra.2 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 13, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 2 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 35. 2 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 96, fol- lowing one version given by Mahi- dhara on Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. \ Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 21, n. 4. Nag*a appears once in the Satapatha Brahmana1 in the form niahdndga, where • great snake ' or ' great elephant ' may be meant. In the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,2 and in a citation found in the Aitareya Brahmana3 the sense of 'elephant' is clearly intended. In the Sutras4 the mythic Naga already occurs. 1 xi. 2, 7, 12. 2 i. 3- 24. 3 viii. 22. 4 AsValayana Grhya Sutra, iii. 4, 1. Cf. Winternitz, Sarpabali, 43 ; Mac- donell, Vedic Mythology, p. 153. Nagrna-jita, ' descendant of Nagnajit,' is the patronymic of Svarjit in the Satapatha Brahmana (viii. 1, 4, 10). Naciketa, 'connected with Naciketas,' is the title of a narrative (updkhydna) in the Kathaka Upanisad.1 The word is also applied as an epithet to a special fire in that Upanisad2 and in the Taittiriya Upanisad.3 in. 16. i. 18; ii. 10. i. 22, 11 ; 26, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 386. The native lexicog- raphers give Nachiketa and Naciketu as synonyms of fire generally. Nada-pit occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana1 as the birth- place of Bharata. The word may, however, be read as Nada-piti, the name of Bharata's mother,2 but this is less probable. 1 xin. 5, 4, 13. 2 Weber, Episches im vedischen Ritual, 6, n. 3. Cf. Leumann, Zeitschri/t der Deutschcn Morgenldndischen Gesellscha/t, 48, 81. Napita ] VEIN-FLUTE— PROTECTION— BARBER 441 1. Nadi denotes a ' vein ' or * artery ' in the human body in the Atharvaveda1 and later,2 a natural extension of the literal sense of ' reed.' 1 vi. 138, 4 ; x. 7, 15. 16. 2 Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, x. 4, 5, 2; Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 21 ; iv. 2, 3, etc. ; Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 6, 1 ; Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 19. 2. Nadi means a musical instrument, a 'reed flute,' in the Rigveda1 as well as the Kathaka Samhita,2 where in one passage it is mentioned along with the Tunava.3 x. 135. 7- xxiii. 4 ; xxxiv. 5. xxxiv. 5. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of Oriental Society, 13, 329. American 3. Nadi in the Yajurveda Samhitas1 seems to mean the box of the chariot wheel. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 4, 8, 3 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxvii. 12. Nadika occurs once in the Atharvaveda,1 where the sense seems clearly to be 'wind-pipe,' with a reference also to the 1 shaft of an arrow ' made of reed. 1 v. 18, 8. Cf. Weber, Indische Siudien, 18, 229 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 251 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 432. Natha in Vedic literature1 appears only as a neuter meaning 1 protection,' and is of rare occurrence.2 Generally, too, very little appears in Vedic literature of practices such as those which produced Anglo-Saxon society or the Roman patronatus. 1 Av. iv. 20, 9; ix. 2, 17; xviii. 1, 13 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, 4, 1. Also in Av. xiii. 2, 37, natha-hama, 'seeking help'; xi. 1, 15, natha-vid, ' finding help ' ; Paficavimsa Brahmana, xiv. 11, 23, ndtha-vindu, 'procuring protection,' as the name of a Saman, or chant. 2 In the post- Vedic literature, on the other hand, the word is a masculine, meaning 'protector,' and is very com- mon. Napita, * barber,' is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana1 and later.2 But the older word is Vaptr,3 a derivative of 1 iii. i, 2, 2. I 13 ; ASvalayana Grhya Sutra, i. 17, '2 Katyayana Srauta Sutra, vii. 2, 8. I etc. 3 Rv. x. 142, 4. 442 A SEER— A FAMOUS SON OF MAN U [ Nabhaka vap, ' shave,' with forms of which verb shaving is referred to as early as the Rigveda.4 The dead were shaved before burial.5 4 x. 142, 4. Cf. i. 65, 4 ; Av. vi. 68 ; v 2, 17, etc. 5 Av. v. 19, 4. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 266; Max Muller, Sacred Boohs of the East, 32, 265. Nabhaka, ' descendant of Nabhaka,' is the name of a Rsi, or seer, in the Rigveda.1 The Anukramani (Index) ascribes three or four hymns of the Rigveda2 to him. According to Ludwig,3 the man was an Angirasa,4 not a Kanva. 1 viii. 41, 2 ; Nirukta, x. 5. 2 viii. 39-41, and doubtfully 42. 3 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 107. * viii. 40, 12. Nabha-nedistha (' nearest in descent ') Manava (' descendant of Manu ') is famous in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas1 for the way in which he was treated when his father Manu divided his property among his sons, or they divided it : Nabhanedistha was left out, but was solaced by obtaining, through his father's advice, cows from the Ahgirases, a feat which is regarded in the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra2 as on a level with the exploits of other seers who celebrated their patrons in hymns, and as giving rise to the hymn, Rigveda x. 62. Nabhanedistha's hymn is repeatedly mentioned in the Brah- manas,3 but beyond its authorship nothing is recorded of him. In the Samhita4 itself he seems to be spoken of as a poet in one passage, which is, however, of quite uncertain meaning. Nabhanedistha is etymologically connected in all probability with Nabanazdista in the Avesta, which refers to the Fravasi of the paoiryo-tkaesha and the Fravasi of the Nabanazdista. Lassen5 saw in the legend a reminiscence of an Indo-Iranian split; but Roth6 showed conclusively that this was impossible, and that Nabhanedistha meant simply ' nearest in birth,' and 1 Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 1. 9. 4-6; Aitareya Brahmana, v. 14. Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2 191 et seq. 2 xvi. 11. 28-30. 3 Kausitaki Brahmana, xxviii. 4, merely refers to him as connected with the Angirases. See also ibid., xxx. 4; Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 30. 31 ; Panca- vimSa Brahmana, xx. 9, 4. 4 x. 61, 18. 5 Jndische Alterthumshunde, i, 520, and Addenda, p. lxxvii. 6 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 6, 243 et seq. Naman ] NA VEL—NA VE—NAME 443 Weber7 admits that the connexion of the words is not one of borrowing on either side, but that in the Avesta it has kept its original sense of ' nearest relation/ while in the Rigveda it has become a proper name. 7 Episches im vedischen Ritual, 40-50. Cf. also Daya. i. Nabhi develops from the literal sense of 'navel' the figurative meaning of * relationship,'1 or, concretely, * relation.'2 1 *• 105, 9; 164, 33; ii. 3, 9; 40, 4, etc. ; Av. xii. 1, 40 ; Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, x. 8 ; xi. 12 ; xx. 1, etc. 2 Rv. i. 163, 12 ; vi. 47, 28 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xiii. 42. 44. 50, etc. 2. Nabhi, * nave ' of a chariot wheel, is mentioned in the Rigveda1 and later.2 See also Ratha, and cf. Nabhya. 1 v. 43, 8 ; vi. 39, 4 ; viii. 41, 6. 2 Av. iii. 30, 6 ; x. 8, 34 ; xi. 7, 4 ; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 4; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 5, 11 ; Chandogya Upani- sad, vii. 15, 1 ; Aitareya Aranyaka, iii. 2, 4 ; Kausitaki Upanisad, iii. 8. Nama-dheya, ' name,' is found in the Rigveda,1 and often in the later language.2 See Naman. 1 x. 71, I. 2 Av. vii. 109, 6; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 4, 9, 3 ; iii. 3, 4, 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 1, 6, 1 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 3,11; vi. 4, 25 ; Chandogya Upanisad, vi. 1, 4 ; Aitareya Upanisad, v. 2, etc. Naman, ' name,' is a common word from the Rigveda onwards. The Grhya Sutras1 give elaborate rules for the formation of the names of children, but more important is the distinction between the secret (guhya) and the ordinary name, though the rules as to the secret name are not at all consistent. The secret name is already recognized in the Rigveda,2 and is referred to in the Brahmanas,3 one secret name, that of Arjuna for Indra, being given in the Satapatha Brahmana.4 It is to be noted that the rule as to giving the 1 Weber, Naxatra, 2, 316 et seq. ; Hillebrandt, Rituallitteratur, 46, 47 ; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 152. 2 Cf. x. 55, 2 ; 71, 1, as explained in Aitareya Aranyaka, i. 3, 3. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 1, 3, 9 (the name is given to a child at birth) ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 25. 11. 1, 2, 11 ; v. 4, 3, 7 Weber, 2, 3i7, n. 3. 444 SECOND AND THIRD NAMES [ Namba designation of a Naksatra (lunar asterism) as the secret name or otherwise is not illustrated by a single recorded name of a teacher in the Brahmanas.5 The Satapatha Brahmana6 several times mentions the adoption of a second name with a view to securing success, and also refers to the adoption of another name for purposes of distinction.7 In actual practice two names are usually found in the Brahmanas, the second being a patronymic or a metronymic, as in Kaksivant Au&ja8 (if the story of the slave woman Usij as his mother is correct), or Brhaduktha Vamneya,9 ' son of Vamni,' though the relationship may, of course, be not direct parentage, but more remote descent.10 Three names are less common— for example, KuSamba Svayava Latavya,11 'son of Svayu, of the Latavya (son of Latu) family,' or Devataras Syavasayana Kasyapa,12 where the patronymic and the Gotra name are both found. In other cases the names probably have a local reference — e.g., Kaugambeya and Gangya. Fre- quently the patronymic only is given, as Bhargava, Maudgalya, etc., or two patronymics are used. The simple name is often used for the patronymic — e.g., Trasadasyu.13 In a few cases the name of the wife is formed from the husband's name,14 as Uginarani, Purukutsani, Mudgalanl. 5 Weber, 2, 318, 319. See Asadha, Rauhina, Rauhinayana. 6 iii. 6, 2, 24 ; v. 3, 3, 14 ; ix. 4, 3, 3, which directs that the name should be derived from a feast performed by the person in question. See also Katbaka Samhita, xxvi. 4; Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 7, 17. 7 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 4, 4. Cf. vi. 1, 3, 9. 8 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiv. 11, 17. 9 Ibid., xiv. 9, 38. 10 Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, 14 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 55, n. 2. 11 Pancavimsa Brahmana, viii. 6, 8. 12 Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 40, 2. 13 Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 1, 2, 13 ; Hopkins, Religions of India, 201, n. 2. 14 Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, P- 135. Cf. Weber, op. cit., 2, 316-320; Hopkins, loc. cit. Namba is the name of a kind of grain mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana.1 Amba is the form of the word in the Taittiriya Samhita2 and the Kathaka Samhita.3 v. 3, 3. 8. 5, 10, 1. xv. 15. NaraSamsI ] THE SEER NARAD A— LAUDATORY VERSES 445 Naya in two passages of the Rigveda1 is, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, probably a proper name. Sayana takes the word to mean * leader,' while Pischel2 considers it a gerund with passive sense. 1 vi. 24, 10; 46, 11. I explanations, see Oldenberg, Rgveda- 2 Vedische Studien, i, 41. For other | Noten, 1, 123, 370. Narada is the name of a mythical seer mentioned several times in the Atharvaveda.1 In the Aitareya Brahmana he appears in conjunction with Parvata as priest of Hartecandra.2 as teaching Somaka Sahadevya,3 and as anointing Ambasthya and Yudhamsrausti.4 In the Maitrayani Samhita5 he is mentioned as a teacher, and in the Samavidhana Brahmana6 as a pupil of Brhaspati. In the Chandogya Upanisad7 he is coupled with Sanatkumara. 1 v. 19, g ; xii. 4, 16. 24. 41. 2 vii. 13. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 17. 3 vii. 34. 4 viii. 21. 5 i. 5, 8. 6 iii. 9 (the Vamsa, or ' list of teachers, ' at the end) . 7 vii. 1, 1. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 204, n. Naraiamsl (scil. Kc), ' (verse) celebrating men,' is mentioned as early as the Rigveda,1 and is distinguished from Gatha in a number of passages in the later literature.2 The Kathaka Samhita,3 while distinguishing the two, asserts that both are false (anrtam). It is hardly probable that the two were abso- lutely distinct, for the Taittiriya Brahmana4 has the phrase *a Gatha. celebrating men' (ndmsamsT) . What such verses were may be seen from the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra,5 which enumerates the Ndrdsamsdni at the Purusamedha, or ' human 1 x. 85, 6. 2 Av. xv. 6, 4 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 11, 2 ; Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 32 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, xxx. 5 ; Kathaka Samhita, v. 5, 2 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, ii. 10, etc. ; Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 78. The passage, Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 6, 8, is uncertain. See Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 98, n. 5. 3 xiv. 5 ; Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 98. 4 i- 3, 2, 6. 5 xvi. 11, 1 et seq. ; Weber, Episches im vedischen Ritual, 10 et seq. 446 ATH ARYAN TRIPLET— WOMAN [ Nari sacrifice.' They may legitimately be reckoned as a source of the epic.6 The term Narasamsi is restricted in some passages7 to a particular group of three verses of the Atharvaveda,8 but Oldenberg9 must be right in holding that the restricted sense is not to be read into the Rigveda.10 Not even in the Taittiriya Samhita11 is the technical sense certain, and the Brhaddevata 12 gives the word a general application. 6 Hopkins, Journal of the American \ Oriental Society, 15, 264, n. Bloomfield, A tharvaveda, 100 {cf. Hymns of the A thar- vaveda, 688, 689), lays stress rather on ! their character as mere eulogies of donors, and that, no doubt, was one of their sides ; but the other elements may have been more prominent in reality than the priestly tradition j shows. 7 Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 32; Kausi- j taki Brahmana, xxx. 5. Possibly, in I the other passages mentioned in note 2, ' the reference may be to the Atharva- veda verses, but this is not at all likely. 8 xx. 127, 1-3 = Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 14, 1-3. Cf. Scheftelowitz, Die Apokryphen des Rgveda, 155. 9 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 42, 238. 10 x. 85, 6. 11 vii. 5, 11, 2. 12 hi- 154. Cf. Weber, Epischcs im Vedischen Ritual, 4 et seq. Nari, ' woman,' occurs in the Rigveda1 and later.2 The word seems in the Rigveda3 to have a distinct reference to a woman as a wife, because it occurs in several passages with distinct reference to matrimonial relations,3 and in the later Vedic literature, where it is not common, it sometimes4 has that sense. Delbruck,5 however, thinks that it does not indi- cate marital relations, but merely the woman as the sexual complement of the man. 1 vii. 20, 5 ; 55, 8 ; viii. 77, 8 ; x. 18, 7 ; 86, 10. 11. 2 Av. xiv.2, 13; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii. 36 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 34. 3 i- 73> 3 (pati-justa, ' dear to her husband ') ; vii. 20. 5 ; x. 18, 7 [avidhavah supatnih, 'not widowed, with noble husbands'), etc. 4 Gautama Dharma Sutra, ix. 28. 5 Die indogermanischen Verwandtschafts- namen, 417, 439. Narmara occurs once in a corrupt verse of the Rigveda.1 Ludwig2 regards the word as the proper name of the prince of a fort, Urjayanti, but Roth3 as that of a demon. 1 ii. 13, 8. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 152. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Navaprabhram&ma ] PATRONYMICS— DELUGE MOUNTAIN 447 Narmini is found in the Rigveda1 as an epithet of Pup, ' fort ' : it must apparently either be a proper name of the fort,2 or mean ' belonging to Narmin or Narmina,' some prince.3 1 1. 149. 3- 2 Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 204. 3 Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Possibly the expression may con- sist of two words — na, ' not ' or ' like,' and arminl, whatever that may mean. See Oldenberg, Rgveda-N oten, 1, 148 ; Sacred Boohs of the East, 46, 177. Narya, ' descendant of Narya,' is the name of a generous donor in the Rigveda.1 1 viii. 24, 29. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 161, 162. Narsada, ' descendant of Nysad,' is the patronymic of Kanva (i.e., a descendant of Kanva) in the Atharvaveda,1 and in one passage of the Rigveda,2 where probably the same man is referred to in another passage3 as a protege of the Asvins, and perhaps as the husband of Rusati. But in a third passage of the Rigveda4 the name seems applied to a demon, though this is not certain. 1 iv. 19, 2. 2 x. 31, II. 3 i. 117, 8. * x. 61, 13. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 108, 150 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 397. Nava-prabhram§ana, the ' sliding down of the ship,' is read in Whitney and Roth's text of the Atharvaveda,1 and has been connected by Weber2 and others3 with Manor Avasarpana, the name in the Satapatha Brahmana4 of the northern mountain on which Manu's ship settled on the subsidence of the deluge. But both Bloomfield5 and Whitney6 point out that this inter- pretation is highly improbable, and this view is accepted by 1 xix. 39, 8, where the reading nava- prabhrdmiana is a conjectural emenda- tion, the manuscripts of the Samhita text all having two accents, nayapra- bhrdmsana (one of them reading navaly). 2 Indische Streifen, x, II. 3 Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 198; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, 218, n. ; Zimmer, Altin- disches Leben, 30. 4 i. 8, 1, 6. 5 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 679. 6 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 961. 448 SHIP— BOA TMA N—STREA M—NA MES [ Nava Macdonell.7 The expression is analyzed as na ava-prabhramSana by the Pada text and the commentator alike, and is never found elsewhere with reference to the descent of a boat or ship.8 7 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, i as the first member of a compound in 1907, 1 107, where his acceptance of the form of nava, while pra-bhrams, Weber's interpretation in his Sanskrit Literature, 144, is withdrawn. ' fall down,' is never used of the gliding down of a boat, and would be The word nau, ship, never occurs | inappropriately applied in that sense. Nava, 'ship,' occurs once in the Rigveda (i. 97, 8). See Nau. Navaja ('ship-propeller'), a 'boatman,' is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (ii. 3, 3, 5). Navya is found several times in the Rigveda1 and the later literature2 in the sense of a • navigable stream.' 1 i. 33, 11 ; 80, 8; 121, 13. I xxiii. 6; Satapatha Brahmana, x. 5, 4, 2 Av. viii. 5, 9 ; Kathaka Samhita, I 14, etc. Nahusa, like Nahus, means, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, in some passages of the Rigveda1 'neighbouring' as an adjective, and once2 as a substantive 'neighbour.' If, on the other hand, Nahus is taken as a proper name, then Nahusa no doubt denotes ' belonging to the Nahus people,' and, as a substantive, ' King of the Nahus.' 1 i. ioo, 16; v. 73, 3 ; vi. 22, 10; viii. 6, 24. vm. 95, 2. Nikothaka Bhaya-jatya ('descendant of Bhayajata') is mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana1 as a pupil of Pratithi. 1 Indische Studien, 4, 373. Cf. Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 444. Nigada Parna-valki ('descendant of Parnavalka') is men- tioned in the Vamsa Brahmana1 as a pupil of Girisarman. * Indische Studien, 4, 372. Cf. Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 443. Nidana ] A PLANT— A STAR— SUMMER— A SUTRA 449 Ni-gfut occurs in two passages of the Rigveda,1 where Sayana takes it to mean 'enemy,' a possible interpretation. Ludwig2 suggests that non-Aryan foes are meant. 1 ix- 97, 53, 54 I x. 128, 6. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 164. NigTistha is a term of unknown meaning applied in the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra (xvi. 29, 6) to the peoples of Kasi, Videha, and Kosala. 1. Ni-tatni, ' striking downwards,' occurs in the Atharvaveda1 as the name of an unknown plant which was used as a means of restoring the hair. 1 vi. 136 ; probably 137 also refers to this plant. Cf. Kausitaki Sutra, xxxi. 28, with Caland's note in his translation ; Bloorafield, Atharvaveda, 61 ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 536, 537 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- veda, 383. 2. Ni-tatni is the name of one of the seven Kpttikas in the Taittiriya Brahmana (iii. 1, 4, 1). See Nak§atra. Ni-tana Maruta is the name of a man in the Kathaka Samhita (xxv. 10). Ni-dagfha (' burning down '), • summer,' is the name of one of the seasons in the Satapatha Brahmana (xiii. 8, 1, 4). See Naidagha. Ni-dana is the name of a Sutra, which is referred to in the Brhaddevata1 apparently as containing a quotation from the Bhallavi Brahmana. The quotation cannot be verified in the existing text of the Sutra.2 65. 1 v. 23, with Macdonell's note. 2 Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, VOL. I. Cf. Weber, Jndische Studien, 1, 44; Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, in, etc. 29 45o NET— TREASURE— CISTERN— VALLEY— SUNSET [ Nidha Ni-dha, 'net,' is mentioned in the Rigveda1 and later.2 1 ix. 83, 4; x. 73, 11 ; Nirukta, iv. 2. 2 Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 19. Ni-dhi means primarily [ (place of) deposit,' ' store,'1 and then 'treasure' generally.2 In the Chandogya Upanisad3 Nidhi denotes some sort of science. 1 Rv. i. 183, 4; v. 43, 8 ; vii. 67, 7; 69, 3, etc. 2 Rv. ii. 24, 6 ; viii. 29, 6 ; x. 68, 6 ; Av. x. 7, 23, etc. 3 vii. 1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. The St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., and Bohtlingk in his edition, take daivo nidhih as one expression. See Daiva. Sayana takes each as a separate entity, and renders Nidhi as mahakaladinidhi- sastram, presumably meaning some sort of chronology. Cf. for Nidhi as 'treasure,' Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 103, 104. Ni-nahya denotes in the Satapatha Brahmana (iii. 9, 2, 8) a ' water jar,' so called, according to the commentator, because it was buried in the ground.1 Eggeling2 explains it as 'a vessel or cistern dug into the ground for keeping water cool.' 1 As meaning etymologically ' to be I 2 Sacred Books of the East, 26, 223, fastened or fixed down.' | n. 4. Ninditaiva ('possessing contemptible steeds') is the name of a patron in the Rigveda.1 The name may suggest connexion with Iran, but such a reference is not at all necessary.2 Sayana ingeniously turns the name — probably a nickname — into a compliment by rendering it ' one who puts to shame the horses of his rivals.' 1 viii. 1, 30. I Oriental Society, 17, 90. Cf. Ludwig, 2 Hopkins, Journal of the American | Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 159. Ni-pada in the Rigveda (v. 83, 7) denotes 'low ground," ' valley,' as opposed to ' hill ' (udvat). Cf. Nivat. Ni-mruc, ' sunset,' is repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda1 and later2 as a division of time. 1 i. 151, 5; 161, 10; viii. 27, 19; x. 151, 5- 2 Av. xiii. 3, 21 ; Taittinya Sam- hita, i. 5, 10, 2 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxvii. 10 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, ii. 5» 2, etc. Nivat ] ETYMOLOGY— RESIN— VALLEY 45i Nir-asta, 'castrated,' is found in some of the later Samhitas1 as applied to oxen, and in the Satapatha Brahmana2 to horses. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 9, 1 ; 17, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xv. 4. 9. 2 xiii. 4, 2, 5. Nir-ala occurs once in the Atharvaveda,1 where Sayana regards it as the name of a disease. Bloomfield,2 with the Padapatha, explains it as two words, understanding nir as an elliptical imperative, ' (go) out,' with the vocative dla, a kind of weed. Whitney3 at first took dla to be a verbal form, but finally came to the conclusion that the expression is one word, nivala, of unknown sense. 1 vi. 16, 3. 2 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 466. 3 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 292. Nirukta, ' explanation ' of a word or passage, is found in the Chandogya Upanisad (viii. 3, 3), but does not appear as the name of a work before the later Upanisads. It is, however, probable that Yaska's Nirukta is not later than the rise of Buddhism. Cf. Nirvacana. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 13, 17 ; 3, 260 et seq. ; Indian Literature, 25, 26, 41, 42, etc. ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 269, 270; Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 24, 25 ; Roth, Nirukta, xv. et seq. Nir-yasa denotes the ' exudation ' of trees. In the Taittiriya Samhita (ii. 1, 5, 4) it is tabooed as food because of its red colour. Nir-vacana in the Taittiriya Aranyaka1 and the Nirukta2 means ' explanation,' especially etymological. Cf. Nirukta. 1 i. 6, 3. I serving as an explanation,' ibid., 2 ii. 1 . Cf. a - nirvacanam, ' not | vii. 24. Ni-vat denotes * valley ' in the Rigveda x and later.2 1 i. 161, 11 ; iii. 2, 10; vii. 50, 4 ; 1 2 Av. vi. 22, 3; Taittiriya Samhita, x. 127, 2 ; 142, 4. I iii. 2, 4, 4, etc. 2g — 2 452 CO W—IN VOCA TION [ Nivanyavatsa Nivanya- vatsa and Nivanya in the Satapatha Brahmana1 denotes a 'cow with a calf to which she has to be won over,' that is, with a calf substituted for one of her own which has died. Nivanya2 is a contracted form of the compound term. Similar expressions are abhivdnya-vatsd,3 abhivdnyd,4 vdnyd,5 and api- vdnya-vatsd.6 1 xii. 5, i, 4. 2 ii. 6, i, 6. 3 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 2. 4 Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, 8, 4. 5 Ibid., ii. 6, 16, 2. 6 KauSika Sutra, lxxxii. 22. Cf. Lanman in Whitney's Translation of the Atharvaveda, 880. Ni-vid denotes a brief invocation of the deity that is invited in a liturgy in honour of the god. The Brahmanas1 repeatedly mention Nivids as inserted in the Sastras (recitations), and the Khilas of the Rigveda2 preserve among them a set of Nivids. But it is doubtful3 whether the habit of using such brief formulas — the Nivid is usually not more than a Pada or quarter-verse in length — is known to the Rigveda, though it has been seen even there,4 and the word Nivid is several times found in that Samhita,5 but hardly in the technical sense of the Brahmanas. In the later Samhitas6 the technical sense is common. * Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 33. 34 ; iii. 10. 11 ; vi. 33. 35 ; Kausitaki Brah- mana, xiv. 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. g, 3, 28 ; xiii. 5, 1. 9, etc. ; Aitareya Aranyaka, i. 5, 2 ; £ankhayana Aran- yaka, i. 3, etc. 2 See Scheftelowitz, Die Apokryphen des Rgveda, 137-143. 3 The antiquity of the Nivids was asserted by Haug, Aitareya Brahmana, 1, 26 et seq., and often since, e.g., by Tilak, Orion, 206 ; Scheftelowitz, op. cit. , 3. It is shown to be most improbable by Weber, Indische Studien, 9, 265, 355, and Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 242 et seq. ; Gdttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1907, 232, 233. 4 i. 86, 4 ; Bezzenberger's Beitrdge, 9, 192. So Oldenberg, Sacred Books of the East, 46, 119, 122, takes Rv. i. 96, 2, to refer to the Nivids in the technical sense, but not to the Nivids as pre- served. 5 i- 89, 3; 96, 2; 175, 6; ii. 36, 6; iv. 18, 7 ; vi. 67, 10. 6 Av. v. 26, 4 ; xi. 7, 19 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 25, etc. Cf. Hillebrandt, Rituallitteratur, 102 ; Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 387, n. 2 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 241. Nivid- dhana, 'containing a Nivid,' is found several times as an epithet of a hymn or verse in the Brahmanas.1 1 Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 17 ; Kausi- I patha Brahmana, xiii. 5, i, 12 ; Aitareya taki Brahmana, xxi. 6; xxiv. 4; £ata- | Aranyaka, i. 2, 2 ; 5, 3. Ni§ada ] DWELLING— QUIVER— NON-ARYAN TRIBES 453 Ni-ve6ana, ' dwelling/ occurs in the Rigveda1 and the Sutras. In the latter2 the word is sometimes contrasted with Grha as the resting-place of animals. iv. 19, 9 ; vii. 19, 5. 2 Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, iv. 6, etc. Ni-sahgrathi1 or Nisanga-dhi2 is found in the Yajurveda Samhitas. If the second form of the word is correct, the sense may be 'sheath of a sword' (nisanga), as it is taken by the St. Petersburg Dictionary, but probably the first form is the correct one, the word then having the same meaning as Nisahgin. 1 Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 11 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 9, 2. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 10. Ni-sahgin is found three times in the Rigveda,1 where, owing to its following in one passage2 the words sudhanvdna isumanto, ' having good bows and arrows,' the sense of nisanginafy as ' having quivers ' seems quite certain. In the Vajasaneyi Samhita.3 it is taken by the commentator Mahidhara to mean ' having a sword,' a sense which is quite possible both there and in the other passages4 where it occurs. But the word far more probably means ' having a quiver,' for the bow was the Vedic weapon, not the sword (Asi). 1 iii. 30, 15 ; v. 57, 2 2 v. 57, 2. x. 103, 3. 0 xvi. 20. Cf. Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xx. a, II, with the commentator. 4 Samaveda, ii. 1199 ; Kathaka Sam- hita, xvii. 12; xxxvii. 11; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 9, 3 ; Taittiriya Samhita, iy- 5. 3> 1 '• Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 2, 5. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 274. Ni-sada is found in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas.1 The word seems to denote not so much a particular tribe, but to be the general term for the non-Aryan tribes who were not under Aryan control, as the Sudras were, for Aupamanyava2 took the five peoples (panca janah) to be the four castes (catvaro 1 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 5, 4, 2 ; Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 13 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 9, 5 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27 ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 11 PancavimSa Brahmana, xvi. 6, 8, etc. 2 In Yaska, Nirukta, iii. 8. 454 ABORIGINAL TRIBES— NECKLET [ Ni§ka varnah) and the Nisadas, and the commentator Mahidhara explains the word where it occurs in the Vajasaneyi Samhita3 as meaning a Bhilla, or Bhil. A village of Nisadas is men- tioned in the Latyayana Srauta Sutra,4 and a Nisada Sthapati, a leader of some kind, is referred to in the Katyayana Srauta Sutra5 and in a Brahmana cited by the scholiast on that passage. Weber6 thinks that the Nisadas were the settled aborigines (from ni% 'down,' and sad, 'settle'), a view sup- ported by the fact that the ritual of the Visvajit sacrifice7 requires a temporary residence with Nisadas ; for the Nisadas who would permit an Aryan to reside temporarily amongst them must have been partially amenable to Aryan influence. But the name might easily be applied to the whole body of aborigines outside the Aryan organization. Von Schroeder8 thinks that the Nisadas were most probably identical with the Nysseans, who, according to the Greek account, sent an embassy to Alexander when he was in the territory of the Asvakas, but this identification is doubtful. 3 xvi. 27. Cf. xxx. 8. * viii. 2, 8. 5 i. 1, 12; Weber, Indische Studien, io, 13. 6 Indische Studien, 9, 340. Cf. 10, 13, 16. 7 See Kausitaki Brahmana, xxv. 15 ; Latyayana, loc. cit. ; PaficavimSa Brah- mana, loc. cit. 8 Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 366. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 39, 119. In the later system (Manu, x. 8) the Nisada is the offspring of a Brah- mana and of a Sudra woman, while the Brhatsamh'ta of Varahamihira (xiv. 10) recognizes a kingdom (rastra) of Nisadas in the south-east of Madhyadesa. In the Pali texts (Fick, Die sociale Gliederung, 12, 160, 206 et seq.) they are wild hunters and fishers. Cf. also Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 301, 303, 366, n. 164, 403, 481. Niska is frequently found in the Rigveda1 and later2 denoting a gold ornament worn on the neck, as is shown by the two epithets niska-kantha3 and niska-griva,4 ' having a gold ornament on the neck.' A Niska of silver is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.5 As early as the Rigveda6 traces are seen of the 1 ii. 33, 10; viii. 47, 15, etc. 2 Av. v. 14, 3 ; vii. 99, 1 ; xx. 131, 8 ; Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 2, 1. 2; v. 13, 2 ; Jaiminlya Upanisad Brah- mana, i. 36, 7. 8 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 1, 7. 11, etc. 3 Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 22. 4 Rv. v. 19, 3 ; Av. v. 17, 14. 5 xvii. 1, 14, as worn by the Vratyz Cf. Av. xv. 3. 6 i. 126, 2. Nicya ] A CONSTELLATION— WESTERN TRIBES 455 use of Niskas as a sort of currency, for a singer celebrates the receipt of a hundred Niskas and a hundred steeds : he could hardly require the Niskas merely for purposes of personal adornment. Later the use of Niskas as currency is quite clear.7 Cf. also Krsnala. 7 Av. xx. 127, 3 ; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, ix. 9, 20, etc. In the Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 4, 1, 1. 8; Gopatha Brahmana, i. 3, 6 ; the sense of ' coin ' is seen by Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 50, 51, and by Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 185. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 51, 259, 263 ; Geldner, op. cit., 1, 268, n. 2 ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 40, 127. Niskiriya is the name of a school of priests who are men- tioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 as holding a Sattra, or ' sacrificial session.' 1 xii. 5, 14. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 58. Ni§tya means in the Rigveda1 and later2 an outsider or stranger. Hence the constellation usually known as Svati (see Naksatra) is named Nistya in the Taittirlya Brahmana,3 because it occupies a position markedly away from the ecliptic. 1 vi. 75, 19 ; vin. i, 13 ; x. 133, 5. 2 Av. iii. 3, 6 ; Vajasaneyi, v. 23 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 4, 17, etc. 3 1. 5, 2, 2. 3; 111. 1, 1, 13. Cf. Max Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 215. Nihaka in the Rigveda1 and the Taittirlya Samhita2 appears to denote some phenomenon of a storm, perhaps the ' whirl- wind.' 1 x. 97, 13. 2 vii. 5, 11, 1 (following nl hara). NIksana. See Neksana. Nicya (' living below ') is a designation of certain nations of the west. The Nicyas are mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 14) as distinguished from the people of Madhyade^a, and no doubt mean the inhabitants of the Indus and Panjab regions. 456 HYMN— GIRDLE— WORM [ Nitha Nitha ('leading'), neut., means musical 'mode' and then ' hymn of praise.' 1 The feminine form Nitha occurs once in the Rigveda2 meaning 'artifice.' 1 Rv. iv. 3, 16 ; vii. 26, 2 ; x. 92, 3 ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 38. Cf. nlthdvid of singers {jaritr) in Rv. iii. 12, 5. 2 i. 104, 5. Cf. the epithet sata-nitha, i. 100, 12 ; 179, 3 ; x. 69, 7 ; sahasra- nltha, iii. 60, 7 ; ix. 85, 4 ; 96, 18 (used of the poet's art, padavlh kavmdm). Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 241. Ninaha, a word occurring once in the Atharvaveda (xix. 57,4), seems to denote a 'girdle' or something similar, as derived from the verb nah, 'fasten.' Nipatithi occurs in the Rigveda1 as the name of a man to whom a hymn2 is ascribed by the Anukramani (Index). A Saman, or Chant, of his is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.3 1 viii. 49, 9, where he appears as engaged in battle; viii. 51, i, where he seems to be a sacrifices Either a king or a seer may be meant. 1 viii. 34. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 140 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 90. 3 xiv. 10, 4. Nflangfu is the name of a species of ' worm ' in the Yajurveda Samhitas1 in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or 'horse sacrifice.' 1 Taittirlya Samhita, v. 5, 11, 1; 1 nlldhgu) ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 30. MaitrayanI Samhita, iii. 14, 11 (v.l. \ Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98. Nila-girsni, ' black-headed,' is the name of an unknown animal in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or 'horse sacrifice,' in the Taittirlya Samhita.1 1 v« 5» J5i *« Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 99. Nilagfalasala, or, as the Paippalada version reads, Nflakala- sala, is the name, according to the commentator, of a grain- creeper in the Atharvaveda.1 1 vi. 16, 4. Cf. Whitney, Transla- I Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, tion of the Atharvaveda, 292, 293 ; | 466. Nrtu ] WILD RICE— UNDERGARMENT— MIST— DANCER 457 Nivara, 'wild rice,' is mentioned in the Yajurveda Samhitas1 and the Brahmanas.2 1 Kathaka Samhita, xii. 4; Maitra- | 3, 3, 5 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 3, 6, 7, yanl Samhita, iii. 4, 10 ; Vajasaneyi etc. Samhita, xviii. 12. Cf. 2 £atapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 4, 14; 240. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, Nivi is the name of the ' undergarment,' probably a simple apron of cloth, worn by both men and women, but especially by the latter. It is mentioned in the Atharvaveda1 and later.2 1 viii. 2, 16 ; xiv. 2, 50. Cf. nlvi- bharya, ' to be borne in the apron,' viii. 6, 20. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 1, 3; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iv. 10 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 3, 3, 6 ; iii. 2, 1, 15, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 262 ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 331. Nihara, ' mist,' occurs in the Rigveda1 and later.5 1 x. 82, 7. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 11, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxviii. 4; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxii. 26; xxv. 9; Av. vi. 113, 2 ; xviii. 3, 60 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, i. 10, 7 ; vi. 4, 1 ; Chandogya Upanisad, iii. 19, 2, etc. Nr. See Nara. Nrti in one passage of the Atharvaveda1 seems to mean a bag of skin. But though the Paippalada recension has the same text, it is clear that we must read Drti with Roth 2 and Whitney.3 Ludwig4 renders the word ' dancer,' which makes no sense in the context. 1 vi. 18, 3. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 294. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 235; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- vaveda, 468. 4 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 514. Nrtu occurs once in the Rigveda1 denoting a female * dancer.' In another passage2 Nrti is found coupled with hdsa, ' laughter,' in the description of the funeral ritual ; but though it is clear that a joyful celebration is meant (like the Irish ' wake ' or the 1 i. 92, 4 (where Usas, Goddess of Dawn, is compared to a dancer). 2 x. 18, 3. Cf. 29, 2. 458 KING— A SEER— SPIT [Nrpati old-fashioned feasting in Scotland after a funeral), it is difficult to be certain that actual dancing is here meant. Dancing is, however, often referred to in the Rigveda3 and later. Nrtta- glta, ' dance and song,' are mentioned in the Jaiminiya Brahmana4 as found in the sixth world. See also Sailusa. 3 i. 10, i ; 92, 4, etc. See Weber, Indian Literature, 196 et seq. 4 i. 42 {Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 235). Nr-pati, * lord of men,' in the Rigveda1 and later2 denotes a 'king' or a man of the ruling class (Ksatriya). 1 11. I, 1. 7 ; iv. 20, 1 x. 44, 2. 3. vii. 69, 1 2 Av. v. 18, 1. 15; Taittiriya Aran- yaka, vi. 3, 3 ; x. 77, etc. Nr-medha,1 Nr-medhas,2 is the name of a protege of Agni in the Rigveda,3 where he also appears with Sumedhas in a hymn that Griffith4 with justice declares to be unintelligible. In the Taittiriya Samhita1 he is an unsuccessful rival of Parucchepa, and in the Pancavimsa Brahmana2 he is an Angirasa and a seer of Samans (Chants). 1 Rv. x. 80, 3 ; 132, 7 ; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 8, 3. 2 Pancavimsa Brahmana, viii. 8, 21 et seq. • x. 80, 3. 4 x. 132 ; Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 2, 578, n. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologies, 160 ; Hopkins, TransactionsoftheConnecti- cut Academy of Arts and Sciences,!^ 61. Nr-sad, ' sitting among men,' is the name of the father of Kanva in the Rigveda (x. 31, 11). Cf. Nar§ada. Nek§ana occurs once in the Atharvaveda,1 where a ' spit ' seems to be meant. In the Rigveda2 Niksana occurs, and must have the same sense; Oldenberg3 inclines to think that this word refers to the 'inspection' of food, to see if it is ready (as from ni-tks, ' look into '). 1 ix. 6, 17. Cf. KauSika Sutra, ii. n ; lxxxvii. 12 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 540. 2 i. 162, 13. 3 Rgveda-Noten, 155- Naidagha ] FELLY-A PRIEST— A PLACE— SUMMER 459 Nemi denotes in the Rigveda1 and later2 the 'felly' of a chariot wheel. It was required to be of good wood (su-dru),3 and was bent into shape.4 Cf Ratha. "•5.3; v. 13,6; vii. 32, 20 ; viii. 46, 23 ; 75, 5, etc. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 4, 2, 15 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 5, 15, etc. 3 Rv. vii. 32, 20. 4 Rv. viii. 75, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 248. NestP, the name of one of the chief priests at the Soma sacrifice, occurs in the Rigveda1 and later.2 See Rtvij. 1 i. 15, 3 ; ii. 5, 5, etc. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 18, 1 ; vi. 5, 8, 5. 6 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 8, 2, 1, etc. ; Pancavimsa Brah- mana, xxv. 15, etc. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, vi. 3, 10, etc.; Satapatha Brahmana, j 1, 250, 261, 527. Naica-gakha is found in one passage of the Rigveda,1 where Sayana renders it as ' of low origin,' but elsewhere2 he explains it as the name of a place. The former sense is accepted by Grassmann and Ludwig in their versions, and by Zimmer,3 but Hillebrandt4 points out that the reference is rather to the ' low-branched ' Soma plant. Cf Kikata and Pramag-anda. 1 vii. 53, 4. 2 See St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Altindisches Leben, 31. 4 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 14-18; 2, 241- 245, where he opposes Bohtlingk's view that it is a proper name. Naicu-dara occurs in the Pancavimsa Brahmana,1 meaning ' composed of the wood of the Nicudara.' What tree is meant by the latter name is unknown. 1 xxi. 4, 13. Cf. Anupada Sutra, vi. 4. Naitandhava is mentioned as a place on the Sarasvati in the Pancavimsa Brahmana1 and the Sutras.2 1 xxv. 13, 1. I Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xiii. 29, 31 ; 2 Latyayana Srauta Sutra, x. 19, 13 ; | Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxiv. 6, 23. Nai-dagha is the name of the ' summer ' season in the later Samhitas and Brahmanas.1 Cf Rtu and Nidagha. 1 Av. ix. 5, 31 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 8, 4, 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 4, 1, 16, etc.; naiddghiya, 'belonging to the summer,' Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxiii. 16, 8, etc. 460 VEDIC INTERPRETERS—ETYMOLOGISTS [ Naidana, Nai-dana is a term applied in the Nirukta1 to a class of Vedic interpreters. Roth2 takes the Naidanas to be 'etymo- logists,' but Sieg3 thinks they are the same as the Aitihasikas or 'legendarists.'4 1 vi. 9 ; vii. 12. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s. v. But cf. Nirukta, Erlauterungen, 220, 221 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 22, 176. 3 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 29. 4 The word seems to mean ' one concerned with the original form " (niddna). Nai-dhruvi, ' descendant of Nidhruva,' is the patronymic of KaSyapa in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 1 vi. 4, 33 (Madhyandina = vi. 5, 3 Kanva). NaimiSi is the epithet of Sitibahu Aisakrta in the Jaiminiya Brahmana.1 It is probably to be taken as an indication that Sitibahu came from the Naimisa forest. 1 !• 363 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 26, 192). NaimiSIya,1 Naimisiya2 denotes the dwellers in the Naimisa forest. They are mentioned in the Kathaka Samhita2 and the Brahmanas,2 being clearly of special sanctity. Hence in the Epic the Mahabharata is said to have been recited to the Rsis dwelling in the Naimisa forest.3 1 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxv. 6, 4 ; j 13 ; Naimisya, Kathaka Samhita, x. 6 Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 363 (Journal of j (1 ndische Studien, 3, 469). The cerebral s the American Oriental Society, 26, 192). seems to be universal later. 2 Kausitaki Brahmana, xxvi. 5 ; j 3 Weber, Indian Literature, 34, 45, 54, xxviii. 4; Chandogya Upanisad, i. 2, I 68, 70, 185. Nair-ukta1 in the Nirukta2 denotes a man who knows the true etymology of words, and explains their meaning accord- ingly. Yaska's Nirukta is the classic work of this school, and forms a commentary on an earlier Nirukta, the so-called Naighantuka, a glossary consisting of five collections of Vedic words. 1 ' One concerned with etymological explanation ' (nir-ukta). 2 i. 12 ; vi. 11 ; xi. 19. 29. 31 ; xii. 10 ; xiii. 9. Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 26, 85 ; I ndische Studien, 2, 39, n. ; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 10-13 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 22, 165 et seq Nau ] A POET— BOAT 461 Nai-sada, a * man of Nisada,' is mentioned in the Kausltaki Brahmana (xxv. 15) and the Vajasaneyi Samhita (xxx. 8). Naisidha is the reading in the Satapatha Brahmana (ii. 3, 2, 1. 2) of the epithet of Nada, a king of the south. The later form of the name is Naisadha ; the St. Petersburg Dictionary suggests that its original form was Naihsidha. Nodhas is the name of a poet who is mentioned in the Rigveda,1 and to whom certain of its hymns are ascribed.2 In the Pancavimsa Brahmana3 he is called Kaksivata, a 'descendant of Kakslvant.' Ludwig4 regards him as con- temporary with the defeat of Purukutsa. He was a Gotama.5 1 i. 61, 14; 62, 13 ; 64, 1, and 124, 4, according to Nirukta, iv. 16. 2 Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 18 ; Rv. i. 58-64 are ascribed to him in the Anukramani (Index). 3 vii. 10, 10 ; xxi. 9, 12. Cf. Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 27 ; viii. 12. 17 ; Av. xv. 2, 4 ; 4, 4. 4 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, no. 5 Rv. i. 62, 13 ; Max Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 125. For the controversy as to the meaning of Rv. i. 124, 4, see Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 137. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 33. Nau is the regular word in the Rigveda1 and later2 for a ' boat ' or ■ ship.' In the great majority of cases the ship was merely a boat for crossing rivers, though no doubt a large boat was needed for crossing many of the broad rivers of the Panjab as well as the Yamuna and Gangpa. Often no doubt the Nau was a mere dug-out canoe (ddru).3 It is certainly against the theory4 of the existence in Vedic times of an extensive sea trade that there is no mention of any of the parts of a ship, such as masts and sails, except the oar (Aritra). Yet there are some allusions indicating a trade more extensive than that implied by boats used for crossing rivers. The Atharvaveda5 compares the ruin of a kingdom where Brahmins are oppressed to the 1 i. 131, 2; h. 39, 4; viii. 42, 3; 83, 3. etc. 2 Av. ii. 36, 5 ; v. 19, 8 ; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 3, 10, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, x. 19 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 13 ; vi. 6. 21 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 8, 1,4; iv. 2, 5, 10, etc. 3 Rv. x. 155, 3. 4 Wilson, Rigveda, 1, xli. 5 v. 19, 8. Cf. Hopkins, American Journal of Philology, 19, 139. So per- haps the passage, Rv. i. 32, 8, nadam na bhinnam, refers to a ship. See Nada. 462 OCEAN NAVIGATION— FIG TREE [ Nyagrodha sinking of a ship which is leaking {bhinnd) ; though the language here employed can be made to fit the theory that the ship was only a canoe, it cannot naturally be so interpreted. Moreover, there is mention made in the Rigveda6 of men who go to the ocean (Samudra) eager for gain (sanisyavah). It is not altogether satisfactory to restrict such references with Zimmer7 to the broad stream of the Indus after the union of that river with the tributaries of the Panjab. In the Rigveda8 too it is said that the Asvins rescued Bhujyu in the ocean with a ship of a hundred oars (satdritra). It is not easy to refuse to recognize here the existence of larger vessels with many oars used for sea voyages. The Baudhayana Dharma Sutra,9 at any rate, clearly refers to maritime navigation. See also Samudra. But it is not of 6 Rv. i. 56, 2 ; iv. 55, 6. 7 Altindisches Leben, 22, 23. 8 i. 116, 3 et seq. " 1. 2, 4 ; 11. 2, 2. very early date. Cf. Zimmer, op. cit. 255-257. Nyagf-rodha, ' growing downwards,' is the name of the Ficus indica, a tree remarkable for sending down from its branches fibres which take root and form new stems. Though the tree is not mentioned by name in the Rigveda, it appears to have been known, as Pischel1 has shown from a hymn2 in which its characteristics may be recognized. It is frequently mentioned in the Atharvaveda3 and the later literature.4 The sacrificial bowls (Camasa) were made of its wood.6 It was doubtless of the greatest importance, as in modern times, to the Vedic village. The sister tree, the Agvattha (Ficus religiosa), already occurs in the Rigveda. 1 Vedische Studim, 1, 113, 114. 2 i. 24, 7, where stupa seems to denote the crest or crown of the tree above the main trunk. 3 iv. 37, 4 J v. 5, 5. 4 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 30. 31 ; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 5, 13 ; xiii. 2, 7, 3 ; Chandogya Upanisad, vi. 12, 1, etc. 5 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 4, 12, 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii. 13. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 58. Ny-anka in the dual denotes in the Taittiriya Samhita 1 and Brahmana2 some part of the chariot, parallel with Anka. The Paficavimsa Brahmana3 has Nyahku, the dual of Nyahku. 1 i. 7, 7, 2. 3 i. 7, 5 ; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, 1 i. 3. 5. 4 ; "• 7. 8, 1. I ii. 8, 9. Paktha ] ORNAMENT— CAKE— A PEOPLE 463 Nyahku is the name of an animal in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or ' horse sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda Samhitas.1 It seems clear that a kind a * gazelle ' is meant, but the com- mentary on the Taittiriya Samhita1 suggests 'bear' (rksa) as a variant rendering. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 17, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 9 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 27. 32. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 83. The metre nyahhu-sdrinl, ' with a gazelle's gait,' is already mentioned in the Rgveda Pratisakhya, xvi. 31 ; Chandas, 5 ; Nidana Sutra, i. 2. Ny-astika seems in the Atharvaveda1 to denote a plant of some kind, identified by the scholiast with the Sankhapuspika (Andropogon aciculatus). 1 vi. 139, 1. Cf. Whitney, Transla- tion of the Atharvaveda, 385 ; Bloom- field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 539, 540- Ny-ocani is found in the marriage hymn of the Rigveda (x. 85, 6), where some kind of ornament worn by women seems to be meant. The commentator Sayana interprets it as 1 female slave.' p. Pakti denotes a cooked object, probably a kind of ' cake,' in the Samhitas.1 One who cooks food is called Paktr.2 1 Rv. iv. 24, 5. 7 ; 25, 6. 7 ; vi. 29, 4 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 59, etc. * Av. x. 9, 7. 11. 25 ; xi. 1, 17 ; xii. 3, 17 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 4, 17; x. 4, 2, 19. Paktha is the name of a people in the Rigveda,1 where they appear as one of the tribes that opposed2 the Trtsu-Bharatas in the DaSarajiia, or ■ battle of the ten kings.' Zimmer3 compares 1 vii. 18. 7. 2 Roth, Zur Litteratur und Geschichte des Weda, 95, thought that the Pakthas were allies of the Trtsus, but this view is certainly incorrect. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15. 260. 3 Altindisches Leben, 430, 431. 464 A NORTHERN TRIBE— COOKED FOOD— SIDE POST [ Pi them with the tribe of TLatcrves and their country HatcTVLKr), mentioned as in the north-west of India by Herodotus,4 and with the modern Pakhthun in Eastern Afghanistan, holding that they were a northern tribe; this is probable, since the Bharatas seem to have occupied the Madhyadesa, or ' Middle Land.' In three passages of the Rigveda5 a Paktha is referred to as a protege" of the Asvins. The second connects him wifti Trasadasyu, whose tribe, the Purus, were aided by the Pakthas in their unsuccessful onslaught on Sudas. In the third passage he seems specified as Turvayana, and appears as an opponent of Cyavana.6 Probably, therefore, Paktha in all cases denotes the king of the Paktha people. 4 vii. 65 (UdKTves) ; iii. 102 and iv. 44 (IICLKTVIKT)) . 8 viii. 22, 10 ; 49, 10 ; x. 61, 1. 6 Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 71-77. Pakva, ' cooked,' is used substantively as meaning ' cooked food'1 or * cooked milk.'2 The word is also used of * baked ' bricks.3 1 Rv. vi. 63, g ; Av. vi. 119, 2 ; x". 3, 55 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 5, 1, 26 ; ii. 6, 1, 7, etc. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 1, 2, 22 ; vii. 2 2 Rv. i. 62, 9 ; 180, 3 ; ii. 40, 2 ; iii. 30, 14 ; vi. 44, 24, etc. Paksa is, in the Atharvaveda,1 applied to some part of house, either the ' side posts,' according to Roth,2 Zimmer,2 and Grill,4 or 'sides,' as understood by Whitney5 and Bloom- field.6 The description of the roof (Chadis) in the Atharvaveda7 as catus-paksa, ' four-sided,' tells in favour of the second explanation. In the Taittiriya Brahmana8 Paksa is used oi the sides of a chariot. For Paksa as the ' half of a month, see Masa. 1 ix. 3, 4. 2 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Altindisches Leben, 153. * Hundert Lieder2, 188. 5 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 526. 6 Hymns 0/ the Atharvaveda, 597. 7 in- 7. 3- 8 i. 5. 12, 5. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 17, Pacana ] HALF— BIRD— SERIES— COOKED FOOD 465 Paksas is found in the Atharvaveda1 and the Kausitaki Brahmana2 meaning the * sides '3 of a chariot. In the Kathaka Samhita4 and the Taittiriya Brahmana5 it is used of the sides of a hut or chamber (Sala). In the Vajasaneyi Samhita6 it means the ' wing ' of a door. In the Kausitaki Brahmana7 the 'half of an army is so named, and in the Pancavimsa Brah- mana8 it means the 'half of a month, or 'fortnight.' Cf. Paksa. 1 vm. 8, 22. 2 vii. 7. 3 Whitney, Translation of the Athar- vaveda, 506 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 117. 4 xxx. 5. 5 i- 2, 3, 1. 6 xxix. 5. 7 ii. 9. 8 xxiii. 6, 6. Paksin in the Rigveda1 and later2 denotes a 'winged' creature, more particularly a ' bird.' 1 i. 48, 5 ; 182, 5 ; x. 127, 5, etc. 2 Av. iv. 34, 4 ; xi. 5, 21 ; xii. 1, 51 ; xiii. 2, 33 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxiv. 8 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 23 ; Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, ii. 5, 18, etc. Paftkti, originally a 'set of five,' denotes as_ early as the Rigveda1 a ' series ' generally. In the Taittiriya Aranyaka2 the word is used of the series of a man's ancestors whom he purifies by certain conduct. 1 x. 117, 8, as taken by the St. Petersburg Dictionary. 2 x. 38, 39. Pacata, like Pakti, denotes 'cooked food' in the Rigveda1 and later.2 1 i. 61, 7 ; x. 116, 8. I xxiii. 13 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, viii. 21, 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 60 ; | etc. Pacana in the Rigveda1 and the Satapatha Brahmana2 denotes a ' vessel for cooking ' food. 1 i. 162, 6. vi. 5. 43. 3. 4 » X1V- z> 2> 2i. VOL. I. 30 466 NAMES— THE FIVE PEOPLES [ Pajra Pajpa is the name of the family from which Kaksivant sprang (Pajriya). It is mentioned several times in the Rigveda.1 According to Pischel,2 the epithet prksa-yama3 applied to them means 'carrying out brilliant sacrificial performances,' which won for them Srutaratha's generosity. In two passages4 Roth5 sees a Pajra called Saman. This is uncertain, but in any case a Pajra seems clearly alluded to. Elsewhere6 it is very doubtful whether the word is a proper name at all. In the Satyayana7 the Pajras are declared to be Angirases. 1 i. 117, 10 ; 122, 7. 8 ; 126, 4. 5. 2 Vedische Studien, 1, 97, 98. 3 Rv. i. 127, 8, where Roth (St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.) thinks this compound is probably a proper name. * Rv. viii. 4, 17 ; 6, 47. 5 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. pajra. 6 Rv. i. 190, 5, where the referenc is clearly hostile and contemptuous. 7 Cited by Sayana on Rv. i. 51, 4. Pajra occurs once in the Rigveda,1 where Ludwig2 sees ii the word the name of the wife of the sacrificer, Pajra, while Roth3 takes it to be an epithet ('stout') of the Soma plant. The sense is thus uncertain. 1 ix. 82, 14. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, no. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. pajra. Pajriya 'descendant of Pajra,' is the patronymic1 of Kaksivant in the Rigveda.2 Cf. Tugrya, n. 1. 2 i. 116, 7; 117, 6; 120, 5. Panca-janah, the 'five peoples,' are mentioned under various names in Vedic literature.1 Who are meant by the five is very uncertain. The Aitareya Brahmana2 explains the five to be gods, men, Gandharvas and Apsarases, snakes, and the Fathers. 1 Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 31 ; iv. 27 ; Taittirlya Samhita, i. 6, 1, 2 ; Kathaka Samhita, v. 6 ; xxxii. 6 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 2, 9 {panca-janah as a compound). See also panca manusah, Rv. viii. 9, 2 ; manavah, Av. iii. 21, 5 ; 24, 3 ; xii. 1, 15 ; janah, Rv. iii. 37, 9 ; 59, 8 ; vi. 14, 4 ; viii. 32, 22 ; ix. 65, 23 > 92» 31 x- 45) 6 ; krstayah, ii. 2, 10 ; iii. 53. 16; iv. 38, 10; x. 60, 4; 119, 6; Av. iii. 24, 3 ; ksitayah, Rv. i. 7, 9 176, 3 ; v. 35, 2 ; vi. 46, 7 ; vii. 75, 4 79, 1 ; carsanyah, Rv. v. 86, 2 ; vii. 15, 2 ix. 101, 9. See Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 204. Every book of the Rigveda has a mention of the five peoples : one such in ii. and iv. ; two in i., v., vi., vii., viii. ; three in iii. and ix. ; four in x. 2 iii. 31. Pancajanak ] THE FIVE PEOPLES 467 Aupamanyava3 held that the four castes (Varna) and the Nisadas made up the five, and Sayana4 is of the same opinion. Yaska5 thinks that the five are the Gandharvas, fathers, gods, Asuras, and Raksases. No one of these explanations can be regarded as probable. Roth6 and Geldner7 think that all the peoples of the earth are meant : just as there are four quarters (Dig), there are peoples at the four quarters (N. E. S. W.), with the Aryan folk in the middle. Zimmer8 opposes this view on the ground that the inclusion of all peoples in one expression is not in harmony with the distinction so often made between Aryan and Dasa ; that neither janasah, * men,'9 nor mdmisdh, 'people,'10 could be used of non-Aryans; that the Soma is referred to as being among the five tribes ; n that the five tribes are mentioned as on the SarasvatI,12 and that Indra is panca- janya,13 * belonging to the five peoples.' He concludes that Aryans alone are meant, and in particular the five tribes of the Anus, Druhyus, Yadus, TurvaSas, and Purus, who are all mentioned together in one or perhaps two hymns of the Rigveda,14 and four of whom occur in another hymn.15 But he admits that the expression might easily be used more generally later. Hopkins16 has combated Zimmer's view, but his own opinion rests mainly on his theory that there was no people named Turvasa, but only a king of the Yadus called Turvasa, and that theory is not very probable. 3 In Yaska, Nirukta, iii. 8. * On Rv. i. 7, 9, etc. 5 Nirukta, loc. cit. 6 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s. v. krsti; Nirtikta, Erlduterungen, 28. For his view, Av. iii. 24, 3, can be cited : panca pradiio manavih panca krstayah, ' the five directions, the five races of men.' 7 Siebenzig Lieder, 18. See, however, Rgveda, Glossar, 103, where he recog- nizes the use of the phrase to denote five tribes, as well as all mankind. 8 Altindisches Leben, 119- 123. His view is accepted by Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 153 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 179. is doubtful. » Cf. its use in Rv. ii. 12, sa janasa Indrah, where the address must be to Aryan men. 10 Cf Rv. viii. 9, 2, and i. 52, 9, with viii. 70, 11 ; x. 28, 8. 11 Rv. ix. 65, 23. 12 Rv. vi. 61, 12 (panca jata). Cf x. 53. 4- 13 v. 32, 11. Agni is « of the five tribes,' Rv. ix. 66, 20. Atri also is so described, Rv. i. 117, 3. 14 Rv. i. 108, 8. In vii. 18, cited by Zimmer, 122, the five tribes do net occur eo nomine, for Yaksu replaces Yadu. But it is probable that Yadu is meant by Yaksu. 15 Rv. viii. 10, 5. 16 Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 260. 30—2 468 FIFTEENTH DA Y—PA NJA B—PA NCALA S [ Pancada^I In the Satapatha Brahmana17 and the Aitareya Brahmana18 the five peoples are opposed to the Bharatas, and in the former work19 seven peoples are alluded to. " xin. 5, 4, 14. 18 viii. 23. 19 It is a conjecture of Weber's, Indische Studien, 1, 202, that the five peoples are identical with the Pancalas, and the seven mentioned in Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 23, with the Kuru-Pancalas. Pahca-da&i, ' the fifteenth day of the month,' is already mentioned in the Taittiriya Brahmana (i. 5, 10, 5). Panca-nada, * having five streams,' is not found until the epic period as the name of the Panjab, which has no desig- nation in the earlier literature. The importance of the Panjab as the home1 of the Rigveda has been greatly diminished by recent research, Hopkins,2 Pischel,3 and Geldner4 having on different grounds shown reason for believing that the Rigveda, at least in great part, was composed farther east, in the MadhyadeSa, which admittedly was the home of the later Vedic culture. Hillebrandt5 considers that the Rigveda belongs in part to the Panjab, or rather to Arachosia, and in part to the Middle- Country. See also Kuru, Trtsu. 1 See, e.g. , Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, \ 32 et seq. 2 Journal of the American Oriental Society, 19, 19 - 28. Cf. Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 145, 441. 1 3 Vedische Studien, 2, 218. 4 Ibid., 3, 152. 5 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 98 et seq. But see Divodasa. Cf. also Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 189. Pancavim^a Brahmana. See Tandya. Pancala is the later name1 of the people called Krivi in the Rigveda. The Pancalas are rarely referred to except in con- nexion with the Kurus, and the kings of the Kuru-Pancalas are mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana.2 In the Kathaka Samhita3 the Pancalas appear as the people of KeSin Dalbhya. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 7. 3 xxx. 2 {Indische Studien, 3, 471). vin. 14. Pancaudana ] pa nc Alas— cooked rice 469 In the Upanisads and later4 the Brahmins of the Pancalas figure as taking part in philosophical and philological dis- cussions. The Samhitopanisad Brahmana5 makes mention of the Pracy a- Pancalas. The Pancalas, no doubt, included other tribes besides the Krivis. The name seems to refer to five tribes, and it has been suggested6 that the Pancalas represent the five tribes of the Rigveda, but the suggestion is not very probable. There is no trace in Vedic literature of the Epic division of the Pancalas into northern (uttara) and southern (daksina). The Satapatha Brahmana7 mentions their town Paricakra; other towns to which allusion seems to be made were Kampila and Kausambl.8 Of their kings and chiefs, as distinguished from kings of the Kuru-Pancalas, we hear of Kraivya, Durmukha, Pravahana Jaivali, and Sona. 4 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 1 (Madhyamdina = vi. 2, 1 Kanva) ; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 3, 1 ; Rgveda PratiSakhya, ii. 12, 44 ; Nidana Sutra, i. 6 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 13, 6, etc. 5 2. Cf. Indische Studien, 4, 375, n. ; 8, 92, n. 1. 6 Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 202 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 108, n. r. Cf. Weber, op. cit., 1, 191 et seq.; Indian Literature, 10, 90, 114, 115, 125, 135. 136. 7 xiii. 5, 4, 7. 8 See KauSambeya. Paiicala-eanda is the name of a teacher in the Aitareya and the Sankhayana2 Aranyakas. 1 iii. 1, 6. 2 vii. 18. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 391 Indian Literature, 50, 315, 326. Pancavi occurs several times in the Vajasaneyi Samhita1 in the sense of ' aged five lamb-periods ' (of six months), that is, 1 thirty months old.'2 1 xviii. 26 ; xxi. 14 ; xxiv. 12 ; xxviii. 26. 2 Cf. Tryavi. Pancaudana is an adjective in the Atharvaveda1 meaning * prepared with five rice-messes.' The cooking of five rice dishes is referred to in the same Samhita.2 1 iv. 14, 7 ; ix. 5, 8 et seq. 5> 37- 47o BOOK SECTION— NAMES— FOOT-FETTER [Patala Patala as early as the Aitareya Brahmana1 denotes ' section ' of a work, a sense occurring in the Sutras2 and later. 1 i. 21. 22. I 20; xiii. 21, 2; AsValayana Srauta 2 Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xi. 9, | Sutra, iv. 6. 7. Patharvan appears to be the name of a man in the Rigveda.1 According to Ludwig,2 however, the word is Patharu, and is the name of a fort which was saved by a rain-storm from being set on fire. 1 i. 112, 17, with Sayana's note. 1 Cf. Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 204. | 147, 148. Padgrbhi, ' seizing by the foot,'1 is the name in the Rigveda2 of either a man3 or a demon. See also PadbiSa. 1 But it may mean ' seizing with a cord.' Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 34 (top) ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, I, 236. 1 x. 49, 5. 3 Ludwig, Translation of the Ri| veda, 3, 165. Pad-biSa, the ' foot-fetter ' of a horse in five passages, two in the Rigveda,1 and one each in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,2 the Chandogya Upanisad,3 and the Sankhayana Aranyaka.4 Elsewhere5 its uses are metaphorical. According to Roth,6 the literal sense is 'foot-fastening' {pad being =pad, 'foot,' and bisa, written visa in the Vajasaneyi Samhita, being connected with the Latin vincire, 'bind'). Pischel7 objects that the sense of ' foot-fastening' involves the absurdity, in the Upanisad passages, of a fine horse from the Sindhu (Indus) being spoken of as tearing up the peg to which it is fastened. He suggests instead the meaning of ' hobble,' which must be right.8 1 i. 162, 14. 16 = Taittirlya Samhita, iv. 6, 9, 1 . 2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxv. 38. 39. 2 vi. 2, 13 (Madhyamdina). 3 v. 1, 12. 4 ix. 7 ; Keith, Sankhayana Ar any aha, 57- n. 3- 5 Rv. x. 97, 16 ; Av. viii. 1, 4 ; xii. 5, 15 ; xvi. 8, 27 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, 10, 3 ; Mantra Brahmana, i. 3, 10. 6 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 7 Vedische Studien, 1, 233-236. 8 He explains the first part of the word as derived from pas, 'tie.' Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 34 (top). But the form pad may be due to a false analogy, and the sense of ' foot- fastener ' may express ' hobble ' quite satisfactorily ; it is not confined to a rope tied to a peg in the ground. Pani] BARGAINING— THE PANIS 47i Pana, with Pratipana, is found in a hymn of the Atharva- veda1 denoting the process of bargaining and selling. The root pan, from which the word is derived, is employed in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas,2 while Panana in the Satapatha Brahmana3 denotes 'trafficking.' Cf. Vanij. 1 iii. 15, 4. 6 (in the Paippalada recension ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 112). 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, viii. 55; Sata- patha Brahmana, iii. 3, 3, 1 et seq. ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 27. Cf. Tait- tiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 10, 1. 3 iii. 3, 2, 19. The root does not occur in the Rigveda, but its etymology is vouched for by the Greek iripvrifu. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 84, n. 3. Pani in the Rigveda appears to denote a person who is rich, but who does not give offerings to the gods, or bestow Daksinas on the priests, and who is therefore an object of intense dislike to the composers of the Samhita.1 Hence the gods are asked to attack the Panis, who are also referred to as being defeated with slaughter.2 The Pani is opposed to the pious sacrificer as a niggard,3 and is spoken of as a wolf,4 the symbol of enmity. In some passages5 the Panis definitely appear as mythological figures, demons who withhold the cows or waters of heaven, and to whom Sarama. goes on a mission from Indra.6 Among the Panis Brbu was apparently important. In one passage of the Rigveda7 they are described as Beka- na^as, or 'usurers' (?). In another8 they are called Dasyus, and styled mrdhra-vdc, probably ' of hostile speech,' and grathin, a word of uncertain meaning. Hillebrandt9 thinks that the latter epithet refers to the continuous flow of a speech which 1 Rv. i. 33, 3 ; 83, 2 ; 151, 9; 180, 7 iv. 28, 7; v. 34, 5-7; 61, 8; vi. 13, 3 53, 3 ; viii. 64, 2 ; 97, 2 ; x. 60, 6 Av. v. 11, 7; xx. 128, 4; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxxv. 1. 2 Rv. 1, 83, 4; 184, 2; iii. 58, 2; v. 34, 7; 61, 8; vi. 13, 3; 20, 4; 33, 2; viii. 64, 11. 3 Rv. i. 124, 10 ; iv. 51, 3 ; viii. 45, 14 (where the sense is doubtful). Cf. i. 93.4; v. 61, 1. 4 Rv. vi. 51, 14. 5 Rv. i. 32, 11 ; ii. 24, 6; iv. 58, 4; vi. 44, 22 ; vii. 9, 2 ; x. 67, 6 ; 92, 3 ; Av. iv. 23, 5 ; xix. 46, 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 8, 2, 3. It is im- possible definitely to decide in which passages the mythical sense is meant. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 157. 6 Rv. x. 108. 7 Rv. viii. 66, 10. 8 Rv. vii. 6, 3. 9 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 89. 472 rH0 WERE THE PANIS f is not understood, and that mrdhra-vdc means ' speaking an enemy's speech,' though not necessarily with reference to non-Aryans.10 In two passages11 the Panis appear as Dasas, and in one12 a Pani is mentioned in connexion with wer- geld (Vaira), being apparently regarded as equal to a man merely in the price put on his life, but in other respects as inferior. It is difficult to be certain exactly who a Pani was. Roth13 thinks that the word is derived from pan, ' barter,' and that the Pani is properly the man who will give nothing without return, hence the niggard, who neither worships the gods nor rewards their priests. This view is accepted by Zimmer14 and by Ludwig.15 The latter scholar thinks the apparent references to rights with Panis are to be explained by their having been aboriginal traders who went in caravans — as in Arabia and Northern Africa — prepared to fight, if need be, to protect their goods against attacks which the Aryans would naturally deem quite justified. He supports this explanation by the references to the Panis as Dasyus and Dasas. It is, however, hardly necessary to do more than regard the Panis generally as non-worshippers of the gods favoured by the singers ; the term is wide enough to cover either the aborigines or hostile Aryan tribes, as well as demons. Hillebrandt,16 however, thinks that a real tribe is meant, the Parnians of Strabo, and that they were associated with the Dahae (Dasa). Moreover, he finds them associated in one passage17 with the Paravatas, whom 10 See Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 2, i, 23; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 22, 114; Davidson, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Mor- genldndischen Gesellschaft, 37, 23 ; Eggel- ing, Sacred Books of the Easty 26, 31, n. 3. 11 Rv. v. 34, 5-7 ; Av. v. 11, 6. 12 Rv. v. 61, 8. Cf. Roth, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- schaft, 41, 673 ; Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 361, who thinks that the Pani is compared unfavourably with a generous woman, but this is unlikely ; Hillebrandt, 1, 92, n. 3 ; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 58, 59 Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 364. 13 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Cf. Yaska, Nirukta, ii. 17 ; vi. 26. 14 Altindisches Leben, 257. Cf. Mac- donell, loc. cit. ; Geldner, Rgveda, Glossar, 103. 15 Translation of the Rigveda, 3,213- 215. Cf. Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, 3*9- 16 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 83 et seq. ; 3, 268; Gbttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1894, 648. 17 Rv. vi. 61, 1-3. Pataiicala Kapya ] SCHOLAR— WINGED INSECT— A SEER 473 he identifies with the UapovrjTai of Ptolemy,18 and with Brsaya, whom he connects with Bapo-awrys of Arrian ;19 he also con- siders that the frequent20 mention of the Panis as opponents of Divodasa shows that the latter was on the Arachosian Haraqaiti (Sarasvati) fighting against the Parnians and Dahae, as well as other Iranian tribes. But the identification of Pani and the Parnians is needless, especially as the root pan, which is found also in the Greek irepvrjfit, shows a satisfactory deri- vation, while the transfer of Divodasa to the Haraqaiti is improbable. See also Divodasa and Bekanata. 18 vi. 20, 3. 19 iii. 8, 4. 20 The Panis occur twelve times in Mandala vi. ; once each in ii. and viii. ; twice in v. and ix. ; thrice in iv. and vii. ; six times in viii. ; nine times in i. ; and four times in x., besides the refer- ences in the Sarama hymn, x. 108. Pandita, a ' learned man,' is not found until the Upanisad period.1 1 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 4, 1 ; | vi. 14, 2 ; Mundaka Upanisad, i. 2, 8, vi. 4, 16. 17 ; Chandogya Upanisad, | etc. i. Patariga, ' flying,' denotes a ' winged insect ' in the Athar- vaveda1 and the Upanisads.2 1 vi. 50, I. 2 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 19 (Madhyamdina = vi. 2, 14 Kanva) ; 2, 14 ( = 1, 14) ; Chandogya Upanisad, vi. g, 3 ; 10, 2 ; vii. 2, 1 ; 7, 1 ; 8, 1 ; 10, i; Adbhuta Brahmana, vi. 5 (Indischt Studien, 1, 40). 2. Patang-a Prajapatya (' descendant of Prajapati ') is credited by the Anukramani (Index) with the authorship of a hymn of the Rigveda1 in which Patanga means the 'sun-bird.' He is also mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana.2 1 x. 177, 1. I xxv. 8 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, 2 iii. 30, 1. Cf. Kausitaki Brahmana, | xi. 14, 28. Pataiicala Kapya is the name of a sage mentioned twice in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.1 According to Weber,2 his 1 "I- 3. 1 ; 7, 1. 2 Indische Studien, 1, 434, 435 ; Indian Literature, 126, 137, 223, 236, 237. 474 BIRD— BANNER— HUSBAND-WIFE [ Patatrin name is reminiscent of Kapila and Patanjali of the Sankhya- Yoga system, but this suggestion may be regarded as quite improbable.3 3 Cf. Garbe, Sahkhya Philosophic, 25, 26. Patatrin denotes a ' flying creature ' generally in the Aitareya Upanisad,1 or more particularly a ' bird ' in the Atharvaveda.2 1 "i. 3. 3- 2 viii. 7, 24; x. io, 14; xiv. 2, 44. Pataka, ' banner,' is not found until the Adbhuta Brahmana.1 Its Vedic equivalent is Dhvaja. 1 Indische Studien, 1, 39, 41 (here erroneously mentioned as pataka, masculine). Pati, Patni. — Under these words denoting primarily, as the evidence collected in the St. Petersburg Dictionary shows, * lord ' and ' lady,' and so ■ husband ' and * wife,' it is convenient to consider the marital relations of the Vedic community. Child Marriage. — Marriage in the early Vedic texts appears essentially as a union of two persons of full development. This is shown by the numerous references1 to unmarried girls who grow old in the house of their fathers (ama-jur), and who adorn themselves in desire of marriage, as well as to the paraphernalia of spells and potions used in the Atharvavedic tradition2 to compel the love of man or woman respectively, while even the Rigveda3 itself seems to present us with a spell by which a 1 Cf. Rv. i. 117, 7; ii. 17, 7; x. 39, 3 ; 40, 5. Ghosa is the chief example of this condition. The Atharvaveda (i. 14) also refers to such a case (see Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 253). The ornaments of maidens, espe- cially at seasons of festival, are referred to in Rv. i. 123, 11; vii. 2, 5; Av. 3 ; ix. 32, 5 ; 56, 3 ; x. 34, 5 ; and to jealousy and love philtres for the pur- pose of recalling wandering affections —e.g., Av. vi. 18; 42; 43; 94; 139; vii. 45. The gifts of the lover are referred to in Rv. i. 117, 18. Some of these passages may, of course, refer to Hetairai. but not all. ii. 36, 1 ; xiv. 2, 59 et seq. 3 vii. 55, 5. 8. Cf. Rv. i. 134, 3 ; 2 Cf. Av. iii. 18 (= Rv. x. 145) ; Aufrecht, Indische Studien, 4, 337 et seq. vi. 89 ; 102 ; 130 ; 131 ; vii. 36 ; 37 ; 38. A different view of the passage is taken Similarly there are many references to by Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 57 et seq. the love of the youth for the maiden, The Atharvaveda (iv. 5) shows that the and his seeking her — e.g., Rv. i. 115, 2 ; ; view of Aufrecht was that early adopted Av. ii. 30; iii. 25; vi. 8; 9; 82; to I in India, their mutual affection — e.g., Rv. i. 167, I Pati, Patni ] CHILD MARRIAGE 475 lover seeks to send all the household to sleep when he visits his beloved. Child wives first occur regularly in the Sutra period, though it is still uncertain to what extent the rule of marriage before puberty there obtained.4 The marriage ritual also quite clearly presumes that the marriage is a real and not a nominal one : an essential feature is the taking of the bride to her husband's home, and the ensuing cohabitation.5 Limitations on Marriage. — It is difficult to say with certainty within what limits marriage was allowed. The dialogue of Yama and Yam! in the Rigveda6 seems clearly to point to a prohibition of the marriage of brother and sister. It can hardly be said, as Weber 7 thinks, to point to a practice that was once in use and later became antiquated. In the Gobhila Grhya Sutra8 and the Dharma Sutras9 are found prohibitions against marriage in the Gotra (' family ') or v/ithin six degrees on the mother's or father's side, but in the Satapatha Brah- mana10 marriage is allowed in the third or fourth generation, the former being allowed, according to Harisvamin,11 by the Kanvas, and the second by the Saurastras, while the Daksi- natyas allowed marriage with the daughter of the mother's brother or the son of the father's sister, but presumably not with the daughter of the mother's sister or the son of the father's brother. The prohibition of marriage within the Gotra cannot then have existed,12 though naturally marriages 4 Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 59 ; Hop- kins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 340 et seq. ; 23, 356 ; Risley, People of India, 179 et seq. There is a possible reference to a child-wife in the Chandogya Upanisad, i. 10, 1. For the Sutra evidence, see Bhandarkar, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Geseilschaft, 47, 143-156; Jolly, ibid., 46, 413-426 ; 47, 610-615. 6 Rv. x. 85, especially verse 29 et seq. 6 x. 10. 7 Proceedings of the Berlin Academy, 1895, 822. Cf. also Indische Studien, 5, 427 ; 10, 76, n. ; Pischel, Hermes, 18, 465-468 ; Max Miiller, Science of Lan- guage, 2, 507 ; Herodotus, iii. 19. Craw- ley's Mystic Rose gives strong reasons against the early prevalence of such marriages. 8 iii- 4, 5- 9 Apastamba Dharma Sutra, ii. 5, 15, 16, etc. Cf. Manava Dharma Sastra, iii. 5 ; Yajnavalkya Dharma Sastra, i- 52, 53- 10 i. 8, 3, 6. 11 On Satapatha Brahmana, loc. cit. 11 Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 75, 76 ; Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Litera- ture, 387 ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiqui- ties, 392 ; Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur, 246 ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Geseilschaft, 43, 308-312 ; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 62, 63 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 345 ct seq. 476 LIMITATIONS ON MARRIAGE [ Pati, Patni outside the Gotra were frequent.13 Similarity of caste was also not an essential to marriage, as hypergamy was permitted even by the Dharma Sutras,14 so that a Brahmana could marry wives of any lower caste, a Ksatriya wives of the two lowest castes as well as of his own caste, a Vaisya a Sudra. as well as a Vaisya, although the Sudra marriages were later disapproved in toto. Instances of such intermarriage are common in the Epic, and are viewed as normal in the Brhaddevata..15 It was considered proper that the younger brothers and sisters should not anticipate their elders by marrying before them. The later Samhitas and Brahmanas16 present a series of names expressive of such anticipation, censuring as sinful those who bear them. These terms are the pari-vividdna,17 or perhaps agre-dadhus,18 the man who, though a younger brother, marries before his elder brother, the latter being then called the parivitta;19 the agre-didhisu,20 the man who weds a younger daughter while her elder sister is still unmarried ; and the Didhisu-pati,21 who is the husband of the latter. The passages do not explicitly say that the exact order of birth must always be followed, but the mention of the terms shows that the order was often broken. remarriage of a widow was Widow Remarriage. — The 13 Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 5i. 279. 14 Gautama Dharma Sutra, iv. 16 ; Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, i. 16, 2-5 ; Vasistha Dharma Sutra, i. 24 ; 25 ; Paraskara Grhya Sutra, i. 4, etc. ; Risley, People of India, 156 et seq. Cf. Varna. 15 See Hopkins, cited in note 12 ; Brhaddevata, v. 79 ; and Varna. 16 See Delbriick, Die indogermanischen V erwandtschaftsnamen, 578 et seq. 17 Maitrayani Samhita, iv. i, 9, and Kathaka and Kapisthala Samhitas, cited by Delbriick, 579, 580; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 9. In Apastamba Dharma Sutra, ii. 5, 12, 22, the expression is paryahita. 18 Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 1, 9, ac- cording to Delbriick, 581. But, as pari-vividana follows, it seems very doubtful ; the reading is probably wrong, especially in view of the Kathaka and Kapisthala parallels, which have agre-didhisau and agre-dadhisau. 19 See passages cited in note 17; also Av. vi. 112, 3; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 2, 8, 11. Apastamba Srauta Sutra, ix. 12, n, and Dharma Sutra, ii. 5, 12, 22, add parivinna to parivitta, but probably the two words should be identical in sense. 20 Kathaka Samhita (see note 17) has agre-didhisu ; Kapisthala, agre-dadhisu ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 2, 8, II, agra-didhisu. The Dharma Sutras adopt agre-didhisu. 21 Kathaka Samhita has didhisu-pati ; Kapisthala, dadhisu-pati ; and so the Dharma Sutras. Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 9, has the corrupt edidhisuh-pati. Pati, Patni ] REMARRIAGE OF WIDOWS 477 apparently permitted. This seems originally to have taken the form of the marriage of the widow to the brother or other nearest kinsman of the dead man in order to produce children. At any rate, the ceremony is apparently alluded to in a funeral hymn of the Rigveda ;22 for the alternative explanation, which sees in the verse a reference to the ritual of the Purusamedha ('human sacrifice'), although accepted by Hillebrandt23 and Delbruck,24 is not at all probable, while the ordinary view is supported by the Sutra evidence.25 Moreover, another passage of the Rigveda26 clearly refers to the marriage of the widow and the husband's brother (devr), which constitutes what the Indians later knew as Niyoga.27 This custom was probably not followed except in cases where no son was already born. This custom was hardly remarriage in the strict sense, since the brother might — so far as appears — be already married himself. In the Atharvaveda,28 a verse refers to a charm which would secure the reunion, in the next world, of a wife and her second husband. Though, as Delbruck 29 thinks, this very possibly refers to a case in which the first husband was still alive,30 but was impotent or had lost caste (patita)?1 still it is certain that the later Dharma Sutras32 began to recognize ordinary remarriage in case of the death of the first husband. 22 x. 18, 8. 23 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 40, 708. 2* Die indogermanischen Verwandtschafts- namen, 553. Cf. also Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 385 ; for the other view, see Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- veda, 848 ; Roth, Siebenzig Lieder, 151, n. ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 329. 25 Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, iv. 2, 18. Cf. Lanman in Whitney, op. cit., 849. 26 X. 40, 2. 27 Cf. Yaska, Nirukta, iii. 15, with Roth's note ; Geldner, Rgveda, Kom- mentar, 160 ; Weber, Indische Studien, v, 343, n. ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 355, n., 367 ; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 71 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 459 ; von Schroeder, Indiens Liter atur und Cultur, 429. The custom died out in later times, it seems. 28 ix. 5, 27. 28. 29 Die indogermanischen Verwandt- schaftsnamen, 553-555. Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 59 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 371, n. 30 This is certainly the case in Av. v. 17, 8, which, however, merely exalts the sanctity of the Brahmana, and does not necessarily imply remarriage at all . 31 E.g., Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, ii. 2, 3, 27. 32 Vasistha Dharma Sutra, xvii. 19. 20. 72-74 ; Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, iv. i, 16 ; Manava Dharma Sastra, ix. 175. Cf. also Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 281 ; 5, 306. 478 POLYGAMY [ Pati, Patnl Pischel33 finds some evidence in the Rigveda34 to the effect that a woman could remarry if her husband disappeared and could not be found or heard of. .Polygamy. — A Vedic Indian could have more than one wife. This is proved clearly by many passages in the Rigveda;35 Manu, according to the Maitrayani Samhita,36 had ten wives ; and the Satapatha Brahmana37 explains polygamy by a characteristic legend. Moreover, the king regularly has four wives attributed to him, the Mahisi,38 the Parivrkti,39 the Vavata,40 and the Palagall.41 The Mahisi appears to be the chief wife, being the first, one married according to the Sata- patha Brahmana.42 The Parivrkti, ' the neglected,' is explained by Weber43 and Pischel44 as one that has had no son. The Vavata is 'the favourite,' while the Palagall is, according to Weber, the daughter of the last of the court officials. The names are curious, and not very intelligible, but the evidence points to the wife first wedded alone being a wife in the fullest sense. This view is supported by the fact emphasized by 33 Vedische Studien, i, 27. 34 vi.49,8. C/.Mahabharata,iii. 70,26. 35 Rv. i. 62, 11 ; 71, 1 ; 104, 3 ; 105, 8; 112, 19; 186, 7; vi. 53, '4 ; vii. 18, 2; 26, 3; x. 43, 1; 101, 11. Cf. Av. iii. 4 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, 1, 4, etc. See Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 455 et seq. ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiqui- ties, 387 ; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 64 ; von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 430, 431 ; Delbruck, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 539, 540 ; Hop- kins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 353 ; Bloomfield, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- schaft, 48, 561. 36 i. 5. 8. 37 ix. 1, 4, 6. 38 Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 9, 4, 4 ; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 1, 4 ; vi. 5, 3, 1 ; vii. 5, 1, 1 ; xiii. 2, 6, 4 ; 4, 1, 8 ; 5, 2, 2. 5. 9 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xix. 1, 4. Cf. Rv. v. 2, 2; 37, 3; Av. ii. 36, 3 ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 9, 1 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 220. 39 Pari-vrktd occurs in Rv. x. 102, 11 ; Av. vii. 113, 2; xx. 128, 10. 11; Sata- patha Brahmana, xiii. 2, 6, 6 ; 4, 1, 8 ; 5,2,7; parivrkti in Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 9, 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 3, 4; iii. 9, 4, 4; Kathaka Samhita, x. 10; xv. 4; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 1, 13- 40 Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 22 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 3, 3; iii. 9, 4, 4; Av. xx. 128, 10. 11; Satapatha Brah- mana, xiii. 2, 6, 5 ; 4, 1,8; 5, 2, 6. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 308, n. ; Bloomfield, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 48, 553, 554- 41 Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 3, 3 et seq. ; iii. 9, 4, 5 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, xiii. 4, 1,8; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 4, 4. 42 vi. 5, 3, 1. 43 Indische Studien, 10, 6. 44 Vedische Studien, 2, 199. Cf. Geldner, ibid., 2, 38. Pati, Patnl ] POLYANDRY 479 Delbriick,45 that in the sacrifice the Patni is usually mentioned in the singular, apparent exceptions being due to some mytho- logical reason.46 Zimmer47 is of opinion that polygamy is dying out in the Rigvedic period, monogamy being developed from pologamy; Weber,48 however, thinks that polygamy is secondary, a view that is supported by more recent anthro- pology.49 Polyandry. — On the other hand, polyandry is not Vedic.50 There is no passage containing any clear reference to such a custom. The most that can be said is that in the Rigveda51 and the Atharvaveda52 verses are occasionally found in which husbands are mentioned in relation to a single wife. It is difficult to be certain of the correct explanation of each separate instance of this mode of expression; but even if Weber's53 view, that the plural is here used majestatis causa, is not accepted, Delbriick's54 explanation by mythology is probably right. In other passages55 the plural is simply generic. Marital Relations. — Despite polygamy, however, there is ample evidence that the marriage tie was not, as Weber56 has suggested, lightly regarded as far as the fidelity of the wife was concerned. There is, however, little trace of the husband's being expected to be faithful as a matter of morality. Several 45 Indogermanische Verwandtschafts- namen, 539. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 325. Yajnavalkya had, however, two apparently equal wives (Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, iii. 1, and cf. Tait- tirlya Brahmana, i. 3, 10, 3). 48 E.g., Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 6, 4; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 3, 1. 47 Altindisches Leben, 323. 48 Indische Studien, 5, 222. Weber's theory that sapatna cannot be derived from sapatnl is, however, quite un- tenable. 49 See, e.g., Westermaarck, Origin and Development of Marriage ; Crawley, Mystic Rose. 50 Mayr, Indisches Erbrecht, Wien, 1873, contends in favour of its exist- ence. But see Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 191, 207; 10, 83, 84; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 48 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 354 et seq. ; von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 431, n. 2 ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft , 44, 340- 342 ; Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 54 1-545. 51 x. 85, 37. 38. 52 Av. xiv. 1, 44. 52. 61 ; 2, 14. 27. 53 Indische Studien, 5, 191 . So Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 326, who, however, suggests that the plural is generic. 54 Op. cit.,543. 55 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 6, 2, 14. Cf. the plural svasurah, ' fathers-in-law,' in Kathaka Samhita, xii. 12. The Niyoga has, of course, nothing to do with polyandry. 56 Indische Studien, 10, 83. Cf. Lud- wig, Translation of the Rigveda, 5, 573, and cf. Dharma. 480 MARITAL RELATIONS [ Pati, Patni passages,57 indeed, forbid, with reference to ritual abstinence, intercourse with the stri of another. This may imply that adultery on the husband's part was otherwise regarded as venial. But as the word stri includes all the 'womenfolk,' daughters and slaves, as well as wife, the conclusion can hardly be drawn that intercourse with another man's ' wife ' was normally regarded with indifference.58 The curious ritual of the Varunapraghasas,59 in which the wife of the sacrificer is questioned as to her lovers, is shown by Delbrtick60 to be a part of a rite meant to expiate unchastity on the part of a wife, not as a normal question for a sacrificer to put to his own wife. Again, Yajnavalkya's doctrine in the Satapatha Brahmana,61 which seems to assert that no one cares if a wife is unchaste (parah-pumsa) or not, really means that no one cares if the wife is away from the men who are sacrificing, as the wives of the gods are apart from them during the particular rite in question. Monogamy is also evidently approved,62 so that some higher idea of morality was in course of formation. On the other hand, no Vedic text gives us the rule well known to other Indo-Germanic63 peoples that the adulterer taken in the act can be killed with impunity, though the later legal literature has traces of this rule.64 There is also abundant evidence that the standard of ordinary sexual morality was not high. Hetairai. — In the Rigveda65 there are many references to illegitimate love and to the abandonment of the offspring of 57 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 6, 8, 3 ; Mai tray aril Samhita, iii. 4, 7. 68 Cf. above, p. 396. 59 Maitrayani Samhita, i. 10, 11 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 2, 20; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, 5, 2. 10 Op. »/., 550. 61 i. 3, 1, 21. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, 76, n. 2; Boht- lingk, Dictionary, s.v. parahpumsa (cf. above, p. 397). Delbriick, op. cit., 551, shows also that neither the Diksa (' consecration ') nor the Pravara (' in- vitation ' to Agni, as described by the names of the mythical ancestors of the invoker) gives any countenance to the theory of doubt as to the parentage of the Vedic Indians. 62 Rv. i. 124, 7; iv. 3, 2; x. 71, 4, etc. e3 Leist, Altarisches Jus Gentium, 276 et seq. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiqui- ties, 388, 389 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 366, 367. 64 Cf. above, p. 396. 65 Rv. i. 134, 3 ; iii. 53, 8 ; viii. 17, 7. Mahanagn'i, Av. xiv. 1, 36; xx. 136, 5; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 27, denotes a courtesan. Cf. Av. v. 7, 8. So also pumscali, Av. xv. 2 ; Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, xxx. 22 ; pumscalu, Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 15, 1. Pati, Patnl ] COURTESANS 48 j such unions,66 especially in the case of a protege of Indra, often mentioned as the pardvrkta or pardvrj.67 The 'son of a maiden ' (kumdn-putra) is already spoken of in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.68 Such a person appears with a metronymic in the Upanisad period:69 this custom may be the origin of metro- nymics such as those which make up a great part of the lists of teachers (Vamsas) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.70 The Vajasaneyi Samhita71 refers to illicit unions of Sudra and Arya, both male and female, besides giving in its list of victims at the Purusamedha, or 'human sacrifice,' several whose desig- nations apparently mean ' courtesan ' (atTtvari)72 and ' procuress of abortion ' (atiskadvarl),73 while the ' dyeing woman ' (rajayitrl) is dedicated to sensuality.74 Pischel and Geldner also see many references to Hetairai in other passages of the Rigveda,75 especially where mention is made of Usas, the goddess of Dawn, who in their view is the characteristic Hetaira. At any rate, there is little doubt that the ' dancer ' (nrtu) referred to in one passage of the Rigveda76 was a Hetaira. When women are referred to as going to the Samana, or ' place of meeting,' Hetairai are probably also meant.77 Grave cases of immorality are alluded to in the Rigveda.78 The love of father and daughter, as shown in the myth of Prajapati,79 is evidently censured, but the actual existence of this form of incest is recognized in the Atharvaveda.80 Girls who had lost their 06 Rv. ii. 29, 1 (raha-silh, ' one who bears in secret.' Cf. Max MUller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 26; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 333, 334). 67 Rv. ii. 13, 12; 15, 7; iv. 19, 9; 30, 16 ; Zimmer, op. cit. , 335. The child, when exposed, was in danger of being consumed by ants {vamrl). Cf. below, p. 493. 68 xxx. 6. 69 Cf. Jabala Satyakama. 70 Cf. Panini, iv. 1, 116. But the custom may be due simply to poly- gamy (Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, p. 244, n. 2). 71 xxiii. 30. 31 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 4, 19, 2. 3. VOL. I. '* xxx. 15. 73 xxx. 15 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 11, 1, has apaskadvarl. 7* xxx. 12 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 7, I. 75 Cf. Vedische Studien, 1, xxv, 196, 275> 299» 3°9I 2» I2°t I54i x79» etc.; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 48. 76 1. 92, 4. x. 168, 2. 126, 5. 77 Rv. iv. 58, 8 ; vi. 75, 4 ; Perhaps also vra in i. 124, 8 78 x. 162, 5 (brother and sister : cf. above, p. 397). 79 Rv. x. 61, 5-7; Paficavimsa Brah- mana, viii. 2, 10 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 33 ; £atapatha Brahmana, i. 7, 4, 1. 80 viii. 6, 7. 31 482 FORMS OF MARRIAGE [ Pati, Patnl natural protectors — father or brother81 — were apt to be reduced to live by immorality. Forms of Marriage. — The state of society revealed in the Vedic age seems to point to considerable freedom on the part of both man and woman in selecting a wife or a husband. At any rate, it is not clear that either the father or the mother controlled the marriage of son or daughter of mature age,82 though no doubt the parents or parent often arranged a suit- able match.83 The marriage was frequently arranged through an intermediary, the 'wooer' (vara),84 presumably after those concerned had in effect come to an agreement. The sale of a daughter was not unknown,85 but a certain amount of dis- credit would seem to have attached to it,86 and sons-in-law in such cases were sometimes stingy. On the other hand, dowries were not infrequently given, especially no doubt when damsels offered from bodily defects.87 Occasionally marriages by « Rv. i. 124, 7. Cf. Putrika. 82 Cf. Delbruck, op. cit., 574. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 309, asserts that the consent of parent or brother was needed, but no clear evidence of this can be adduced. The later custom is not con- clusive, since it is bound up with the usage of child marriage, which deprived both son and daughter of any free choice. Cf. ibid., 315; Kaegi, Der Rigveda, 15. 83 This is so natural as not to need express evidence. Cf., e.g., the marriage proposals of Syavasva Atreya, as de- tailed in the Brhaddevata, v. 49 et seq. ; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 51 etseq. 84 Rv. x. 78, 4 ; 85, 15. 23. Zimmer, op. cit., 310, exalts this into a universal practice, and compares the use of aryaman, ' friend,' as ' bride-wooer.' In SyavasVa's case, his father acted for him. 85 Cf. Maitrayani Samhita, i. 10, 11 ; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 3, 4, 1 ; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, i. 1, a, 4 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxvi. 5. See also Manava Dharma Sastra, iii. 53 ; viii. 204 ; ix. 98 ; Megasthenes in McCrindle's translation, p. 70 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 407 ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 345 et seq. ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 381 Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 78 et seq. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 86, n. ; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 52. 86 Rv. i. 109, 2, refers to the gods Indra and Agni as more generous than a vijamatr, 'son-in-law,' or a syala, ' brother-in-law. ' The force of vi in the former word must be unfavourable, and the sense, as indicated by Pischel, is, no doubt, that a son-in-law who was not in other respects altogether suitable might have to buy his bride at a heavy cost. The vijamatr is, in fact, the agrtro jamata, the 'ignoble son-in-law,' of Rv. viii. 2, 20. Cf. Yaska, Nirukta, vi. 9 ; Hloombeld, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 255. 87 Cf. Rv. vi. 28, 5 ; x. 27, 12 ; Av. v. 17, 12. Possibly in Rv. i. 109, 2, there is a reference to a generous brother giving his sister a dowry in order to get her a husband. Cf. Hop- kins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 345 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 459; Kaegi, Der Rigveda, n. 352; Zimmer, op. cit., 310, n. It is doubtful whether anudeyl in Rv. x. 85, 6, means 4 dowry ' or not. See Whitney, Trans- lation of the Atharvaveda, 741. Pati, Patnl ] WEDDING CEREMONY 483 capture may have taken place, but only as knightly feats, as when Vimada carried off Pupumitra's daughter against her father's wish, but very possibly with her own consent.88 The later law-books and the Epic describe in much detail various forms of marriage, but they all seem reducible to three types : (a) that which is based on mutual consent, the prdjdpatya (' connected with Prajapati ') ; (6) that in which a price is paid for the bride, the dsura (' Asura-like'), arsa ('connected with the Rsis'), brdhma ('relating to Brahman'), or daiva ('divine'); (c) those which consist in stealing the bride, the ksdtra (' warrior-like ') or the raksasa (' demon-like ') mode, of all of which traces are found in Vedic literature.89 For instance, the gift of a maiden for services rendered or other object is exemplified in the story of Cyavana in the Jaiminiya Brah- mana,90 and in that of SyavaSva in the Brhaddevata.91 Wedding Ceremony. — In normal marriages the bridal was celebrated by an elaborate ceremony which bears in essentials and details the strongest resemblance to the form observed by other Indo-Germanic as well as non-Indo-Germanic peoples,92 and which was destined to secure the stability and fruitfulness of the union. The ceremony commenced at the bride's house,93 to which the bridegroom with his friends and relations repaired, and in which he met the friends and relations of the bride.94 A cow or cows were slain for the entertainment of the guests.95 The bridegroom having caused the bride to mount a stone, formally grasped her hand, and led her round the household 88 Cf. Rv. i. 112, 19; 116, I; 117, 20 ; x. 39, 7 ; 65, 12. Sayana's view that Kamadytt. was daughter of Puru- mitra seems certain, though Zimmer, loc. tit., is doubtful. 89 Hopkins, Journal oj the American Oriental Society, 13, 361, 362 ; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 50 et seq. ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 29; Schrader, Pre- historic Antiquities, 383. 90 iii. 122. 91 v. 49 et seq. 92 The older ritual is described with considerable detail in Rv. x. 85 and Av. xiv. 1 and 2. The later ritual, as elaborately traced in the Gr-hya Sutras, is set out by Weber and Haas, Indische Studien, 5, 177-41 1. See also Leist, Altarisches Jus Gentium, 144 et seq. ; von Schroeder, Die Hochzeitsgebrauche der Esten, Berlin, 1888 ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 384 et seq. ; Hopkins, op. cit., 13. 355 et seq.-, Winternitz, Das altin- dische Hochzeitsrituell, 1892 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 739 et seq. ; Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 389 et seq. 93 x. 17, 1. 9* Rv. iv. 58, 9 ; Av. vi. 60 ; xiv. 2, 59. 9» Rv. x. 85, 13. 31—2 4»4 WIFE'S PROPERTY [ Pati, Patni fire.96 This act constituted the marriage, the husband hence being called ' he who takes by the hand ' (hasta-grabha)?1 The festivities being over,98 the bridegroom took the bride to his home on a car in a marriage procession,99 all to the accom- paniment of suitable stanzas. Then followed cohabitation.100 Wife's Property and Status. — We have very little information as to the legal relations of wife and husband after marriage. It may be assumed that the husband appropriated the wife's dowry, if any, as well as her earnings, if any : even in the Epic101 the rise of the recognition of women's property as their own (stri-dhana) is only slow. That the husband was absolute master of a wife as of a slave is not probable, though he doubtless exercised the same power of correction as was expressly allowed in the eighteenth century by English law. The poetical ideal102 of the family was decidedly high, and we have no reason to doubt that it was often actually fulfilled. Moreover, the wife on her marriage was at once given an honoured position in the house : she is emphatically mistress in her husband's home, exercising authority over her father- in-law, her husband's brothers, and her unmarried sisters.103 No doubt the case contemplated is one in which the eldest son 96 Cf. Rv. x. 85, 36. 38 ; Av. xiv. 1, 47. 48. Before the bride mounted the stone, the groom repeated, according to the Grhya Sutras (Asvalayana, i. 7, 3 ; Sankhayana, i. 13, 4 ; Paraskara, i. 6, 3, etc.), the words, ' I am he, thou art she ; I the Saman, thou the Re ; I the heaven, thou the earth ; here will we unite ourselves and produce offspring, ' for which see A v. xiv. 2, 71 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxv. 18 ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 27 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 19 (Madhyamdina). »7 x. 18, 8. Cf. Av. xiv. 1, 51. 98 Av. xiv. 2, 59 et seq. 99 Rv. x. 85, 7. 8. 10. 24. 25. 26. 27. 42 et seq. ; Av. xiv. 1, 60. 100 See for the purification of the bride's garment, Rv. x. 85, 28-30. 35. 101 « They own neither themselves nor an inheritance ' (ndtmanas caneiate na ddyasya), says the Satapatha Brah- mana, iv, 4, 2, 13. Cf. Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 6, 4 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, 8, 2 ; Nirukta, iii. 4. Cf. for the Epic, Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 1 3, 368. For compulsory obedience of the wife, cf Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 7. In the same Upani- sad Yajnavalkya, on retiring from the ordinary life, divides his goods between his two wives. 102 rv vjii 21, 5-9 ; x. 34, 11 ; 85, 18. 19. 42 et seq. ; Av. iii. 30 ; xiv. 2, 32. 103 Rv. x. 85, 46. Cf. as regards the bridegroom's sisters, Aitareya Brah- mana, iii. 37. In Av. xiv. 2, 26, the daughter - in - law is to be ' wealful ' (iambhuh) to her father-in-law, and ' pleasant ' (syona) to her mother-in-law, which is correct on either theory of her position as a daughter or a mistress. Pati, Patni ] WIFE'S STATUS 485 of a family has become its head owing to the decrepitude104 of the parents, his wife then taking the place of the mistress of the joint family while the brothers and sisters are still unmarried. It is not inconsistent with the great stress else- where105 laid on the respect due to a father-in-law, who then is probably regarded as still in full possession of his faculties, and controls the house while his son continues to live with him. The respect would no doubt equally apply if the son had set up a separate family of his own.106 Moreover, the wife was a regular participator in the offerings of the husband. In this connexion the term Patni regularly applies to her in the Brahmanas,107 where Jaya designates her in her conjugal capacity, not in that of sharer in the sacrifice. In this respect her position gradually deteriorated : thus the Satapatha Brahmana108 describes a certain ceremony in which the wife (jaya) alone offered the oblation in former times, while later a priest might do so instead. The same Brahmana shows other traces of a lowering in the position of women, probably due to the growing sense of the importance of cere- monial priority.109 So in the MaitrayanI Samhita110 women generally are classed with dice and drink as three chief evils, and woman is declared to be 'untruth,'111 and connected with Nirrti, ' calamity.'112 A woman too, according to the Taittirlya Samhita,113 is inferior even to a bad man, and a sarcastic reference is made in the Kathaka Samhita114 to her power of 104 Cf. Rv. i. 70, 5, where an old father's goods are divided by his sons, and Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 327. Cf also the possible case of a father who recovers after giving over all his goods to his son, Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 15. 105 Av. viii. 6, 24 ; MaitrayanI Sam- hita, ii. 4, 2; Kathaka Samhita, xii. 12 (Indische Studien, 5, 260) ; Taittirlya Brahmana, ii. 4, 6, 12 ; Aitareya Brah- mana, iii. 22 ; Delbriick, Die indoger- manischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 514, 515. 106 No doubt it might also apply even if the father-in-law were decrepit ; but it is hardly likely that, in these circumstances, the strong sense of respect evident in Av. viii. 6, 24, which implies fear, would have developed. 107 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 9, 2, 14 ; Panini, iv. 1, 33 ; Delbriick, op. cit., 5!o. 512. 108 i. 1,4, 13. For the older practice, cf. Rv. i. 122, 2 ; iii. 53, 4-6; viii. 31, 5 et seq. ; x. 86, 10, etc. i°9 E.g., i. 3, i. 9. 12. 13. Cf. Levi, La doctrine du sacrifice, 157, 158. "0 iii. 6, 3. 111 i. 10, 11. 112 Jbid. 113 vi. 5, 8, 2. Cf. Satapatha Brah- mana, i. 3, 1, 9. 114 xxxi. 1. Cf. Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 22. 486 WIFE'S STATUS [ Pati, Patnl getting things from her husband by cajolery at night. On the other hand must be set the encomia on woman : a woman is half her husband,115 and completes him;116 and in the Rigveda117 attacks on women mingle with the general assumption of their good qualities. None the less, the Brahmanas clearly indicate a gradual decline in their position, which is evident from the rule that requires the wife to eat after her husband.118 Scolds were also known: the Aitareya Brahmana119 praises the wife * who does not answer back ' (aprativddirii). Women bore no part in political life : men go to the assembly, not women, the Maitrayani Samhita120 expressly says. On the other hand, with the advance of education, women shared in the intel- lectual interests of the day, as is exemplified by Yajnavalkya's121 two wives, of whom one was interested in his philosophical discussions, the other not. Other women are also referred to in the Upanisads as teachers, but whether they were married is not certain.122 But the main object of a woman's marriage was the pro- duction of children, this being repeatedly asserted in the Rigveda and later.123 The desire for offspring, as was natural in a society which mainly counted relationship through the father, took the form of a wish for a son to perform the necessary funeral rites for the father, and to continue his line. It was no doubt possible to adopt a son, but in the Rigveda124 this custom is plainly viewed as unsatisfactory. The practice 115 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 1, 10. 116 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i. 4, 17. 117 In viii. 33, 17, Indra is credited with a poor opinion of woman's intelli- gence, and Pururavas in x. 95, 15, frankly calls them hyenas. They are defended in v. 61, 6-8, but only against mean men (Pani). Cf. Kaegi, Der Rigveda, n. 351. 118 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 9, 2, 12 ; x. 5, 2, 9. Cf. Vasistha Dharma Sutra, xii. 13 ; Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, i. 1, 2, 2; Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 330, n. ; Yi-O^ins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 365, n. "9 iii. 24, 7. Cf. Gopatha Brah- mana, ii. 3, 22; Bloomfield, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 19, 14, n. 2. 120 iv. 7, 4. Cf. Av. vii. 38, 4. 121 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 4, 1; iv. 5, 1. 132 Cf. the epithet gandharva-grhltd, Aitareya Brahmana, v. 29 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, ii. 9 ; Brhadaranyaka Upani- sad, iii. 3, 1 ; 7, 1 ; and see AsValayana Grhya Sutra, iii. 4, 4 ; Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, iv. 10. 123 Rv. i. 91, 20; 92, 13; iii. 1, 23; x. 85, 25. 41. 42. 45 ; Av. iii. 23, 2 ; v. 25, n ; vi. 11, 2, etc. 12* vii. 4, 7. 8. Cf. Nirukta, iii. 2. Pati, Patni ] CHILD LIFE 487 is recognized,125 as we have seen above of Niyoga, in the appointment of a brother to beget children with the wife of a dead man, or perhaps of a man who is childless. \ Sonless- ness ' (aviratd) is placed on the same level as lack of property (atnati), and Agni is besought to protect from it.126 The birth of a daughter was certainly not specially welcome : the Athar- vaveda127 in one hymn distinctly invokes the birth of a son, and deprecates that of a daughter, while the Aitareya Brah- mana128 contains an old verse which says that a daughter is a misery (krpanatn), while a son is a light in the highest heaven (jyotir ha putrah parame vyoman). But there is no proof that the Vedic Indians practised the exposure of female children. This conclusion, deduced from certain passages in the later Samhitas129 by Zimmer130 and Delbruck,131 has been disproved by Bohtlingk. Child Life. — No doubt the care of a child was left to the mother, but we learn little from the earlier litera- ture132 of the life of the young. The length of the period of pregnancy is frequently placed at ten (doubtless lunar) months.133 On birth the child was first fed with milk or ghee, and then given the breast.134 On the eighth day after birth 125 x. 18, 8 ; 40, 2. i26 Rv. iii. 16, 5. 127 vi. 11, 3. Cf. viii. 6, 25. 128 vii. 15. Cf. Max Muller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 409. 129 Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, io, 3 ; Mailrayani Samhita, iv. 6, 4 ; 7, 9 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxvii. 9; Nirukta, iii. 4; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 17, 12. 130 Altindisches Leben, 319. Cf. Weber, Naxatra, 2, 314, n., who cites Panca- vimsa Brahmana, xi. 8, 8, as evidence of the exposure of two boys, but the sense is doubtful. 131 Die indogermanischen Verwandt- schaftsnamen, 575. See also Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 54, 210 ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 6, 142 ; Kaegi, Der Rigveda, n. 49 ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 389, 390. Boht- lingk's view is given in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 44, 494-496, and cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 48, who compares iv. 18, 5. 132 The later literature is full of details of the ceremonies before and after birth (see Delbruck, op. cit., 573 et seq.). Weber, Naxatra, 2, 314, n., gives the Vedic embryology ; twins were disliked, Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 9, etc. 133 Rv. v. 78, 9 ; x. 184, 3 ; Av. i. 11, 6 ; iii. 23, 2 ; Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 13, 9 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 5, 2, 4 ; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 9, 1 ; Weber, Naxatra, 2, 314, n. There are in the Av. many spells concerned with birth (i. 11, etc.), and miscarriages are mentioned (avatoka, avasu, Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 15 ; Av. viii. 6, 9, etc.). 134 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i. 3, 4 (Madhyamdina = i. 5, 2 Kanva). Cf. also vi. 4, 24 et seq. ; Satapatha Brah- mana, ii. 5, 1, 6. After being weaned the child is ati-stana (Kausitaki Brah- mana, xiii. 2). 488 SATI [ Pati, Patnl the infant was washed.136 The cutting of the teeth was also a solemn occasion,136 and is the subject of a hymn in the Atharvaveda. Reference is also made to children's learning to speak, which the Taittiriya Samhita137 ascribes to the end of the first year of life. The Aitareya Aranyaka138 asserts that the words Tata and Tata, onomatopoetic words like * dada,' 139 are the first words of a child's speech, giving therein perhaps an unfair prominence to the father. The Atharvaveda140 further contains at least one hymn for the ceremony of the first shaving of the young man's beard. The giving of a name was also an occasion of importance, a second one being often added.141 Sati. — On the death of her husband, in some cases the widow burned herself or was burned by his relations.142 This is clearly implied in the reference to this ancient custom in the Atharvaveda.143 On the other hand, the Rigveda does not contemplate the custom anywhere, but on the contrary con- siders the widow as married apparently to the brother of the dead man.144 The custom of Suttee would therefore appear during the Vedic age to have been in abeyance, at least as a general rule. At all times the practice seems to have been mainly usual among families of the warrior class, to judge from the other Indo-Germanic parallels.145 In other classes 135 PaficavimSa Brahmana, xiv. 7, 2 (on Samaveda, ii. 525 = Rv. ix. 96, 17). The first ten days were the dangerous period (Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 14 ; Paficavimsa Brahmana, xxii. 14, 3). 136 Av. vi. 140. 137 vi. 1, 6, 7. Cf. £atapatha Brah- mana, vii. 4, 2, 38; xi. 1, 6, 3-5. 13« i. 3. 3- 189 Cf. Delbriick, op. cit., 449, 596. 140 vi. 68. Cf. ii. 13, according to KauSika Sutra, 53. 54, and cf. Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 4, 1, 6. 141 Cf. Aitareya Aranyaka, i. 3, 3, with Keith's note ; Satapatha Brah- mana, vi. 1, 3, 9, and Naman. 142 Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiqui- ties, 391 ; von Schroeder, Indiens Litera- tur tend Cultur, 41 ; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 67-69 ; Weber, Proceedings of the Berlin Academy, 1896, 254 et seq. ; Roth, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 8, 468 ; Wilson, Journal of the Royal A siatic Society, 16, 202 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 329; Geldner, Rig- veda, Kommentar, 154. 143 Av. xviii. 3, 1. 144 x. 18, 7. 8. 145 Cf. Herodotos, v. 5 (of the Thracians) ; iv. 71 (of the Scythians) ; Procopius, De Bello Gothico, ii. 14 (of theHeruli). So in Germany Brynhild and Nanna are instances {cf. Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, 476 et seq.). The universality of the custom must not be exaggerated, as Zimmer, 331, is inclined to do. To burn all the wives of a king would, in primitive ages, have been a Pathikrt ] FOOT-SOLDIER— PA TH-MA KER 489 the survival of wives was more necessary, and the remarriage of widows, whether prohibited or allowed in the texts, is proof that there were widows who could be remarried.146 wasteful action ; even the chief wife would often have had to be spared on one ground or another. The Rigveda already reveals a state of society in which the actual burning of the wife was avoided by a semblance of it in the funeral ritual of (cf. Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 126). The reward of a good wife was to go to the world of her husband (pati-loka) after death {cf. Av. xiv. 1, 64; xviii. 3, 1; Rv. x- 85. 43)- A- Vedic citation in the scholiast on Panini, hi. 2, 8, Varttika, 2, says that a Brahmin woman who drinks Sura, an intoxicating liquor, does not go to the world of her husband after death. 146 Cf. perhaps the gartdruh of Rv. i. 124, 7, as explained by Yaska, Nirukta, iii. 5 ; Geldner, Rigveda, Kom- mentar, 22. Patti is used in the Atharvaveda (vii. 62, 1) to designate the 'foot soldier' in war as opposed to the Rathin, 'charioteer,' the latter defeating (ji) the former. One of the epithets of Rudra in the Satarudriya liturgy of the Vajasaneyi Samhita (xvi. 19) is 'lord of footmen ' (pattlnam pati). Patni. See Pati. A part of the house is the Patriinam Sadana, mentioned in the Atharvaveda,1 presumably the women's quarters. The phrase is borrowed from the Patm- sala, * hut for the wife,' of the Brahmana2 ritual. ix. 3, 7. 3, 1 ; Aitareya Brahmana, v. 22 (-said) 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 18 ; Sata- j Kausltaki Brahmana, xix. 6, etc. patha Brahmana, iv. 6, 9, 8 ; x. 2, Pathin Saubhara (' descendant of Sobhari ') is mentioned in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as the pupil of Ayasya Arigirasa. 1 ii. 5, 22 (Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 3 Kanva); iv. 5, 28 (Madhyamdina = iv. 6, 3 Kanva). Pathi-krt, ' path-maker,' is not a rare epithet in the Rigveda1 and later,2 showing clearly the importance naturally attached in primitive times to the finding of roads. The frequency 1 ii. 23, 6 ; vi. 21, 12 ; ix. 106, 5 2 Av. xviii. 2, 53 ; 3, 25, etc. x. 14, 15 ; in, 3, etc. 49Q Q UA RTER— WORD— MILK [ Pad with which the epithet is applied to Agni3 suggests that there is here an allusion to fire burning the primaeval forest and rendering advance possible. The god Pusan is pathi-krt, as guarding the flocks.4 The Rsis,5 or seers, as 'path-makers,' may be compared with the Roman Pontifices. 3 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2, 1, 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. i, 5, 5 ; xii. 4, 4, 1 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, iv. 3, etc. * Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 4, 9; xvi. 1, 17. The Sutra, xvi. 1, 18, ex- plains pathi-krt merely as adhipati, 'lord'; but the sense must be more pregnant than that. 5 Rv. x. 14, 15, where the expression refers to their finding the way to the heavenly world ; but it is probably a transfer of an epithet of terrestrial application. Pad in the Atharvaveda (xix. 6, 2) and the Satapatha Brahmana (xi. 3, 2, 3) denotes a * quarter.' This sense is derived from the primary meaning of ' foot,' which as applied to quadrupeds would represent ' one-fourth.' C/. Pada. Pada in the sense of ' quarter of a stanza ' is found as early as the Rigveda1 and often later.2 In the Brahmanas it also denotes a ■ word ' as opposed to a ' letter ' (Varna).3 1 i- 164, 24. 45. 3 Av. ix. io, 19 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 25 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 6. 10. 17, etc. ; Kausitaki Brahmana, xxii. 1.5- 3 Kausitaki Brahmana, xxvi. 5, where the sequence is half-stanza (ardharca), quarter-stanza (pada), word ipada), and letter (varna). Cf. Satapatha Brah- mana, x. 2, 6, 13 ; xi. 5, 6, 9, etc. Padi is found once in the Rigveda,1 where, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, the word probably designates some kind of animal. Yaska2 explains it as equivalent to ganlu, * a moving creature,' but Durga3 as meaning ' bird.' The passage may refer to catching the Padi in a net (? muksljd).4 1 i. 125, 2. I 3 In his commentary on Nirukta, 3 Nirukta, v. 18. | loc. tit. 4 Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 129; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 244. Payas denotes the ' milk ' of the cow in the Rigveda1 and later.2 More generally it has also the sense of ' sap ' or ' fluid ' 1 i. 164, 28; ii. 14, 10; iv. 3, 9; I 3 Av. iv. 11, 4; xii. 1,10; Vajasaneyi v. 85, 2 ; x. 30, 13 ; 63, 3, etc. | Samhita, iv. 3. Cf. Go and Kaira. Paramajya ] CURDS— AN ANCIENT KING 491 found in plants,3 and giving them life and strength. In other passages it denotes the ' water ' of heaven.4 A vow to live for a time on milk alone occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana.5 3 Av. iii. 5, 1 ; x. 1, 12; xiii. 1, 9; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvii. 1 ; xviii. 36, etc. So of Soma, Rv. ix. 97, 14. 4 Rv. i. 64. 5 ; 166, 3 ; iii. 33, 1. 4; iv. 57, 8, etc. 5 Payo-vrata, ' one who undergoes a vow (to subsist) on (nothing but) milk,' ix. 5, 1, 1 et seq. ; Kausitaki Brahmana, viii. 9. The Diksita subsists on it alone. Payasya in the later Samhitas and Brahmanas1 denotes curds, said to consist of a mixture of sour milk and hot or cold fresh milk.2 1 Taittirlya Samhita, ii. 3, 13, 2 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 5, 11, 2 ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 22. 24 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, ii. 4, 4, 10. 21 ; 5, 1, 12 ; 2, 9, etc. 2 See Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, 381, n. 2. Para Atnara (' descendant of Atnara ') appears in the later Samhitas1 and the Brahmanas2 as one of the ancient great kings who won sons by performing a particular sacrifice. In the Satapatha Brahmana3 he is styled Hairanyanabha, 'de- scendant of Hiranyanabha,' and in the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra4 he is called Para Ahlara Vaideha, a fact testifying to the close connexion of Kosala and Videha. A Yajna-gutha, or ' sacrificial verse,' there5 cited mentions Hiranyanabha Kausalya in connexion with Para. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 6, 5, 3 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxii. 3 (Indische Studien, 3, 473). 2 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxv. 16, 3 ; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, ii. 6, 11. a xm. 5, 4, 4. 4 xvi. 9, 11. 5 Ibid., 13. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 7 ; Episches im vedischen Ritual, 7; Hillebrandt, Vedische Myth- ologie, 2, 165, n. 4. Parama-jya, 'of supreme power,' is understood by Ludwig1 in one passage of the Rigveda2 as the proper name of a great man among the Yadus. But it is doubtful whether the word is more than an epithet.3 1 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 159. I 3 Hopkins, Journal of the American 2 viii. 1, 30. I Oriental Society, 17, 39. 492 AXE— WILD ASS— EXILE [ ParaSu ParaSu in the Rigveda1 and later2 denotes the axe of the woodcutter. Of its form we know nothing. A red-hot axe was used in a form of ordeal (Divya) applied in accusations of theft.3 See also ParSu. 1 i. 127, 3 ; vii. 104, 21 ; x. 28, 8 ; 53. 9. etc. 8 Av. iii. 19, 4 ; vii. 28, 1 ; xi. 9, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10 ; Satapatha Paragvan. See Parasvant. Brahmana, iii. 6, 4, 10 ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 35 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, x. 1 ; Kausitaki Upanisad, ii. 11, etc. 3 Chandogya Upanisad, vi. 16, 1. Parasvant denotes a large wild animal which Roth1 con- jectures to be the wild ass. It is mentioned in the Vrsakapi hymn2 of the Rigveda, twice in the Atharvaveda,3 and in the list of victims at the Asvamedha (' horse sacrifice') in the Yajurveda Samhitas,4 in all of which passages the sense of 1 wild ass ' is satisfactory. More doubtful is the meaning of the word parasva(n) in the Kausitaki Upanisad,6 where the com- mentary explains it as * serpent.' It is, of course, quite possible that the word has nothing to do with parasvant. Biihler6 suggests connexion with the Pali paldsdda, ' rhinoceros.' 1 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2 x. 86, 18. 3 vi. 72, 2; xx. 131, 22. 4 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 10; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 8 ; Taittirlya Samhita, v. 5, 21, 1, where the com- mentator takes it to be the wild buffalo. 6 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- Icindischen Gesellschaft, 48, 63 ; Keith, Sahkhayana Aranyaka, 17, n. 1 ; Aitareya Aranyaka, 377, n. 1. Cf Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 2, 633 ; Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 86, 87; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 335 ; Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 105. Para-vrj is a term found in four passages of the Rigveda,1 in all of which it refers to a person in a forlorn condition, while one2 of them also speaks of him as going south. Sayana's3 view that the word is a proper name is most unlikely, while Grassmann's4 explanation of it as * cripple' is still less probable. 1 i. 112, 8; ii. 13, 12; 15, 7; x. 61, 8. I 3 On i. 112, 8, etc., cf. Macdonell, 2 x. 61, 8. I Vedic Mythology, 152. 4 Translation of the Rigveda, 1, 23, and cf. Worterbuch, s.v. Parik§it ] PARASARA—KING PARIKSIT 49 Roth's5 interpretation of it as 'exile ' seems clearly right in the passage which refers to the Paravrj as going south. Zimmer e accepts Roth's view for this passage, but in the others sees a reference to the child of a maiden exposed by her and in danger of being eaten by insects (vamri). This view is sup- ported by the fact that pardvrkta seems to have the same sense,7 and is accepted by Oldenberg.8 5 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 6 Altindisches Leben, 185, 334, 335. 7 Rv. iv. 30, 19. Cf. iv. 30, 16 ; 19,9. 8 Rgveda-Noten, 1, 200. Cf. above, p. 481, n. 67. Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 248 ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 402. ParaSara is mentioned with Satayatu and Vasistha in the Rigvedic hymn celebrating Sudas'1 victory over the ten kings. According to the Nirukta2 he was a son of Vasistha, but the Epic version makes him a son of 3akti and grandson of Vasistha. Geldner3 thinks that he is mentioned in the Rigveda along with Satayatu, perhaps his uncle, and his grandfather Vasistha, as the three sages who approached Indra and won his favour for Sudas. He is erroneously credited with the authorship of certain hymns of the Rigveda4 by the Anukramani (Index). 1 vii. 18, 21. 2 vi. 30. 3 Vedische Studien, 2, 132. 4 i. 65-73. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, no, in ; Weber, Indische Studien, 9, 324. The Parasaras as a school appear in the Kathaka Anu- kramani (Indische Studien, 3, 460). Pari-ksit appears in the Atharvaveda1 as a king in whose realm, that of the Kurus, prosperity and peace abound. The verses in which he is celebrated are later2 called Pariksityah, and the Brahmanas explain that Agni is pari-ksit because he dwells among men. Hence Roth3 and Bloomfield4 regard Pariksit in the Atharvaveda not as a human king at all. This may be correct, but it is not certain. Both Zimmer5 and 1 xx. 127, 7-10. See also Scheftelo- Brahmana, ii. 6, 12; Sankhayana Srauta witz, Die Apokryphen des Veda, 156, Sutra, xii. 17. 157, and the verses in the Vaitana 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Sutra, xxxiv. 9. The Vedic spelling is * Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 690, 691. Pariksit, not Pariksit. but see Atharvaveda, 101, n. 9. 2 Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 32, to; 6 Altindisches Leben, 131. Kausitaki Brahmana, xxx. 5 ; Gopatha 494 BOLT— A TOWN— ATTENDANT— THONG [ Parigha Oldenberg6 recognize Pariksit as a real king, a view supported by the fact that in the later Vedic literature King Janamejaya bears the patronymic Pariksita. If this be so, Pariksit belonged to the later period, since the Atharvan passage in which his name occurs is certainly late, and none of the other Samhitas know Pariksit at all. The Epic7 makes him grandfather of Pratisravas and great-grandfather of Pratipa, and Zimmer,5 probably with justice, compares the Pratisutvana and Pratipa found in another late Atharvan passage.8 But Devapi and Santanu cannot be brought into connexion with Pratipa.9 6 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- liindischen Gesellschap, 42, 237; Buddha, 396. 7 See Zimmer, loc. cit. 8 xx. T29. 9 Devapi is really a Brahmin, son of Rstisena, and not connected directly with Santanu. Yaska, Nirukta, ii. 10, identifies them as brothers and Kurus; but the former part of the identification is, no doubt, wrong. Pari-giia denotes an iron bolt or bar in the Chandogya Upanisad (ii. 24, 6. 10. 15) as often later. Pari-cakra is according to one reading the name of a Pancala town mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana1 and identified by Weber2 with the later Ekacakra, which was near Kampila.3 There is a various reading Parivakra.4 1 xin. 5, 4, 7. 2 Indische Studien, 1, 192. 3 Mahabharata, i. 6094. 4 Accepted by the scholiast an( Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44, 397- Pari-cara is found in the Satapatha Brahmana1 in the sense of 'attendant.' In the Kausltaki Brahmana2 pari-carana has the same sense metaphorically, the other two Vedas (Sama and Yajur) being said to be subsidiary to the Rigveda. 1 iv- 3» 5. 9- Cf. pari-caritr, Chandogya Upanisad, vii. 8, 1. 2 vi. 11 ; Max Muller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 457. Pari-carmanya denotes a thong of leather in the Kausltaki Brahmana (vi. 12) and the Sarikhayana Aranyaka (ii. 1). Pari-takmya in a number of passages of the Rigveda1 denotes ' night ' according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary. 1 i. 116, 15 ; iv. 41, 6 ; 43, 3 ; v. 30, 13 ; 31, 11 ; vi. 24, 9 ; vii. 69, 4. Parimo§a ] NIGHT— GARMENT— ROBBER— THEFT 495 Sieg2 thinks that in one place3 at least the word signifies the decisive point of the race, something like the sense of Prapitva. But this is very doubtful. 2 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 128. Cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 36; Rigveda, Glossary 106. 3 i. 116, 15. Pari-da in a few passages of the Satapatha Brahmana1 has the sense of ' giving oneself up to the mercy or protection of another.' 1 ii. 4, 1, 11 ; ix. 2, 1, 17 ; 4, 2, 17 ; 4) 5 ; 5, 1, 53. Pari-dhana denotes * garment,' probably 'under garment,' in the Atharvaveda (viii. 2, 16) and the Brhadaranyaka Upani- sad (vi. 1, 10). A garment of saffron is mentioned in the Sankhayana Aranyaka (xi. 4). Pari-pad seems in the Rigveda1 to denote a pitfall used to capture lions. 1 x. 28, 10 ; metaphorically, viii. 24, 24. Pari-panthin, ' besetting the path,' denotes ' robber ' in the Rigveda1 and later.2 Cf Taskara, Tayu, Stena. 1 i. 42, 3; 103, 6; x. 85, 32. 2 Av. i. 27, 1 ; iii. 15, 1 ; xii. 1, 32 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iv. 34, etc. Pari-pavana signifies in the Nirukta (iv. 9. 10) an instrument for winnowing grain. Pari-mit occurs once in the Atharvaveda1 in the description of a house, meaning perhaps the ' crossbeams ' connecting the vertical posts.2 Cf. Grha. 1 ix. 3. 1. 2 Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva- veda, 596; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 158 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 525. Pari-mosa in the Taittiriya Samhita1 signifies * theft,' and parimosin in the Satapatha Brahmana2 'thief.' 1 "• 5> 5. x 5 vi- J> XI> 5« 2 xi- 6. 3» JI ; xiii. 2, 4, 2, etc. 496 YEAR— RICE— UNMARRIED ELDER BROTHER [ Parirathya Pari-rathya occurs once in the Atharvaveda1 meaning either 'road'2 or a part of the chariot, perhaps as Ludwig3 and Whitney4 render it, the 'rim.' 1 viii. 8, 22. 2 Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva- veda, 587, following Nilakantha's ex- planation of parirathya, Mahabharata, viii. 1487. 3 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 528. 4 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 506. Pari-vakra is the reading accepted in the Satapatha Brahmana (xiii. 5, 4, 7) by the scholiast instead of the variant Paricakra, which is supported by the Epic Ekacakra. Pari-vatsara denotes in the Rigveda1 and later2 a ' full year.' It is often mentioned with other names of year (see Samvatsara) , and in the later five year cycle counts as the second year. 1 x. 62, 2. 2 Taittiriya Brahmana i. 5, 5, 6; Mahabharata, i. 3202, etc. So fari- vatsarlna, as an adjective, 'relating to a full year,' Rv. vii. 103, 8; Av. iii. 10, 3. Pari-vapa in the later Samhitas1 and Brahmanas2 denotes ' fried grains of rice.' 2 Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 24; Tait- tiriya Brahmana, i. 5, 11, 2, etc. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, iii. i, 10, 1 ; vi. 5, 11, 4; vii. 2, 10, 4; Kathaka Samhita, xxxiv. 11 ; Vajasaneyi Sam- hita, xix. 21. 22. Pari-vitta denotes an ' elder brother who is not married when his younger brother is.' The term occurs in the list of sinful persons in the Yajurveda Samhitas1 as well as in the Atharvaveda,2 where Ludwig3 needlessly proposes to read parivettd, the 'younger brother who marries before his eldesl brother.' The name for the younger brother in the older texts is Parivividana.4 1 Kathaka Samhita, xxxi. 7 ; Kapis- thala Samhita, xlvii. 7 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 1,9; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 2, 8, 11 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 9. 2 vi. 112, 3. 3 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 470. 4 So in the Kathaka, Kapisthala, Maitrayani, and Vajasaneyi Samhitas, loc. cit. Cf. Delbriick, Die indogermanische Verwandtschaftsnamen, 580 et seq. ; Bloom- field, American Journal of Philology, 17, 430 et seq. ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 522 et seq. ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 315 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 362. Parisyanda] WAITER— MENDICANT— COUNCIL— FOOTMAN 497 Pari-vrkta, Pari-vrkti, Pari-vrtti, are variant forms of the name of the rejected one among the royal wives. See Pati. Papi-ve§tr in the Atharvaveda1 and later2 denotes an ' attendant,' more especially one who serves up food, a ' waiter/ The feminine form Parivestri signifies a ■ female attendant ' or * handmaid.'3 1 ix. 6, 51. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 3, 1, 3 ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 2, 16 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, vi. 13 ; xxx. 12. 13 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. a, 8, 1 ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 21 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 6 ; iii. 8, 2, 3 ; vi. 2, 13, 3, etc. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 2, 7, 4 ; Kausitaki Upanisad, ii. 1 ; Keith, Sahkhayana Aranyaha, 21, n. 2. Pari-vrajaka (lit., * wandering about ') denotes in the Nirukta (i. 14; ii. 8) a 'mendicant monk.' Pari-sad (lit., ' sitting around ') denotes in the Upanisads1 an 'assemblage' of advisers in questions of philosophy, and the Gobhila Grhya Sutra2 refers to a teacher with his Parisad or ' council.' In the later literature the word denotes a body of advisers on religious topics, but also the assessors of a judge, or the council of ministers of a prince.3 But in none of these senses is the word found in the early literature, though the institutions indicated by it must have existed at least in embryo. 1 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 1 (Madhyamdina = vi. 2, 1 Kanva) ; daivl parisad, Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, ii. 11, 13. 14. 2 iii. 2, 40. 3 Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 136, 137 ; Foy, Die honigliche Gewalt, 16-19; 33- 37 ; 66 ; Biihler, Zeitschri/t der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 48, 55, 56 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 124. Pari-skanda (lit., 'leaping around') occurs in the Vratya hymn of the Atharvaveda (xv. 2, 1 et seq.) denoting, in the dual, the two footmen running beside a chariot. Pari-syanda (with water ' flowing around ') in two passages of the Satapatha Brahmana (ix. 2, 1, 19 ; xiv. 3, 1, 14) denotes a sandbank or island in a river. vol. 1. 32 498 ISLAND— INTOXICANT— TONGS— A SEER [ Parisaraka Pari-saraka is the name of a place, an island formed by the Sarasvati 'flowing around' it, according to a story in the Aitareya Brahmana (ii. 19). Pari-srut is the name of a drink which is mentioned first in the Atharvaveda,1 and which was distinct from both Sura and Soma,2 but was intoxicating. According to Mahidhara,3 the liquor was made from flowers (Puspa). Zimmer4 thinks that it was the family drink, and this is supported by the fact that in the Atharvaveda it twice occurs as a household beverage.5 Hillebrandt6 is of opinion that it was very much the same as Sura. 1 iii. 12, 7 ; xx. 127, 9. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 68. 2 ^atapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 2, 14. Cf. v. 5, 4, 10 ; xi. 5, 5, 13 ; xii. 7, 1, 7 ; 8, 2, 15; 9, 1, 1. 3 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, ii. 34. 4 Altindisches Leben, 281, 282. 6 See also Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 15 ; xx. 59 ; xxi. 29 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 11, 2. Its nature is more elaborately explained in the Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xiv. 1, 14 ; xv. 10, 11 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 349, 350. 6 Vedische Mythologies 1, 24, 8. i. Pari-$ah appears to denote a ' box ' or something similar in the Atharvaveda (xix. 48, 1). 2. Papi-nah is the name of a place in Kupuksetpa mentioned in the Pancavim^a Brahmana,1 the Taittiriya Aranyaka,2 and the Sutras.3 1 xxv. 13, I. 2 V. I, I. 3 Latyayana Srauta Sutra, x. 19, 1 ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxiv. 6, 34; 6ahkhayana Srauta Sutra, xiii. 29, 2 W PaPi-£asa is the name of an instrument of the nature of tongs, used to lift the sacrificial kettle off the fire.1 1 £atapatha Brahmana, xiv. 1, 3, 1 ; 2, 1, 16; 2, 54; 3, 1, 20, etc. Papuc-chepa is the name of a Rsi to whom the Anukramani (Index) attributes a series of hymns1 in the Rigveda, and whose 1 Rv. i. 127-139. Paru§ni ] REED— THE RIVER PARUSNl 499 authorship is asserted in the Aitareya2 and the Kausitaki3 Brahmanas, as well as in the Nirukta.4 In the Taittirlya Samhita5 he appears as a rival of Nrmedhas. 2 v. 12. 13 (where hymns Rv. i. 128, 129, 130, 133, 135, 137, 139, are at- tributed to him). 3 xxiii. 4. 5. 4 x. 42. 6 »• 5, 8, 3. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- veda, 3, 116. Parucchepa's claim to authorship is very doubtful. Parusa seems to mean * reed ' in the Atharvaveda (viii. 8, 4) and 'arrow' in the Sankhayana £rauta Sutra (xiv. 22, 20). Parusni is the name of a river which is mentioned in the Nadi-stuti ('Praise of Rivers'),1 and in the song of Sudas' victory over the ten kings,2 which seems to have been made decisive by the rise of the river drowning the fugitives.3 In these passages and one of the eighth book of the Rigveda,4 where it is called a 'great stream' (tnahenadi), the name is certainly that of the river later called Ravi (Iravati), as recog- nized by Yaska.6 Pischel6 sees a reference to it in two other passages of the Rigveda,7 where 'wool' (urna) is connected with the word parusni, and the allusion to the river is accepted by Max Miiller8 and Oldenberg,9 though they are not fully agreed as to the exact sense of the passages in question. Pischel suggests that the name is derived from the 'flocks' (parus) of wool, not from the bends of the river, as understood by the Nirukta,6 or from its reeds, as Roth10 suggests. 1 x. 75, 5. 2 vii. 18, 8. 9. 3 It is impossible to decide precisely •what part the river played in the battle. It is usually held that the enemies of Sudas tried to divert the stream, but failed, and were drowned in its current. So Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 11 ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 154 ; Geldner, Rigveda, Kommentar, 103, holds that Sudas was caught between two opposing armies, and had to escape over the Parusni, that his enemies tried to divert it to render him more accessible to their attack, but failed, and were overwhelmed in the river. Hopkins, India, Old and New, 52 et seq. , may be right in rejecting in toto the theory of the attempted diversion of the waters, though in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 261 et scq., he accepted the traditional view. 4 viii. 74, 15. 5 Nirukta, ix. 26. 6 Vedische Studien, 2, 208-210. 7 iv. 22, 2 ; v. 52, 9. 8 Sacred Books of the East, 32, 315, 323. 9 Rgveda-Noten, 1, 348. 10 St. Petersburg Dictionary, 5.1;. 4a. 32—2 500 LIMB-WING-PARNA TREE [ Parus The mention of the Parusnl and the Yamuna in the hymn celebrating the victory of Sudas has given rise to the conjectures of Hopkins,11 that the Yamuna in that hymn is merely another name for the Parusni, and of Geldner,12 that the Parusni there is merely a tributary of the Yamuna (Jumna). But neither interpretation is either essential or even probable. The hymn is a condensed one, and may well be taken as celebrating two great victories of Sudas. There is a doubtful reference to the Parusnl in the Atharvaveda.13 11 Op. cit., 52. 12 Rgveda, Glossar, 106. 13 vi. 12, 3. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 462 ; "Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 289. Parus means first a ' limb ' or * member ' of the body,1 and is then applied metaphorically to the divisions of the sacrifice 2 or of the year3 (c/. Parvan). 1 Rv. i. 162, 18 ; x. 97, 12 ; 100, 5 ; I 2 Rv. x. 53, 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, Av. i. 12, 3 ; iv. 12, 2. 3, etc. | i. 6, 9, 1. 3 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 6, 1. 1. Parna denotes the 'wing' of a bird in the Rigveda1 and later.2 It also means the ' feather ' of an arrow in a late passage of the Rigveda,3 and more often later ;4 and the ' leaf of a tree from the Rigveda onwards.5 1 i. 116, 15; 182, 7; 183, 1; iv. 27, 4, etc. 2 Av. x. 1, 29; Satapatha Brahmana, i- 6, 3, 5, etc. 3 x. 18, 14. Cf. Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 386. 4 Av. v. 25, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita. xxv. 1 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 25 iii. 26, etc. 5 Rv. x. 68, 10 ; Av. viii. 7, 12 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, 7 ; Vajc saneyi Samhita, xvi. 46, etc. 2. Parna denotes the tree Butea frondosa, later usually callec PalaSa. It occurs in the Rigveda1 in connexion with the Asvattha, and with that tree as well as the Nyagrodha in the Atharvaveda,2 which mentions both amulets3 and the cover ol sacrificial dishes4 as made from its wood. Its use for the x. 97, 5- v. 5, 5. iii. 5, 4. 8. xviii. 4, 53. Parnaya ] HILLMAN— FEATHERED END OF ARROW 501 making of sacrificial implements like the ladle (juhu),5 or sacrificial posts,6 or the small ladle called sruvat7 is mentioned. The Taittiriya Samhita8 ascribes its origin to the loss of a feather by the Gayatri when winning the Soma. The tree is also often mentioned elsewhere.9 Reference too is sometimes made to its bark (parna-valka) .10 5 Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 5, 7, 2. Cf. Maitrayanl Samhita, iv. 1, 1. 6 Pancavim£a Brahmana, xxi. 4, 13. 7 Kathaka Samhita, xv. 2. Cf. viii. 2 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 3, 11 ; 7, 1, 9; 8,7. 8 Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit., and cf. Kuhn, Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des G'dttertranks, 148, 192 ; Bloomfield, Journal of the A merican Oriental Society, 16, 20. 24; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 33 1. 332 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 91. 9 Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 4, 10 ; vi. 5, 1, 1; xi. 1, 4, 2 ; 7, 28; Panca- vimsa Brahmana, ix. 5, 4. 10 Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 3, 5 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 7, 4, 2. 18, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 59; Weber, Indische Studien, 17, 194, 195. Parnaka is the name of a man included in the list of victims at the Purusamedha (' human sacrifice ') in the Vajasaneyi Samhita1 and the Taittiriya Brahmana.2 According to Mahi- dhara,3 a Bhilla is meant — i.e., presumably a wild hillman, for he glosses Nisada in the same way.4 Sayana5 explains the word as meaning ' one who catches fish by putting over the water a parna with poison,' but this is apparently a mere etymological guess. Weber's6 rendering of the term as refer- ring to a savage ' wearing feathers ' is ingenious, but uncertain. 5 On Taittiriya Brahmana, loc. cit. 6 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 18, 281. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 119. 1 xxx. 16. 2 iii. 4. 12, 3 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. 4 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27. Parna-dhi in the Atharvaveda1 denotes the part of the shaft in which the feather of the arrow is fastened. 1 iv. 6, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 300 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the A tharvaveda, 375 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 154. Pari^aya is the name in two passages of the Rigveda1 either of a hero, as Ludwig2 thinks, or of a demon3 overcome by Indra. 1 i. 53,8; x. 48,/ 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 149. *fc 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 502 THRONE— WOOF— MO UNTA IN [ Paryanka Pary-ahka is the name of the seat of the Brahman in the Kausitaki Upanisad.1 It seems to correspond to what is else- where called Asandi ;2 as used in the Upanisad, it can, how- ever, hardly mean a long seat for reclining on, but rather a throne.3 M.5. 8 Av. xv. 3, 3. Cf. xiv. 2, 65 ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 5. 6. 12. 3 Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 397, 401 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 155 ; Lanman in Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 765, 776. Pary-asa is used in the Satapatha Brahmana (iii. 1, 2, 18) to denote the woof of cloth, the warp being called anuchada. 1. Parvata in the Rigveda1 and the Atharvaveda2 is con- joined with giri in the sense of ' hill ' or * mountain.' From the Rigveda3 onwards4 it is common in this sense as connected with the waters of rivers which flow in the hills.6 The legend of the mountains having wings is already found in the Samhitas.6 In the Kausitaki Upanisad7 are mentioned the southern (daksina) and the northern (uttara) mountains, evidently in allusion to the Himalaya and the Vindhya ranges. The plants (osadhi) and aromatic products (afijana) of the mountains are referred to in the Atharvaveda,8 and their mineral treasures in the Rigveda.9 1 i. 37. 7 ; v. 56, 4. 2 Av. iv. 6, 8; vi. 12, 3; 17, 3; ix. 1, 18 ; xii. 1, 11. 3 i- 39. 5; 52. 2; 155, 1; 191, 9; ii. 12, 2. 3 ; 17, 5, etc. 4 Av. i. 14, 1; iii. 21, 10; iv. 9, 8; viii. 7, 17; Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 4, 5, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvii. 1 ; xviii. 13, etc. 5 Rv. vii. 34, 23 ; 35, 8 ; viii. 18, 16 ; 31, 10; x. 35, 2; 36, 1, etc.; Pischel, Vedische Studien, i. 80 ; 2, 66. 6 Kathaka Samhita, xxxvi. 9 ; Mai- trayani Samhita, i. 10, 13 ; and Rv. iv« 54- 5. as explained by Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 174. 7 ii. 13 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 407 ; Keith, Sankhayana Ay any oka, 28, n. 1. 8 xix. 44, 6; 45, 7. 9 x. 69, 6. 2. Parvata in one passage of the Rigveda1 denotes, according to Ludwig,2 a sacrificer whose generosity is praised. But it is probable that the god Parvata, the spirit of the mountain, is meant.3 1 vii. 87, 8. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 159. 3'St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Parsu ] A SEER— JOINT— HOLLOW— RIB— SICKLE 503 3. Parvata is mentioned several times in the Aitareya Brah- mana1 along with Narada. The Anukramani (Index) attri- butes to him the authorship of several hymns of the Rigveda.2 1 vii. 13, 34 ; viii. 21 Srauta Sutra, xv. 17, 4. Sankhayana 2 viii. 12 ; ix. 104 ; 105. Parvan denotes the knots of the reed or the joints of a plant,1 and more generally a part or limb of the body.2 It also designates a period of time, probably with reference to the breaks in the month at new and full moon.3 In one passage4 Geldner6 thinks the word indicates a song section of the Samaveda. 1 Av. xii. 3, 31 ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 1, 2, 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 3, 1, 31, and cf. Rv. x. 68, 9. 2 Rv. i. 61, 12 ; iv. 19, 9 ; viii. 48, 5 ; x. 89, 8; Av. i. 11, 1; 12, 2 ; ii. 9, 1; vi. 14, 1 ; xi. 8, 12 ; xii. 5, 71 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 31 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, i. 6, 3, 35 et seq. ; iii. 4, 4, 2 ; vi. 1, 2, 31 ; x. 4, 5, 2, etc. 8 Rv. i. 94, 4 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiii. 43 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 35 ; vi. 2, 2, 34, etc. Cf. M&sa. In the Sutras the days of the four-monthly festivals (caturmasya) are so called : Katyayana Srauta Sutra, v. 2, 13 ; xxii. 7, 1. 16. 17; xxiv. 4, 30; Sankh- ayana Srauta Sutra, xiv. 5,6; 10, 4. 18 ; AsValayana Srauta Sutra, ix. 2, 3 ; and more often the periods of the change of moon: Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxiv. 6, 4. 25. 30 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 2,1; 3,1; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 8, 46, etc. 4 vii. 103, 5. 5 Rgveda, Glossar, 107. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 364, who quotes Tacitus, Germania, 11. ParSana, ' hollow,' is mentioned several times in the Rigveda (vii. 104, 5; viii. 7, 34; 45, 41). 1. ParSu denotes 'rib' in the Atharvaveda1 and later.2 Cf. Sarira. 1 ix. 7, 6 ; x. 9, 20 ; xi. 3, 12. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 25, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxi. 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, viii. 6, 2, 10 ; x. 6, 4, 1 : xii. 3, 1, 6; Sadvimsa Brahmana, i. 3, etc 2. Parsu seems in some passages x to denote a ' sickle,' being apparently a variant of ParaSu. 1 Av. xii. 3, 31 (Kauslka Sutra, i. 24. 25; viii. 11; lxi. 38. 39); perhaps vii. 28, 1 = Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 2, 4, 1. See Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 407, 408; Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 26 (where parsu is metrically needed), etc. Cf. Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v. 504 THE PARSU TRIBE [ Par£u 3. Pargu in the Nirukta1 is explained in one passage of the Rigveda2 as meaning the sides of a cistern (kupa).3 But the sense of * ribs ' is quite adequate there. 3 Oldenberg, Rgveda-Notent 1, 100 ; Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 107. 1 iv. 6. 2 i. 105, 8 ; x. 33, 2. 4. Par£u occurs in one passage in a Danastuti (' praise of gifts ') in the Rigveda1 as the name of a man. It is not certain that he is identical with Tirindira, but the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra 2 mentions Tirindira Parasavya as the patron of Vatsa Kanva. In another passage occurring in the Vrsakapi hymn,3 Parsu Manavi occurs, apparently as a woman, daughter of Manu, but who is meant it is quite impossible to say. Excepting these two, there are no other occurrences in which the word has with any probability the value of a proper name in the Rigveda. Ludwig,4 however, sees in several other places an allusion to the Parsus. Thus in one passage of the Rigveda5 he finds a reference to the defeat of KuruSravana by the Parsus; in another6 he finds a reference to the Prthus and Parsus — i.e., the Parthians and the Persians. He also sees the Parthians in Parthava, a name found in one hymn.7 The same view is taken by Weber,8 who holds that historical connexions with the 1 viii. 6, 46. 2 xvi. 11, 20. 3 x. 86, 23. Apparently Varttika 2, on Panini, iv. 1, 177, where Parsu is explained as a feminine, Princess of the Parsus, refers to this passage. On the sense, cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 42 ; Rigveda, Glossar, 107 ; and Tait- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 2, 2, 2, where the expression occurs, but where the sense is very dubious. 4 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 196 et seq. 5 x. 33, 2. The sense here is, no doubt, 'ribs.' See Geldner, op. cit., 2, 184, n. 3 ; Bergaigne, Religion Vtdique, 2, 362, n. 6 vii. 83, 1, prthu-parlavah, which really means either ' with large ribs ' — i.e., 'strong,' as Roth, with Sayana, inclines to take it — or ' with broad axes,' according to Zimmer. 7 vi. 27, 8. 8 Indische Studien, 4, 379 ; Indian Literature, 4 ; Episches im vedischen Ritual, 36 et seq. He confines his view to the equation of Parsu in Rigveda, viii. 6, 46, and the Persians. Hille- brandt, who is inclined to see relations with Iran in early times (see Pani, Paravata, Srnjaya), does not in this connexion quote ParSu at all, and, though he mentions Parthava, does not regard it as probably referring to a Parthian (Vedische Mythologie, 1, 105). Brunnhofer, in his various works (Iran und Turan, 1889 ; vom Pontus bis zum Indus, 1890, etc.), finds constant refer- ences in the Veda to events in Iran, but his theories must be regarded as definitely unscientific. See also Hop- kins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 15, 264, n. Palava ] SHEA VES—THATCH—STRA W— CHAFF 5o5 Persians are referred to. But Zimmer9 points out that this conclusion is not justified; the Parous were known to Panini10 as a warrior tribe; the Para^avas were a tribe in south-west MadhyadeSa; and the Periplus11 knows a tribe of Parthoi in north India. At most the only conclusion to be drawn is that the Indians and Iranians were early connected, as was of course the case. Actual historical contact cannot be asserted with any degree of probability. 9 Altindisches Leben, 134 et seq. ; 433. and Parsu are dialectical forms of the Ibid., 434, 435, he refutes conclusively same word. Ludwig's extraordinary view that Prthu 10 v. 3, 117. " c. 38. Parsa occurs in the Rigveda,1 denoting in the plural ' sheaves ' strewn over the threshing floor. Cf. Khala. 1 x. 48, 7; Nirukta, iii. 10. Cf. in the Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4,2, 5, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 238. Per- means 'having a bundle (of arrows).' haps par sin, in the compound isu-parsin Palada occurs twice in one hymn of the Atharvaveda1 in the description of a house. It seems to mean bundles of straw or reeds used to thatch the house and render the sides wind and weather proof. 1 ix. 3, 5, 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 153 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 194, 195. Palasti. See Palita. Palala is found with Anu-palala in the Atharvaveda (viii. 6, 2) as the name of a demon. The meaning of the word is ' straw,' in which sense it occurs in the Kausika Sutra (lxxx. 27), while the feminine form, Palali, is found in the Atharvaveda itself (ii. 8, 3) as the straw of barley (Yava). Palava is found in the Atharvaveda1 and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana2 in the sense of ' chaff.' 1 xii. 3, 19, where some manuscripts read palava. 506 LEAF— GREY HAIR— LYE [ PalaSa PalaSa, like Parna, denotes 'leaf in the Brahmanas.1 It also2 designates the tree Butea frondosa, of which Parna is the early name. 1 Kausitaki Brahmana, x. 2 ; £ata- patha Brahmana, i. 5, 4, 5 ; v. 2, 1, 17 etc. ; Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 14,3. 2 Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 1 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, i. 3, 3, 19 ; ii. 6, 2, 8, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 59. Palita, 'grey-haired,' occurs frequently from the Rigveda1 onwards.2 It is the distinctive sign of old age. Those who, like certain descendants of Jamadagni, do not grow old,3 are said not to become grey-haired, while Bharadvaja is described as having in his old age become thin and grey-haired.4 The Satapatha Brahmana5 in one passage observes that grey hairs appear first on the head, and elsewhere6 alludes to the hair on the arms having become grey. 1 1. x44, 4; 164, 1; iii. 55,9; x. 4,5, etc. 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 15, etc. 3 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 9, 1 ; Paiicavimsa Brahmana, xxi. 10, 6. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 54, and Rv. iii. 53, 16, where palasti seems to mean palita. 4 Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 49. 8 xi. 4, 1,6. 14. 6 iii. 8, 2, 25. Palpulana is found in the Atharvaveda1 and the Taittiriya Samhita2 apparently meaning, properly, 'lye,' or water impreg- nated with some biting substance for washing clothes. In the Atharvan passage urine seems to be meant.3 The verb palpu- laya, 'to wash with alkaline water,' occurs in the Taittiriya Samhita2 and the Taittiriya Brahmana;4 and the Sutras refer to hides {carman)5 and garments6 so washed. Cf. also Vasah- palpull. 1 xii. 4, 9. Cf. Kauslka Sutra, xi. 16. 2 ii- 5. 5. 6. 3 Whitney, Translation of the Athar- vaveda, 695. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 74, 175. * 1. 3. 5. 2. 3. 5 KauSika Sutra, 67. 6 Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 8, 12. Cf. Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, i. 6, 13, 15 ; Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v. Palli-grupta Lauhitya (' descendant of Lohita ') is mentioned in a Vamsa (' list of teachers ') in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 42, 1) as a pupil of Syamajayanta Lauhitya. Pavi ] SIEVE— SOMA— TIRE OF A WHEEL 507 The name is obviously a late one, for Palli is not found in the early literature, and the name of the Lauhitya family is other- wise known in post-Vedic works only. Pavana ('purifier') in the Atharvaveda1 denotes an instrument for purifying grain from husks, etc. ; either a ' sieve ' or a 'winnowing basket' may be meant. In the Sutras2 it is mentioned as used for cleaning the bones of the dead after cremation. iv. 34, 2 ; xviii. 3, 11. Cf. Nirukta, I 2 Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, iv. 5, 7. vi. g. Pavamana is a term very frequently applied in the Rigveda to the Soma 'purifying itself by running through the sieve. Later it appears in a few passages1 in the sense of ' wind ' (as a. purifier). 1 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 20, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, vi. 17 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 7. Pavasta in one passage of the Atharvaveda1 apparently denotes ' covers.' 1 iv. 5, 6. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 156. Pavi denotes the ' tire ' of the wheel of a chariot in the Rigveda1 and later.2 Reference is made3 to the necessity for fastening it on firmly, and the epithet su-pavi, ' having a good tire,' is found in the Atharvaveda4 with su-nabhi, ' having a good nave,' and su-cakra, ' having a good wheel.' The tires were, of course, of metal,5 and being sharp,6 could serve on occasion as weapons.7 The St. Petersburg Dictionary in one passage of 1 i. 34, 2 ; 88, 2 ; 139, 3 ; 166, io, etc. ; Nirukta, v. 5. 2 Samaveda, ii. 7, 1, 15, 3, etc. 3 Rv. vi. 54, 3. * Av. iv. 12, 6. 3 Of gold in the case of the Asvins and the Maruts, Rv. i. 64, 11 ; 180, 1. 6 Rv. i. 166, 10. 7 Rv. v. 52, 9. Cf. vi. 8, 5, and- x, 180, 2. 5o8 TIRE— SOMA SIEVE [ Pavitra the Vajasaneyi Samhita8 takes Pavi to mean a metal rim on the stone for pounding Soma, but this seems improbable, because no such metal attachment is elsewhere alluded to. Hille- brandt9 seems clearly right in accepting the sense of ' sharp edge' in this passage, especially as the stones in the Rigveda10 are, in allusion to their rolling action, styled * rims without horses and without chariots' (anasvdsah pavayo Wathah). The Nirukta11 ascribes to Pavi the sense of arrow (salya), but this is very uncertain. The St. Petersburg Dictionary cites for this use two passages of the Rigveda,12 but in one the secondary sense of sharp-edged weapon with reference to the bolt of Indra is quite likely, and in the other, where the expression vanasya pavi occurs, the sharp-edged pounding-stone of the 'reed,'13 meaning the stalk of the Soma plant, may be meant. Hille- brandt14 thinks a reference to the shape of the Soma plant is intended. Pavi-nasa, the name of a demon mentioned in the Atharvaveda,15 seems to throw no light on this point, for while the St. Petersburg Dictionary takes it to mean ' whose nose is like a spearhead,' it is translated as 'rim-nosed' (presumably in allusion to the curved shape of the nose) by Whitney.16 8 vi. 30. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 9, 4, 5. Mahidhara, on the Vaja- saneyi Samhita, takes pavina as vajra- sadrsena, ' like a thunderbolt, ' and Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 239, 240, renders pavi by ' bolt.' 9 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 44. 10 v. 31,5. 11 xii. 30. ix. 50, 1 i8o, 2. 13 Cf. Rv. iv. 24, 9, where the ex- pression vanam duhanti, * they milk out the reed,' occurs. 14 Op.cit., 1, 43,44. 15 viii. 6, 21. 16 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 497- Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 248 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 12, n. 1. Pavitra denotes in the Rigveda,1 and later,2 the sieve used for purifying the Soma, the only mode of purifying it certainly3 known to the Rigveda. It seems clearly4 to have been made of 1 i. 28, 9 ; iii. 36, 7 ; viii. 33, 1 ; 101, 9, etc. 2 Av. vi. 124, 3 ; ix. 6, 16 ; xii. i, 30 ; 3, 3. 14. 25, etc. 3 Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 239, 240. 4 Cf. the names of it : anva, Rv. ix. 16, 2 ; anvani mesyah, 86, 47 ; 107, 11 ; avayah, ii. 36, 1 ; ix. 86, 11 ; 91, 2 ; tvacwiih avya or avyaya, ix. 69, 3 ; 70, 7 ; mesyah, ix. 8, 5 ; rupa avyaya, ix. 16, 6 ; roman, alone or with avyaya; vara, alone or with avyaya, etc. PaSu ] SPEAR— A PRINCE— ANIMAL 509 sheep's wool, whether woven or plaited is not certain, for the expressions used are too vague to be decisive, though Zimmer6 thinks hvaramsi6 points to plaiting. 5 Altindisches Leben, 278, n. 6 ix. 3, 2 ; 63, 4. Pavira, according to the Nirukta,1 denotes a ' lance.' The epithet derived from this word, pavlravant or pavirava, which is found in the Atharvaveda2 and the Yajurveda Samhitas,3 is used of the plough, apparently in the sense of ' having a metal share.' The same epithet occurs in the Rigveda4 applied to a man, in the sense of ' having a goad ' or ' having a spear.' 1 xii. 30. In Rv. i. 174, 4, pavirava seems to mean * thunderbolt. ' 2 iii- 17. 3- * Pavlravant, Vajasaneyi Samhita, xii. 71 ; pavirava, Taittiriya Samhita, 10, 2, 5, 6 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7, 12; Kathaka Samhita, xvi. 11. 4 x. 60, 3. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 116. Paviru appears in a hymn of the Rigveda1 as a RuSama, being a prince or at least a wealthy noble. 1 viii. 51, 9 = Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxxiii. 82. Pa6u means ' animal ' generally, including man. There is frequent mention1 of the five sacrificial animals — the horse, the cow, the sheep, the goat, and man. Seven such domestic animals are spoken of in the Atharvaveda2 and later ;3 probably, as Whitney4 observes, merely as a sacred mystic number, not, as the commentator5 explains, the usual five with the ass and the camel added. Animals are also referred to as ubhayadant 1 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 2, 10, 1-4; Kathaka Samhita, xvi. 17 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7, 17 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiii. 47-51. Cf. Av. xi. 2, 9; Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 10, 1-3; v. 5, 1, 1. 2; vi. 5, 10, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 28-31, etc. ; 2 Av. iii. io, 6. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 8, 4, 16 ; ix. 3, 1, 20; xii. 8, 3, 13 (where they are called jdgatah, perhaps as number- ing 12) ; Paiicavimsa Brahmana, x. 4 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 103. 5 On Av. iii. 10, 6. The St. Peters- burg Dictionary suggests ' mule ' and 1 ass ' as the two making up seven (cf. Mahabharata, vi. 165 et seq.). Zimmer's view (Altindisches Leben, 76) is that 'goat,' 'sheep,' 'ox,' 'horse,' 'dog,' 'ass,' and 'camel' or 'mule,' are meant. 5io CLASSIFICATION OF ANIMALS [ PaSu and anyatodant. They are further6 classified as those which take hold with the hand (hastadandh), man (purusa), elephant (hastin), and ape (markata), and those which grasp by the mouth (mukhdddnah). Another division is that of biped (dvipdd) and quadruped (catuspad).7 Man is a biped;8 he is the first (pra- thama) of the beasts ;9 he alone of animals lives a hundred years (satayus),10 and he is king of the animals.11 He possesses speech (vac) in conjunction with the other animals.12 In the Aitareya Aranyaka13 an elaborate distinction is drawn between vegetables, animals, and man in point of intellect. Of animals apart from man a threefold division is offered in the Rigveda14 — into those of the air (vdyavya), those of the jungle (aranya), and those of the village (grdrnya), or tame animals. The division into aranya and grdrnya animals is quite common.15 In the Yajurveda Samhitas16 is found a division into eka-sapha, 'whole-hoofed'; ksudra, 'small'; and aranya, * wild,' the two former classes denoting the tame animals.16 The horse and the ass are eka-sapha ;17 the ksudra are the sheep the goat, and the ox : this distinction being parallel to that o; ubhayadant and anyatodant.18 Zimmer19 sees in a passage of the Atharvaveda20 a division of wild animals (aranya) into five classes : (i) those of the jungle described as the ' dread beasts 6 Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 4, 5, 7 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 5, 7 (where purusa must be read for parusa). 7 Rv. iii. 62, 14; Av. iii. 34, 1, etc. Zimmer, 73, n., suggests that the division is Indo - European, as the Inguvenic tables make a distinction between dupursus and peturpursus . 8 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 2, 10, 1. 2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvii. 47. 48. 9 £atapatha Brahmana, vi. 2, 1, 18; vii. 5, 2, 6. i° Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 2, 6, 3 ; £atapatha Brahmana, vii. 2, 5, 17. 11 Kathaka Samhita, xx. 10; Sata- patba Brahmana, iv. 5, 5, 7. Cf. Weber, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 18, 274. 12 Rv. viii. 100, 11. 13 ii. 3, 2, with Keith's note. " x. 90, 8. J6 Av. iii. 31, 3. Cf. ii. 34, 1, with Whitney's note, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 78 ; xi. 2, 24 ; Maitrayan Samhita, iii. 2, 3 ; 9, 7 ; Kathaka Samhita, xiii. 12 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, iii. 2, 29. 32 ; Satapatha Brahmana ii. 7, 1, 8; 2, 8. Cf. xi. 8, 3, 2, where there is reference to animals being tiec up at night in their stalls. 18 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 10, 2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 30. 17 Zimmer, 74. 18 Cf. Av. v. 31, 3 ; Taittiriya Sam hita, ii. 2, 6, 3, with Taittiriya Samhita ii. 1, 1, 5; v. 1, 1, 3; 2, 6. 18 Op.cit., 77, 78. 20 xi. 2, 24. 25, compared with xii. 1 49- 5i- Pastyasad ] HERDSMA N— OX— IN MA TE 5" which are in the wood ' (mrga bhirnd vane hitdh) ; (2) winged creatures, represented by the Hamsa, 'gander,' Suparna, 'eagle,' Sakuna, 'bird'; (3) amphibia — Simsumara, 'alligator,' and Ajagrara, 'crocodile' (?) ; (4) 'fish,' Purlkaya, Jasa, and Matsya; (5) insects and worms (described as rajasah). But this division is more ingenious than probable, and it is ignored by both Bloomfield21 and Whitney.22 21 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 631. 22 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 633> 634. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 72- 77- Pa&u-pa denotes ' herdsman ' in the Rigveda.1 Metaphori- cally the term is applied to Ptisan.2 1 i. 114, 9; 144, 6; iv. 6, 4 ; I 2 vi. 58, 2. Cf. of Pusan and Revati, x. 142, 2. I Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 1, 2, 12. I. Pastha-vah occurs in the Yajurveda Samhitas1 meaning an ox, four years old, according to the commentators. This qualification is, however, very doubtful, for Pasthauhi, ' cow,' a word occurring quite frequently,2 is in one passage3 accom- panied by the adjective prathama-garbhdh,. ' having a first calf,' which disproves the theory of the age adopted by the com- mentators. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 5, 2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 9 ; xviii. 27 ; xxi. 17; xxiv. 13. 28. 29, etc. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. I, 6, 3 ; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 2 ; xii. 8 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xviii. 27 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 3, 3 ; 8, 3, 2; ii. 7, 2, 2, etc. 3 Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 6, 1, n. 2. Pastha-vah is mentioned as a seer of Samans in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 1 xii. 5, 11. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 160. Pastya-sad (' sitting in the house ') occurs in one passage of the Rigveda,1 where the sense seems to be 'inmate,' 'com- panion.' 1 vi. 51, 9. Cf. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 211. 512 DWELLING [ Pastya Pastya (fern, pi.) is a word occurring in several passages of the Rigveda.1 Roth2 ascribes to it the meaning of * house' or * dwelling,' in the wide sense of the term, as well as that of the 1 family ' living in the house ; and this view is accepted by Zimmer.3 On the other hand, Pischel4 finds in two of the passages6 usually referred to Pastya the neuter Pastya, which appears in Pastya-sad and in Pastya-vant (where the length of the second syllable is not primitive), and which is certainly found in the Rigveda6 in the metaphorical sense of ' dwelling,' ascribed to it in the Naighantuka.7 In the other passages8 he thinks the word means ' rivers ' or ' waters '; in particular, where Soma in the middle of the Pastyas9 is spoken of, he sees a reference to Kuruksetra, with its several rivers,10 Apaya, Drsadvati, and Sarasvati (cf. 2. Pastyavant). In some passages11 he sees in Pastya the proper name of a stream, just as Sindhu primarily means ' river,' then the ' Indus.' 1 Rv. i. 25, 10 ; 40, 7 ; 164, 30 ; iv. 1, 11 ; vi. 49, 9 ; vii. 97, 5 ; ix. 65, 23 ; x. 46, 6. See also iv. 55, 3 ; viii. 27, 5, where Pastya appears as a goddess. a St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 Altindisches Leben, 149. Cf. Weber, Uber den Rajasuya, 43, n. 4 ; 63. * Vedische Studien, 2, 211-222. So Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 107. 6 vi. 49, 9 ; vii. 97, 5, where the sense is ' householder ' (grha-stha or grhin, as Sayana renders it). 6 x. 96, 10. 11. In x. 96, 10, Roth takes pastyoh to denote the two parts of the Soma press, but Pischel, 2, 211, accepts Sayana's rendering ' heaven and earth.' In the compounds tri- pastya of Agni, Rv. viii. 39, 8 ; vaja- pastya of Pusan, vi. 58, 2, of Soma, ix. 98, 12 ; and vlra-pastya, v. 50, 4, the primitive word may very well be pastya, not pastya. 7 iii. 4, misquoted by Sayana on Rv. i. 151, 2, as applying to pastya, whereas it really refers to pastya. 8 Rv. i. 25, 10 = Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 16, 1 =Maitrayani Samhita, i. 6, 2 ; ii. 6, 12 ; 7, 16 ; iv. 4, 6 = Vajasaneyi Samhita, x. 27; Rv. i. 40, 7; 164, 30 (used of Agni's home) ; iv. 1, 11 ; ix. 65, 23 ; x. 46, 6 ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 12, i = Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 6, 8 = Vajasaneyi Samhita, x. 7. 9 Rv. ix. 65, 23. 10 Rv. iii. 23, 4. 11 Rv. iv. 55, 3 ; viii. 27, 5 ; and in pastyavant in ix. 97, 18. i. Pastya-vant, explained in the Pada text as Pastya-vant, occurs in several passages of the Rigveda. In two of them1 1 i. 151, 2 ; ix. 97, 18 ; but the latter passage is explained by Pischel as referring to Pastya, the river, and by Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v., as 'kept in the stall.' Pakadurva ] DUST— EDIBLE MILLET 513 a rich householder seems meant, and in the two others reference to a ■ house ' is clear.2 2 Barkis, Rv. ii. 11, 16, 'of the house'; ksaydn pastydvatah, iv. 54, 5, • abodes having (fixed) habitations.' Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 212. 2. Pastya-vant occurs in one passage of the Rigveda1 in the locative parallel with Susoma, Saryanavant, and Arjika. It must apparently denote a place, as Pischel2 argues, probably corresponding to the locality 'in the middle of the streams' (madhye pastyandtn), elsewhere3 referred to as the home of Soma. Pischel4 suggests that Patiala is meant, though he does not lay any stress on the similarity of name. In the north of Patiala there are hills where the Soma might have grown. Roth5 thought that something connected with the Soma press was meant. 1 vni. 7, 29. 2 Vedische Studien, 2, 209. 3 Rv. ix. 65, 23. 4 Op. cit., 2, 219. 5 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2. Max Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 260, 398, 399, takes Pastyavant as a place-name, but thinks that pastyd denotes 'hamlet,' or, as an epithet of Aditi, refers to her as a ' housewife ' (Rv. iv. 55, 3 ; viii. 27, 5). Pamsu in the Atharvaveda1 and later2 denotes 'dust' or ' sand,' usually in the plural. Among the portents enumerated in the Adbhuta Brahmana3 is a rain of dust or sand (pdmsu- varsa), a phenomenon not rare in India.4 1 vii. 109, 2 ; xii. i, 26. 2 Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 6, io, 2 ; Nirukta, xii. 19, etc. 3 vi. 8 (Indische Studien, r, 40). Cf. Varahamihira, Brhatsamhita, xxii. 6. 4 The adjective pdmsura is found in Rv. i. 22, 17, with a variant, pamsula, Samaveda, i. 3, 1, 3, 9. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 5, 1, 9. Paka-durva is, in a verse of the Rigveda,1 included with Kiyambu and VyalkaSa among the plants used for growing on the spot where the corpse of the dead man has been consumed with fire.2 The verse is repeated in the Taittiriya Aranyaka3 1 x. 16, 13. I of Philology, 11, 342-350; Journal of the 2 See Bloomfield, American Journal \ American Oriental Society, 15, xxxix. 3 vi. 4, i, 2. VOL. I. 33 514 ULCER— FIELD-RAT—KING OF PAftCALA [ Pakasthaman with the variant Kyambu. In the Atharvaveda4 the word is read 6andadurva. Pakadurva is probably, as Sayana under- stands it, paripakva-durvd, ' ripe or edible millet.' Sandadurva is explained by the commentator5 in various ways, as millet ' having egg-shaped roots ' (i.e., sanda, not sanda), or as ' having long joints,' with the additional remark that it was called brhad- durva, ' large millet.' In the Taittirlya Aranyaka, on the other hand, the commentary explains Pakadurva as small millet. 4 xviii. 3, 6. 5 Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 850. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 70. Paka-sthaman Kaurayana is celebrated as a generous don< in a hymn of the Rigveda.1 Ludwig2 suggests, without much reason, that he may have been a king of the Anus. 1 viii. 3, 21. 24. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 160. Pakaru is mentioned as a disease, together with Visucika and Argas, 'haemorrhoids,' in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.1 Its nature is unknown; the etymology2 points to the sense of * developed sores,' ' ulcers.' 1 xii. 97. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches I 2 From paka> 'maturity,' and aru = Leben, 393. | arus, ' sore. ' Pahktra is the name of an animal mentioned in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or * horse-sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda Samhitas.1 The * field-rat ' seems to be meant. 1 Maitrayani Samhita, Hi. 14, 7 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 26. Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 85. Panca-janya, 'relating to the five peoples.' See Paiicajanah. Pancala means a ' king of the Pancala people,' and is applied to Durmukha in the Aitareya Brahmana1 and to Sona in the Satapatha Brahmana.2 The term is also found in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana.3 See also Pancala. 1 viii. 23. I 3 iii. 29, 1. Cf. Kathaka Anukramani a xiii. 5, 4, /. 1 £ J in Indische Studien, 3 460. Patalya ] PATRONYMICS— A PLANT— GARMENT 515 Paiici, ' descendant of Pancan,' is the name of a teacher mentioned with disapproval in the Satapatha Brahmana.1 1 i. 2, 5, 9; ii. 1, 4, 27. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 434. Patava, ' descendant of Patu,' is a patronymic of Cakra in the Satapatha Brahmana (xii. 8, 1, 17; 9, 3, 1). Pata is mentioned in the Atharvaveda1 and in the Kausika Sutra.2 It is assumed by the commentator to be identical with the later Patha, the plant Clypea hernandifolia, which was much used medicinally, and is still so used at the present day according to Roth.3 Very possibly the word should be read as Patha. 1 11. 27, 4. 2 xxxvii. 1 ; xxxviii. 18. Cf. Rgvi- dhana, iv. 12, 1. 3 Quoted in Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 68. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 190 ; 17, 266 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 305, n. 1 ; Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, May, 1885, xlii-xliv. Pani-g'hna, * hand-clapper,' is enumerated among the list of victims at the Purusamedha (' human sacrifice ') in the Yajur- veda.1 Presumably a man who drives away birds from the fields by making a noise is intended. 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 20 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 15, 1. Pandva in the Satapatha Brahmana (v. 3, 5, 21) denotes an uncoloured woollen garment. Patalya is found in one passage of the Rigveda1 meaning some part of the chariot What it was is quite uncertain. Hopkins2 suggests that, as in the Epic, it was possibly a piece of wood on the axle to hold the pole of the car. 1 iii. 53, 17. 1 mer, Altindisches Leben, 251; Geldner, 3 Journal of the American Oriental | Rigveda, Glossar, 108. Society, 13, 242, 243 ; 20, 224. Cf. Zim- | 33—2 5i6 DRINKING VESSEL— FOOT [ Patra Patra, primarily a * drinking vessel ' (from pa, i to drink ') denotes a vessel generally both in the Rigveda1 and later.2 It was made either of wood3 or clay.4 In some passages5 the word is, according to Roth, used to indicate a measure. The feminine Patri occasionally occurs6 in the sense of ' vessel.' 1 i. 82, 4; no, 5; 162, 13 (to hold the broth from the flesh of the horse) ; 175. 1 ; "• 37, 4 1 vi- 27> 6, etc. 2 Av. iv. 17, 4 ; vi. 142, 1 ; ix. 6, 17 ; xii. 3, 25. 36; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 1, 6, 2 ; vi. 3, 4, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 62 ; xix. 86, etc. 3 Rv. i. 175, 3. 4 Av. iv. 17, 4. 5 Av. x. 10, 9 ; xii. 3, 30 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 1, 5; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 1, 7, etc. 6 Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 17 ; Sata- patha Brahmana, i. 1, 2, 8 ; ii. 5, 3, 6 ; 6, 2, 7 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, v. 8, 2. Cf. Zimmer. Altindisches Leben, 271. Pathya, a word occurring only once in the Rigveda,1 is either an epithet meaning ' being in heaven ' (pathas), or a patronymic, as Sayana interprets it, of Vrsan. 1 vi. 16, 15. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 4, 2, 4; Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 153. i. Pada in the Atharvaveda1 and later2 denotes the ' foot ' an animal, a bird, and other creatures. 1 xiv. 1, 60. I Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 3, 6, etc 2 Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 5. 12 ; I Kausitaki Upanisad, i. 5. 2. Pada, as a measure of length, denotes ' foot ' in the Sa patha Brahmana.1 The term is occasionally2 used to expre a measure of weight. As a fraction it means a ' quarter,' a sense derived from that of ' foot ' of a quadruped (just as sapha, the divided hoof, comes to mean an * eighth '). 1 vi. 5, 3, 2; vii. 2, 1, 7; viii. 7, 2, 17 ; Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, vi. 10, etc. 2 Nirukta, ii. 7 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 1, 2. 3 Rv. x. 90, 3. 4. 3. Pada is the regular expression for a ' quarter verse ' in the Brahmanas.1 This sense is merely a limitation of ' quarter ' = the * foot ' of a quadruped. 1 Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 4 ; Kausi- I xi. 6; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, i. 2, 1 ; taki Brahmana, xxvi. 5; Nirukta, vii. 9; | x. 6, 9, etc. Payu ] DRINK— FOOT-BATH— BAD SEASON— SCAB— GUARD 517 Pana, * drink,' occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana1 and the Upanisads.2 1 xiii. 4, 2, 17. 2 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 1, | etc 43 ; Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 2, 7, Panta occurs several times in the Rigveda,1 apparently2 meaning ' drink,' * beverage ' (cf. Pana). Geldner,3 however, thinks that in one passage4 Panta is the name of a prince. 1 1. 122, 1 ; 155, 1 ; viii. 92, 1 ; ix. 65, 28 (a very doubtful passage); x. 88, 1. 2 So Nirukta, vii. 25 ; Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Olden- berg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 122, 123. 3 Vedische Studien, 2, 139 ; Rigveda, Glossar, 108, Pan-nejana in the Satapatha Brahmana1 denotes a 'vessel for washing the feet.' 1 iii. 8, 2, 1 ; 9, 3, 27 ; xiii. 5, 2, 1. Papa-yaksma. See Yaksma. Papa-sama, a 'bad season,' is in the Taittiriya Samhita1 opposed to Punya-sama, a ' good season.' 1 iii. 3, 8, 4. Cf. Weber, Naxatra, 2, 342. Paman occurs in the Atharvaveda1 as the name of a skin disease. The derivative adjective, Pamana, ' suffering from skin disease,' is found in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas.2 Since it is mentioned as an accompaniment of fever, probably a cutaneous eruption or scab consequent on fever is meant. 1 v. 22, 12. Cf. for the reading, Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- veda, 261. See also Chandogya Upani- sad, iv. 1, 8. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 3, 8 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxiii. 4 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 2, 1, 31. Cf. Grohmann, Indische Studien, 9, 401 et seq. ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 388 ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 421, n. ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 450, 451 ; Atharvaveda, 63. i. Payu, meaning 'guard,' 'protector,' occurs several times in the Rigveda.1 1 i. 147, 3 ; ii. 1, 7 ; iv. 2, 6 ; 4, 3. 12 ; vi. 15, 8 ; viii. 18, 2 ; 60, 19 ; x. 100, 9. 5i8 A POET— RIVER BANK— DOVE— A PEOPLE [ Payu 2. Payu is found in the Rigveda1 as the name of a poet, a Bharadvaja. In the Brhaddevata2 he is credited with assisting Abhyavartin Cayamana and Prastoka Sarnjaya by conse- crating their weapons with a hymn.3 1 vi. 47, 24. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 128. 2 v. 124 et seq., with Macdonell's notes. 3 vi. 75 (the 'battle ' hymn). Para, in accordance with its derivation (pr, * bring across'), denotes the ' farther bank ' of a river or stream, in which sense1 it occurs in the Rigveda2 and later.3 1 It also often has the generalized snse of 'extreme limit' or 'end,' as in i. 92, 6 (tamasas, • of darkness ') ; v. 54, 10 (adhvanah, ' of a road '). a i. 121, 13 (navyandm, ' of streams ') ; viii. 96, 11 (nadindm) ; i. 167, 2 (samud- rasya); x. 155, 3 (sindhoh), etc. 3 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 1, 2. 3; Kathaka Samhita, xxxiii. 5 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 6, 2, 4 (salilasya) ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 21 {para-hama, * desiring the farther bank '), etc. Para£avya, 'descendant of Parasu,' is the patronymic of Tipindipa in the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra (xvi. n, 20). Cf. Par£u. 1. Paravata occurs in the list of victims at the Asvamedha ('horse sacrifice'), in the Yajurveda,1 meaning 'turtle-dove.' 1 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 6 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 25. 2. Paravata occurs in several passages of the Rigveda. Roth1 thinks that in most places2 it means 'coming from a distance,' but in two passages3 he regards it as the proper name of a people on the Yamuna (Jumna). It is certain that in the Pancavim^a Brahmana the Paravatas are a people on that river (cf. TuraSravas). Hillebrandt4 sees in all the passages5 the name of a people, comparing the Uapvrjrat of 1 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. a Rv. v. 52, II; viii. 100, 6; Av. xx. 135, 14; paravata - ghrii of the Sarasvati, Rv. vi. 61, 2. 3 Rv. viii. 34, 18 ; Pancavimsa Brah- mana, ix. 4, 11. Cf. Hopkins, Transac- tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 53. * Vedische Mythologie, 1, 97 et seq.: 3, 310, following Brunnhofer, Iran und Turan, 99. 5 See notes 2 and 3. Paraiarya ] METRONYMICS—PA TRONYMIC 519 Ptolemy,0 who apparently were settled on the northern border of Gedrosia, or the Hapovrcu, who were found in Apeta* He suggests that they were originally * mountaineers ' (cf. Parvata). Ludwig8 holds a similar view, and Geldner9 recognizes a people as meant. The mention of the Sarasvati in connexion with the Paravatas2 in the Rigveda accords generally with their position on the Yamuna in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.3 6 vi. 20, 3. It is suggested by Hille- brandt that the 'Avap^rat of Herodotus, iii. 91, may be the same. 7 Ptolemy, vi. 17. 8 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 162, 197. 9 Rigveda, Glossar, 109. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 91 ; Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 316. ParaSari-kaundini-putra is mentioned in the last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 4, 30), in the Madhyamdina recension, as a pupil of Gargiputra. Para£ari-putra, ' son of a female descendant of Paraiara,' is mentioned in the last Vams'a (list of teachers) in the Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad as a pupil of Katyayaniputra,1 of Aupasva- tiputra,1 of Vatsiputra,2 of Varkaruniputra,3 and of Gargl- putra.4 Different men are no doubt meant. 1 vi. 5, 1, Kanva. 3 vi. 5, 2, Kanva. 3 vi. 4, 31, Madhyamdina. * vi. 4, 30, Madhyamdina. Paraiarya, 'descendant of ParaSapa,' is mentioned in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as a pupil of Jatukarnya1 or of Bharadvaja.2 A Paraiarya is also mentioned as a pupil of Baijavapayana,3 and Vyasa Paraiarya is the pupil of Visvaksena according to the Vamsa at the end of the Samavidhana Brahmana.4 See also Asadha, Jayanta, VipaScit, Sudatta. 1 ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3, Kanva ; ii. 5, 21 ; iv. 5, 27, Madhyamdina. 2 ii. 5, 20; iv. 5, 26, Madhyamdina; ii. 6, 2 ; iv. 6, 2. 3, Kanva. 3 ii. 6, 2, Kanva. Cf. Taittiriya Aranyaka, i. 9, 2. 4 Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 41 1. 520 PATRONYMICS— CYCLIC TALE [ Parasaryayana Parasaryayana is mentioned in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad1 as a pupil of Parasarya. 1 ii. 5, 21 ; iv. 5, 27 (Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3, Kanva). Parikuta is an obscure word — probably corrupt — occurring in a verse cited in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 22, 7), and apparently meaning * attendant.' Pariksita, 'descendant of Pariksit,' is the patronymic of Janamejaya in the Aitareya Brahmana1 and the Satapatha Brahmana.2 The Pariksitiyas appear in the Satapatha Brah- mana3 and the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra4 as performers of the horse sacrifice. In a Gatha there cited they are called Pari- ksitas. Apparently they were the brothers of Janamejaya, named Ugrasena, Bhimasena, and Srutasena. In the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad6 the question whither they have gone is made the subject of a philosophical discussion. It is clear that the family had passed away before the time of the Upanisad, and it is also clear that there had been some serious scandal mingled with their greatness which they had, in the opinion of the Brahmins, atoned for by their horse sacrifice with its boundless gifts to the priests. Weber6 sees in this the germ of the Epic stories which are recorded in the Mahabharata. The verses relating to Pariksit in the Atharvaveda7 are calle< Pariksityah in the Brahmanas.8 1 vii. 27 and 34 ; viii. 11. 2 xiii. 5, 4, 1. Cf. Gopatha Brah- mana, i. 2, 6; ii. 6, 12. 3 xiii. 5, 4, 3. 4 xvi. 9, 7. 5 iii. 3, 1. 6 Indian Literature, 125, 126 ; 135, 136. The later legend of the Pariksitas and Vamadeva's mares is dealt with by Weber in Vedische Beitrdge (1894). 7 xx. 127, 7-10 ; ^ankhayana Sraut Sutra, xii. 17 ; Scheftelowitz, Apokryphen des Rgveda, 156, 157. 8 Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 32, 10 Kausitaki Brahmana, xxx. 5 ; Gopaths Brahmana, ii. 6, 12 ; Weber, op. cit., 136, n. 144. Pari-plava, ' cyclic,' is a term applied to the Akhyana, 01 'tale/ which is to be recited at the AsVamedha (' hors< Parthava ] HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS— PATRONYMICS 521 sacrifice'), and to be repeated at intervals throughout the year. It is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana1 and in the Sutras.2 1 xiii. 4, 3, 2. 15. I Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 1, 26; 2 Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, x. 6 ; I 2,36; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, ix. 9, 11. Parl-nahya denotes ' household utensils ' in the Taittiriya Samhita,1 where it is said that the wife (patni), as mistress of the house, has charge of all these.2 1 vi. 2, 1, 1. I variant form of pari-nahya in Manu, 2 The word occurs later in the | ix. 11. Parusna, occurring in the list of victims at the Asvamedha (' horse sacrifice ') in the Yajurveda Samhitas,1 appears to mean some kind of bird. 1 MaitrayanI Samhita, iii. 14, 4 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 24. Parovarya-vid in the Nirukta (xiii. 12) denotes ' knowers of tradition.' Parna-valki, * descendant of Parnavalka,' is the patronymic of Nig*ada in the Vam£a Brahmana.1 1 Indische Studien, 4, 372 ; Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 443. Parthava, 'descendant of Prthu,' occurs once in the Rig- veda,1 where the Parthavas are mentioned as generous donors. The passage is somewhat obscure, as there is a reference2 to a defeat of the TurvaSas and the Vrcivants by Srfijaya Daiva- vata, followed in the next verse by the praise of the bounty to the singer of Abhyavartin Cayamana, who was clearly a Parthava, and who, in the earlier part of the hymn, has been referred to as victorious over Vara£ikha. It is uncertain whether, as Zimmer3 suggests, the two princes, Abhyavartin 1 vi. 27, 8. 2 vi. 27, 7. 3 Altindisches Leben, 133, 134. 522 PATRONYMICS— TEXTBOOK— MESSENGER [ParthaSrava Cayamana and Srnjaya Daivavata, are identical or not.4 That Parthava has any direct connexion with the Parthians, as held by Brunnhofer, is most improbable.5 Cf. ParSu. - * Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, I, 105. 5 Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 196 et seq. Herodotos, iii. 93, mentions the Il&pdoc. Partha-Sravasa, 'descendant of Prthu-sravas,' is found as the name of a demon in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana.1 1 iv. 26, 15. This form of the name I Kauslka Sutra, ix. 10 ; xvii. 27. But is supported by its occurrence in the | Parthu- is also possible. Parthya, ■ descendant of Prthi,' is the patronymic of some donor in a hymn of the Rigveda.1 The form of the name in the Asvalayana Srauta Sutra2 is Partha. 1 x« 93. 15. a xii. 10. Cf the AnukramanI on Rv. x. 93. Parvati, 'descendant of Parvata,' is the patronymic of Daksa in the Satapatha (ii. 4, 4, 6) and the Kausltaki (iv. 4) Brahmanas. Parsada, which first appears in the Nirukta,1 denotes a text- book recognized by a school of grammarians. 1 i. 17. Cf. Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 128 et seq. ; Weber, Studien, 3, 269 ; 4, 217. Parsad-vana, ' descendant of Prsadvana,' is mentioned as a wonder-worker in the Rigveda.1 1 viii. 51,2. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 139. Parsna Sailana is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (ii. 4, 8). Palagala occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana1 apparently in the sense of ' messenger,' or * bearer of false news.' 1 v. 3, 1, n. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 64, renders it * courier. Pa§ya ] SOMA VERSES— ROPE— A KING— BULWARKS 523 Palagfali is the name of the fourth and least respected wife of the king.1 See Pati. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 1, 8; 5, 2, 8, etc. Pavamani means the verses (rcas) in the ninth Mandala of the Rigveda 'relating to Soma Pavamana' ('purifying itself). The name is found in the Atharvaveda1 and later,2 possibly even in one hymn of the Rigveda itself.3 1 xix. 71, I. 2 Aitareya Brahmana, i. 20; ii. 37; Kausitaki Brahmana, xv. 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 1, 10; Nirukta, xi. 2 ; xii. 31 ; Aitareya Aranyaka, ii. 2, 2, etc. ; Maitrayani Grhya Sutra, ii. 14. 3 ix. 67, 31. 32 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 99, n. 3. Paia denotes in the Rigveda1 and later2 a 'rope' used for fastening or tying up. Rope and knot (granthi) are mentioned together in the Atharvaveda.3 Pasa is in the Satapatha Brah- mana4 used of the rope by which Manu's ship was fastened to the mountain. It is often employed metaphorically of the ' fetter ' of Varuna.5 1 i. 24, 13. 15 ; ii. 27, 16 ; 29, 5, etc. 2 Av. ii. 12, 2 ; ix. 3, 2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, vi. 8. 45, etc. 4 i. 8, 1, 5. 5 Rv. vi. 74, 4; vii. 88, 7; x. 85, 24; Av. iv. 16, 6; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2, 4 ix. 3, 2. 5, 1, etc. Pasin, 'having a noose,' denotes a 'hunter' in the Rigveda1 and in the Atharvaveda.2 1 iii. 45, 1 ; ix. 73, 4. So of Nirrti in Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 10. 2 xvii. i, 8. PaSa-dyumna Vayata is the name of a king to whom the Vasisthas claim to have been preferred by Indra in one hymn of the Rigveda.1 Apparently he was, as Sayana says, son of Vayat, who may be compared with the Vyalt of another passage of the Rigveda.2 Ludwig3 sees in him a priest of the Prthus and Parsus, but this is most improbable.4 1 vii. 33, 2. I 3 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 173. 2 i. 122, 4. 4 Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 130, 139. Pasya occurs in one passage of the Rigveda1 with reference to the defeat of Vrtra, and apparently denotes ' stone bulwarks.' 1 i. 56, 6. 524 CUCKOO— BOWSTRING— GRASS— FLOUR BALL [ Pika In another passage2 the word may mean the stones used for pressing Soma. 2 ix. 102, 2. Cf, Macdonell, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1893, 457, 458. Pika, the Indian ■ cuckoo,' is mentioned in the list of victims at the Asvamedha (' horse sacrifice ') in the Yajurveda Sam- hitas.1 Cf. Anyavapa, Koka. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 15, 1 ; I saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 39. Cf. Zimmer, Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 20; Vaja- I Altindisches Leben, 92. Ping*a is found in one passage of the Rigveda,1 where it is explained by the St. Petersburg Dictionary with Sayana as 'bowstring,' but where Hillebrandt2 thinks that a musical instrument of some kind is meant. 1 viii. 69, 9. 2 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 144, n. Pijavana is the name of the father of Sudas according to the Nirukta.1 Probably this statement is based on a mere con- jecture from the epithet Paijavana used of Sudas in a verse of the Rigveda,2 but may very well be correct. 1 ii. 24. 2 vii. 18, 19. So Aitareya Brahman a, viii. 21. Piiijula denotes a ' bundle ' of grass or stalks, especially of Darbha. The word is only found in the Brahmana style.1 1 Kathaka Samhita, xxiii. 1 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 3 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, xviii. 8. It appears in the form of pinjula in Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 8, 7 ; Paraskara Grhya Sutra, i. 15 ; of Pun- jila in Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, i, 7; 2, 4, 3 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 6, 4 ; ". 7. 9. 5- Pithinas is the name of a man, a friend of Indra, in the Rigveda.1 1 vi. 26, 6. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 156. Pinda, denoting specifically a ball of flour offered to the Manes, especially on the evening of new moon, occurs in the Nirukta,1 and repeatedly in the Sutras.2 1 iii. 4. J Latyayana £rauta Sutra, ii. 10, 4, etc. Pitamaha ] FATHER AND SON— GRANDFATHER 525 Pita-putra, 'father and son,' is a compound of rare occur- rence. 1 Av. vi. 112, 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 2, 4, 4. Pita-putriya ('relating to father and son'), used with Sam- pradana (' handing over ') means the ceremony by which a father, when about to die, bequeathes his bodily and mental powers to his son. It is described in the Kausitaki Upanisad.1 1 ii. 15. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 408. Pita-maha, beside Tatamaha, denotes from the Atharvaveda onwards1 the 'paternal grandfather,' apparently as a ' father in a higher sense.'2 The great-grandfather is Prapitamaha and Pratatamaha.3 It is significant that there are no corresponding Vedic words for maternal grandparents, and that the words used in the latter language, such as Matamaha, are imitations of the terms for paternal relations. In one passage of the Rigveda4 Delbriick5 suggests that make pitre means ' grandfather,' a sense which would well suit the napatarn, ' grandson,' following, but the sense of the whole passage is uncertain.6 We learn very little from the texts of the position of grand- parents. No doubt they were entitled to marks of respect similar to those shown to parents,7 as the epic expressly testifies. A grandfather might easily be the head of the family, or be living with his eldest son, after he ceased to be able to control the family. The grandmother (Pitamahi) is not mentioned in the extant Vedic literature. 1 Av. v. 5, 1 ; ix. 5, 30 ; xi. 1, 19 ; xviii. 4, 35 ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 5, 1 ; vii. 2, 7, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 36 ; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, 5.4- 2 Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Ver- wandtschaftsnamen, 474. 3 Av. xviii. 4, 75. 4 vi. 20, 11. 5 Ibid., 473. 6 See Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 128, n. 1. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., also doubts the view which is accepted by Delbriick, and denies that in Rv. i. 71, 5, the sense of * grandfather ' can be found. 7 Delbriick, op. cit., 480, citing Maha.bha.rata, ii. 1634. 526 N UTRIMENT—FA THER [ Pitu Pitu in the Rigveda1 and later2 has the general sense of nutriment,' whether food or drink. 1 i. 61, 7; 132, 6; 187, 1 ; vi. 20, 4, etc. 2 Av. iv. 6, 3 ; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 7, 2, 4 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, ii. 20 ; xii. 65 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 13. Pitr, common from the Rigveda onwards, denotes 'father,' not so much as the ' begetter ' (janitr),1 but rather as the pro- tector of the child, this being probably also the etymological sense of the word.2 The father in the Rigveda3 stands for all that is good and kind. Hence Agni is compared with a father,4 while Indra is even dearer than a father.5 The father carries his son in his arms,6 and places him on his lap,7 while the child pulls his garment to attract attention.8 In later years the son depends on his father for help in trouble,9 and greets him with joy.10 It is difficult to ascertain precisely how far the son was subject to parental control, and how long such control con- tinued. Reference is made in the Rigveda11 to a father's chastising his son for gambling, and RjraSva is said to have been blinded by his father.12 From the latter statement Zimmer13 infers the existence of a developed patria potestas, but to lay stress on this isolated and semi-mythical incident would be unwise. It is, however, quite likely that the patria potestas was originally strong, for we have other support for the thesis in the Roman patria potestas. If there is no proof that a father 1 Pita janitd is used of gods in the Rigveda — e.g., iv. 17, 12. a As derived from pa, 'protect.' But, as Bohtlingk and Roth, St. Peters- burg Dictionary, s.v. Matar, footnote, suggest, pa and ma were probably the much older original onomatopoetic names for ' father ' and ' mother,' which in a later reflective age influenced the formation of pitr and matr (which them- selves go back to the Indo-European period) . • See, e.g., iv. 17, 17; viii. 86, 4. 4 Rv. x. 7, 3. 5 Rv. vii. 32, 19 ; viii. I, 6. 6 Rv. i. 38, 1. 7 Rv. v. 43, 7. 8 Rv. iii. 53, 2. 9 In Rv. x. 48, 1, the jantavah possibly are the sons. 10 Rv. vii. 103, 3. Cf. i. 24, l. 11 Rv. ii. 29, 5. 12 Rv. i. 116, 16; 117, 17. There is also the case of the sale of Sunahsepa, Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 12-18 ; and cf. Jaatapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 3, 3. 13 Altindisches Leben, 316. Pitr ] PATERNAL AUTHORITY 527 legally controlled his son's wedding,14 and not much that he controlled his daughter's,15 the fact is in itself not im- probable. There is again no evidence to show whether a son, when grown up, normally continued to stay with his father, his wife becoming a member of the father's household, or whether he set up a house of his own : probably the custom varied. Nor do we know whether the son was granted a special plot of land on marriage or otherwise, or whether he only came into such property after his father's death. But any excessive estimate of the father's powers over a son who was no longer a minor and naturally under his control, must be qualified by the fact that in his old age the sons might divide their father's property,16 or he might divide it amongst them,17 and that when the father-in-law became aged he fell under the control of his son's wife.18 There are also obscure traces that in old age a father might be exposed, though there is no reason to suppose that this was usual in Vedic India.19 Normally the son was bound to give his father full obedience.20 The later Sutras show in detail the acts of courtesy which he owed his father, and they allow him to eat the remnants of his father's food.21 On the other hand, the father was expected to be kind. The story of Sunahgepa in the Aitareya Brah- u Cf. Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 576. Ibid., 582, he quotes Mahabharata, xii. 6108 et seq., which refers in one line to the control of the marriage of the son by the father, and in the next to a case of free marriage. The fact is, no doubt, that the son could marry freely, unless his father had arranged matters for him when he was too young to object. is Zimmer, op. cit., 309, assumes this as certain, but it is far from proved. See, however, Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 12, 2, which is in favour of Zimmer's view. Cf. Kaegi, Der Rigveda, 15, and Pati. 16 Rv. i. 70, 10 ; Aitareya Brahmana, v. 14 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, iii. 156 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 26, 61, 62). 17 Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 1, 9, 4-6. Cf. the handing over from father to son in the Kausitaki Upanisad, ii. 15. If the father recovered, he lived subject to his son. is RV. x. 85, 46. 19 Cf. Rv. viii. 51, 2 ; Av. xviii. 2, 34. The first passage need not refer to exposure, and the second merely refers to the exposure of a dead body; but Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 326 - 328, thinks that they prove exposure. Cf. Dharma. 20 RV. i. 68, 5. 2i Apastamba Dharma Sutra, i. 1, 4. «. 528 ADOPTION [ Pitr mana22 emphasizes the horror with which the father's heartless treatment of his son was viewed. The Upanisads 23 insist on the spiritual succession from father to son. The kissing of a son M was a frequent and usual token of affection, even in mature years. On the failure of natural children, adoption was possible.25 It was even resorted to when natural children existed, but when it was desired to secure the presence in the family of a person of specially high qualifications, as in Visvamitra's adoption of Sunahsepa.26 It is not clear that adoption from one caste into another was possible, for there is no good evidence that Visvamitra was, as Weber27 holds, a Ksatriya who adopted a Brahmana. Adoption was also not always in high favour : it may be accidental or not that a hymn of the Vasistha book of the Rigveda28 condemns the usage. It was also possible for the father who had a daughter, but no sons, to appoint her to bear a son for him. At any rate the practice appears to be referred to in an obscure verse of the Rigveda29 as interpreted by Yaska.30 Moreover, it is possible that the difficulty of a brotherless maiden finding a husband31 may have been due in part to the possibility of her father desiring to make her a Putrika, the later technical name for a daughter whose son is to belong to her father's family. There can be no doubt that in a family the father took precedence of the mother.32 Delbriick33 explains away the apparent cases to the contrary.34 There is no trace of the 22 vii. 12 et seq. ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 17 et seq. 23 E.g., Kausitaki Upanisad, ii. 15 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i. 5, 25 (Madhyamdina = i. 5, 17, Kanva). 24 See Hopkins, Journal oj the American Oriental Society, 28, 120-134; Keith, Sankhayana Aranyaka, 26, n. 3. 25 Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 318; Mayr, Indisches Erbrecht, 73 ; Jolly, Die Adoption in Indien (Wiirzburg, 1910), 7 et seq. 26 Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 17 et seq. ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 17. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 157. 27 Episches im vedischen Ritual, 33, 34. ™ Vll. 4, 7. 8. 29 iii. 31, 1. 30 iii. 5 ad fin. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 343 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 34; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 239-241. 31 Cf. Bhratr. 32 Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 1, 18 ; a citation in Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 9; Chandogya Upanisad vii. 15, 2. 33 Die indogermanischen Verwandt- schaftsnamen, 577. 34 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 7, 5. Some passages in the Sutras present difficulties, but they are of no im- portance for Vedic times proper. Pitryana ] WAY OF THE FATHERS 529 family as a land-owning corporation.35 The dual form Pitarau regularly means 'father and mother,' 'parents.'36 35 Baden Powell, whose various works (Indian Village Community, 1896 ; Village Communities in India, 1899, etc. ) have done most to combat the view of the village community in India as a land-holding institution, is prepared to recognize the family as a land-owning unit, considering that the patria potestas is a later growth, and not Indian (see, e.g., Village Communities in India, 128 et seq.). Hopkins, India, Old and New, 218 et seq., adopts a theory which allows of individual and joint family owner- ship side by side, the latter being apparently the earlier but the decadent stage. He expressly considers (p. 222) that the son had an indefeasible right to prevent the father from alienating the hereditary land, which could only be parted with by the consent of the village if it were a case of joint ownership (cf. the verse cited by Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 94). But it must be remembered that, as is very clearly shown in the case of English law by Pollock and Maitland (History of English Law, 2, 337-352), the recognition of the rights of sons may well be, not a sign of original joint or family ownership, but a development from the existence of intestate succession, and as in England, so in India, there is no trace of a corporate joint family in the early books. And, as Jolly (op. cit., 76, 80) shows, there are clear traces, both in old and modern times, of a despotic control of the family by the father even after his sons grew up, provided only that he was physically able to control them. The same state of affairs seems proved for early English law, as it is beyond question for Roman law (see Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, 2, 351 et seq.). In Greece also, which is some- times contrasted with Rome, there is the clearest trace of both a real patria potestas, and of the absolute ownership of the land by the father as against the son, especially in the archaic laws of Gortyn (see Gardner and Jevons, Greek Antiquities, 404, 405, 563, 566). 36 Rv. i. 20, 4 ; 160, 3 ; ii. 17, 7 ; vii. 67, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxiii 10 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 11, etc. Pitr-yana, the ' way of the fathers,' mentioned in the Rigveda1 and later,2 is opposed to the Deva-yana, or ' way of the gods.' Tilak3 considers that the Devayana corresponds with the Uttarayana, 'northern journey' of the sun, and the Pitryana with the Daksinayana, its ' southern journey.' He concludes from a passage of the Satapatha Brahmana,4 where three of the seasons — spring, summer, and the rains — are ascribed to the gods, but the others to the Pitrs, or Fathers, that the Devayana began with the vernal equinox, and the Pitryana with the autumnal equinox. With this he connects the curious 1 x. 2, 7. Cf. the allusion to it in x. 18, 1, as other than the Devayana, which appears in x. 98, 11. 2 Av. viii. 10, 19; xii. 2, 10, etc. ; VOL. I. Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 45; Chan- dogya Upanisad, v. 3, 2, etc. 3 Orion, 22 et seq. 11. 1, 3. !"3. 34 53° PARRICIDE— CLUB— ANT [ Pitrhan distinction of Deva- and Yama-Naksatras in the Taittiriya Brahmana.5 These conclusions are, however, very improbable. Cf. Naksatpa and Surya. 5 i- 5, 2, 6. Pitr-han, ' parricide/ is found in the Atharvaveda,1 Paippa- lada recension. 1 ix. 4, 3. Cf. Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v. Pitrya occurs in the list of sciences given in the Chandogya Upanisad.1 Apparently it is to be taken as the science relating to the cult of the Manes, as explained by Sankara in his commentary. As it is in that list followed by Ra£i, the St. Petersburg Dictionary is inclined to take Pitrya Rasi as one expression, but in what exact sense does not appear. 1 vii. 1, 2. 4; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. Cf. "Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 267; Little, Gram- matical Index, 98. Pitva1 or Pidva2 is the name of an animal included in the list of victims at the AsVamedha (' horse sacrifice ') in the Yajurveda Samhitas. According to the commentator on the Taittiriya Samhita1 it means 'lion.' But it may be identical with Petva. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 17, 1. 2 Maitrayanl Samhita, iii. 14, 13 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 32. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 79 ; Bloom field, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 29, 290. Pinaka, 'club,' is found in the Atharvaveda.1 Later2 it is used to denote the club of Rudra-Siva. 1 1. 27, 2. 2 Taittiriya Samhita, Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 61; xvi. 51, 8, 6, 2; I etc. Pinvana occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana (xiv. 1, 2, 17 ; 2, 1, 11 ; 3, 1, 22) as the name of a vessel used in the ritual. Pipila, ' ant,' is mentioned in the Rigveda (x. 16, 6) as eating the flesh of the dead. Pippala ] ANT— A BIRD—BERRY 53i Pipilika in the Atharvaveda1 and later2 denotes an 'ant/ the form of the word referring doubtless not so much to the small species of ant, as it is taken in the later lexicons,3 but rather to the insect's tiny size, which would naturally be expressed by a diminutive formation of the name. The form Pipllaka4 is found in the Chandogya Upanisad.6 1 vii. 56, 7. Cf. xx. 134, 6. 2 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 6, 7 ; PancavimSa Brahmana, v. 6, 10 ; xv. 17, 8 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i. 4, 9. 29 (Madhyamdina = i. 4, 4, 16 Kanva) ; Nirukta, vii. 13 ; Aitareya Aranyaka, i. 3, 8 ; ii. 1, 6. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Cf. kaninaka beside kaninikd, ' pupil of the eye. ' 6 vii. 2, 1 ; 7, 1 ; 8, 1 ; 10, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 97 ; Edgerton, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 31, 128. Pippaka is mentioned in the list of victims at the Asvamedha ('horse sacrifice') in the Yajurveda Samhitas.1 Some bird seems to be meant. 1 Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 19, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 21 ; Vaja- saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 40. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 93. Pippala, n., is found in two passages of the Rigveda1 meaning ' berry,' used with a mystic signification, and in neither case with any certain reference to the berry of the fig-tree.2 In the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad3 the general sense of 'berry* is not necessary, and the special sense of ' berry ' of the Peepal is quite possible : the latter meaning is perhaps intended in the Satapatha Brahmana.4 In the Atharvaveda6 the feminine form of the word, Pippali, appears denoting berries used as a remedy for wounds, like Arundhati.0 1 i. 164, 20 = Mundaka Upanisad, iii. 1, 1 ; SvetaSvatara Upanisad, iv. 6, 22 ; v. 54, 12 (the ' berry ' of heaven, ndka). 2 The word Pippala appears in the later literature as a masculine, denoting the Ficus religiosa (A£vattha in Vedic literature) . 3 iv. 1, 41. * 111. 7, 1, 12. 5 vi. 109, 1. 2. 6 Bloomfield, Atharvaveda, 61; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 516; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 359, 360; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 389; Max Muller, Sacred Boohs of the East, 32, 33i- 34—2 532 A VEDIC SCHOOL— A DASA—DEER [ Pippalada Pippalada (' eater of berries ') is the name of a teacher mentioned in the Prasna Upanisad.1 In the plural the name denotes a school of the Atharvaveda.2 Their (Paippalada) recension of the text of the Samhita has been reproduced in facsimile by Garbe and Bloomfield,3 and in part published.4 1 1. 1. 2 Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 277 ; Indian Literature, 153, 159, 160, 164. 3 Baltimore, 1901. 4 The variants of the Paippalada are given in part in Whitney's Translation of the Atharvaveda, and the text of books i. and ii. has been edited by Barret in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, 26, 197-295 ; 30, 187 et seq. Cf. also Lanman in Whitney's Translation, lxxix et seq. Pipru is the name of a foe of Indra in the Rigveda. He was repeatedly defeated by Indra for Rji&van.1 Mentioned as possessing forts,2 he is called a Dasa3 as well as an Asura.4 He is described as having a black brood,5 and as being allied with blacks.6 It is uncertain whether he was a demon, accord- ing to Roth's7 view, which is favoured by the use of the word Asura, or a human foe, as Ludwig,8 01denberg,9and Hillebrandt10 believe. The name may mean * resister,' from the root pr. 1 i. 101, 1. 2; iv. 16, 13; v. 29, 11; vi. 20, 7 ; viii. 49, 10 ; x. 99, 11 ; 138, 3. In i. 103, 8 ; ii. 14, 5 ; vi. 18, 8, the reference is general to a defeat of Pipru by Indra. 2 Rv. i. 51, 5 ; vi. 20, 7. 3 Rv. viii. 32, 2. 4 Rv. x. 138, 3. 5 Rv. i. 101, 1. 6 iv. 16, 13. 7 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 8 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 149. 9 Religion des Veda, 155. 10 Vedische Mythologie, 3, 273. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 161 (C). Pisa is found in one passage of the Rigveda,1 where Sayana takes it to mean a deer (rum). 1 i. 64, 8. Cf. Av. xix. 49, 4; j Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 83; Max | 118; Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, no. PiSahga is the name of one of the two Unnetr priests officiating at the snake festival mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.1 Cf. Caka. 1 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35. Pi&la ] GHOUL— RAW FLESH— WOODEN DISH 533 Pi&Lca is the name of a class of demon mentioned in the Atharvaveda1 and later.2 In the Taittiriya Samhita3 they are associated with Raksases and Asuras, while opposed to gods, men, and fathers. In the Atharvaveda4 they are described as kravyad, ' eaters of raw flesh,' which may be the etymological sense of the word Pisaca itself.5 It is possible that the Pisacas were, as suggested by Grierson,0 really human foes, like the north-western tribes, who even in later times were reputed eaters of raw flesh (not necessarily as cannibals, but rather as eaters of human flesh in ritual). This is, however, not at all likely, the Pisacas having in all probability only meant ' ghouls ' originally : when they appear as human tribes, they were presumably thus designated in scorn. A science called Pisaca- veda7 or Pisaca- vidya8 is known in the later Vedic period. 1 ii. 18, 4 ; iv. 20, 6. 9 ; 36, 4 ; 37, 10 ; v. 29, 4. 5. 14 ; vi. 32, 2 ; viii. 2, 12 ; xii. 1, 50. The word occurs once in the Rv. (i. 133, 5) in the form of Pisaci. 2 See St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3 ii. 4, i, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxvii. 14. 4 v. 25, 9. 5 Cf. Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 264, n. 6 Cf. Grierson, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1905, 285-288. Cf. Mac- donell, Vedic Mythology, p. 164 (B). 7 Gopatha Brahmana, i. 1, 10. 8 AsValayana Srauta Sutra, x. 7, 6. Pi&ta in the Atharvaveda1 and later2 denotes raw flesh (cf, Pisaca). In one passage of the Atharvaveda3 the sense seems to be ' small piece,' * bit,' but the St. Petersburg Dictionary suggests that Pisita here stands for pisita, equivalent to pista (what is ' pounded,' then ' particle '). 1 v. 19, 5. 2 Ai tarey a Brahmana, ii. 11 ; Kausika Sutra, xii. 8 ; xxxv. 18 ; xxxix. 14, etc. 3 vi. 127, 1. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 531 ; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 376. Pigfla is found in the Satapatha Brahmana (ii. 5, 3, 6) as the name of a wooden vessel or dish. In the Latyayana Srauta Sutra (iv. 2, 4. 5) a Pisila-vina is mentioned, which seems to have been a kind of guitar, with strings stretched over a body of wood. 534 TRAITOR— FLOUR— DEODAR— BIE STINGS [ PiSuna Pisuna, 'traitor,' is mentioned in the Rigveda1 and occa- sionally later.2 1 vii/104, 20. I dogya Upanisad, vii. 6, 1 ; Taittiriya a Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 13; Chan- | Brahmana, iii. 4, 7, 1. Pista ('pounded'), n., 'meal,' 'flour,' is mentioned in the Brahmanas.1 In the Atharvaveda2 reference is made to pounded beans (masah). 1 Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 9; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 4, 3; 2, 1, 2 ; vi. 5, 1, 6, etc. xii. 2, 53. PItha, 'stool,' does not occur as an uncompounded word before the Sutras, but the compound pUha-sarpin (' moving about in a little cart ') is found as the designation of a ' cripple ' in the Vajasaneyi Samhita (xxx. 21) and the Taittiriya Brah- mana (iii. 4, 17, 1) in the list of victims at the Purusamedha (' human sacrifice '). Pitu-daru is found in the Kathaka Samhita1 and later2 denoting the Deodar (deva-ddru) tree, or, according to others, the Khadira or Udumbara tree.3 Cf. Putadru. 1 Kathaka Samhita, xxv. 6. 2 Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 5, 2, 15 ; xiii. 4, 4, 5. 17 ; Paficavimsa Brahmana, xxiv. 13, 5. 3 Mahidharaon Vajasaneyi Samhita, v. 14 ; Sayana on Aitareya Brahmana, i. 28. Plyusa is found in the Rigveda1 and later2 in the sense of the first milk of the cow after calving, 'biestings.' Usually the term is applied metaphorically to the sap of the Soma plant.3 1 Cf. ii. 35, 5, where it is applied figuratively to the mothers of Agni. 2 KauSika Sutra, xix. 15. Cf. Av. viii. 9, 24. 3 Rv. ii. 13, 1 ; iii. 48, 2 ; vi. 47, 4 x. 94, 8, etc. Cf. Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, no. Pila occurs once in the Atharvaveda1 as the name of an Apsaras, being no doubt originally a name of some fragrant 1 lv- 37> 3« Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 69; Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 211. Punjistfia ] A TREE—A HEAVEN— HARLOT— MALE-BIRTH 535 plant, like Naladi and Gugfgrilu, two other names of Apsarases given in the same verse. Pflu is the name in the Atharvaveda1 of a tree (Careya arborea or Salvadora persica) on the fruit of which doves fed. 1 xx. 135, 12. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62; Weber, Transactions of the Berlin Academy, 1895, 861. Pilumati is in the Atharvaveda (xviii. 2, 48) the name of the intermediate heaven lying between the udanvati, ' watery,' and the pra-dyauh, ' farthest heaven.' It presumably means ' rich in Pilu.' Cf. Div. Pums-call (' running after men ') is found in the Vajasaneyi Samhita,1 the Atharvaveda,2 and later,3 to denote a ' wanton woman.' In the Vajasaneyi Samhita4 also occurs the form Pumscalu. See also Dharma and Pati. 1 xxx. 22. 2 xv. 2, i ^ seq. 3 Pancavimsa Brahmana, viii. I, 10 ; Kausitaki Brahmana, xxvii. 1 ; Laty- ayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 3, 9, 11. 4 iii. xxx. 5. 20; Taittirlya Brahmana, 4, 1, 1; 15, 1; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xiii. 3, 6. Pum-savana (* male-production ' ceremony) is found in the Atharvaveda1 in a hymn which is obviously intended to accom- pany a rite aiming at securing the birth of a male child, and which is so applied in the ritual.2 1 VI. II, I. 2 Kausika Sutra, xxxv. 8. Cf. Bloom- field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 460; Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- veda, 288. The later Grhya ritual knows a special rite called Pumsavana. See AsValayana Grhya Sutra, i. 13 ; Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 20 ; Gobhila Grhya Sutra, ii. 6, 1 et seq. ; Hillebrandt, Rituallitteratur, 41. Puklaka. See Paulkasa. Pufiji-stha is found in the Yajurveda Samhitas1 and later,2 apparently meaning ' fisherman,' though Mahidhara3 explains it as ' bird-catcher.' Cf. Paunjistha. 2 Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, x. 7 ; Panini, viii. 3, 97. 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27 ; Tait- tiriya Samhita, iv. 5, 4, 2 ; MaitrayanI Samhita, ii. 9, 5 ; Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 13. 3 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27. 536 GRASS BUNDLE— LOTUS— OUTCAST—SON [ Punji Punjila is found in the Taittiriya Samhita1 and the Taittiriy; Brahmana2 in the sense of a ' bundle ' of grass, being a variant of Pinjula. vi. r, 1,7; 2, 4, 3. i. 7, 6, 4 ; ii. 7, 9. 5- Pundarika denotes the blossom of the lotus in the Rigveda1 and later.2 The Pancavimsa Brahmana3 states that the lotus flower is born of the light of the Naksatras, and the Atharva- veda4 compares the human heart to the lotus.6 1 x. 142, 8. 2 Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 8, 2, 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, 5, 6; Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, ii. 3, 10 ; vi. 3, 14 ; Chandogya Upanisad, i. 6, 7 ; Aitareya Aranyaka, iii. 2, 4. 3 xviii. 9, 6. 4 x. 8, 43 ; Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 1, 1. 6 In the Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 18, 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 8, 2, 1, pundari-sraja denotes a ' wreath of lotus leaves.' Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 71. Pundra is the name of a people regarded as outcasts in the Aitareya Brahmana.1 Their name occurs in the Sutras also.2 In the Epic their country corresponds with Bengal and Bihar. 1 vii. 18 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 26. 2 Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, i. 2, 14. Cf. Caland, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 56, 553 ; Biihler, Sacred Books of the East, 14, 148 ; Oldenberg, Buddha, 394, n. Fc the later geographical position of the Pundras, cf. the map in Paxgiter, J oumc of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 333. Putra is, with Sunu, the usual name for ' son ' from th< Rigveda onwards.1 The original sense of the word was apparently ' small,' or something analogous.2 The form Putraka3 is often used with the distinct intention of an affec- tionate address to a younger man, not merely a son proper. Reference is frequently made to the desire for a son.4 Cf. Pati. 1 Rv. ii. 29, 5; v. 47, 6; vi. 9, 2, etc. ; Av. iii. 30, 2, etc. 2 Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Ver- wandtschaftsnamen, 454. 3 Rv. viii. 69, 8 ; Aitareya Brah- mana, v. 14 ; vi. 33 (here the narrative uses Putra; the reported words have Putraka) ; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 6, 1, 2; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiii. 3, 21, etc. * Rv. x. 183, 1 ; Av. vi. 81, 3 xi. 1, 1 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, 6, 1 vii. 1, 8, 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 9, 1. Punarvasu ] INHERITING DA UGHTER— REMARRIED WIDOW 537 Putra-sena is the name of a man in the MaitrayanI Samhita (iv. 6, 6). Putrika in the later literature1 has the technical sense of the daughter of a man without sons, whom he gives in marriage on the express terms that her son shall perform the funeral rites for him, and be counted as his. The thing as well as the name is recognized by Yaska in the Nirukta,2 and traced to the Rigveda.3 But the passages in the Rigveda are of very uncertain meaning,4 and in all probability do not refer to this custom at all. 1 Manava Dharma Sastra, ix. 127 et seq. ; Gautama Dharma Sutra, xxviii. 20 ; Vasistha Dharma Sutra, xvii. 17. 2 iii. 5 ad fin. 3 i. 124, 7. Cf. iii. 31, 1. * Cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 34 ; Rigveda, Kommentar, 48, 49 ; Olden berg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 239 et seq.; Roth, Nirukta," Erlautevungen, 27 ; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 72, 73 ; Brhaddevata, iv. no. in, with Macdonell's note ; Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, 924, 925 ; Jolly, Die Adoption in Indient 32. Punar-datta (' given again ') is the name of a teacher in the 6arikhayana Aranyaka (viii. 8). Punar-bhu is found in the Atharvaveda1 meaning a wife who marries again, a rite being mentioned by which she can ensure reunion with her second (not her first) husband in the next world. 1 ix. 5, 28. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 537. Punar-vasu (' bringing goods again'), used in the dual, denotes the fifth in the series of the Vedic Naksatras, or 1 Lunar Mansions.' Roth1 takes the word to have this sense in its only occurrence in the Rigveda,2 but this must be regarded as decidedly doubtful. The term is, however, found in the ordinary lists of the Naksatras in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas.3 1 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2 x. 19, 1. 3 Av. xix. 7, 1 ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 5, 1, 4 ; iv. 4, 10, 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 2, 3 ; Kausitaki Brah- mana, i. 3 ; Kathaka Samhita, viii. 15 ; xxxix. 13 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 1, 2, 10, etc. Cf. Weber, Naxatra, 2, 289, 290; Zimmer, Aliindisches Leben, 355. / 538 BARKING DOG— MAN— FORT [ Punahsara Punah-sara, ' recurrent,' is the epithet of the barking dog in the Rigveda,1 which is told to bark at the thief. It refers, no doubt, to the dog's practice of running to and fro when it barks. It is also applied to a plant, Apamargu (Achyranthes aspera), in the Atharvaveda,2 with the sense of * having revertent leaves.5 1 vii. 55, 3 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 56, n. 1. 2 iv. 17, 2 ; vi. 129, 3 ; x. 1, 9. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- veda, 179. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 394, prefers the sense of ' attacking,' which is the meaning of prati-sara, Av. viii. 5, 5. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 4, 20. Pumams denotes in the Rigveda1 and later2 man as the 1 male.' It has no special reference to marriage like Pati, or to heroism like Nr or Nara. In grammar it denotes the masculine gender.3 1 i. 124, 7 ; 162, 22 ; iii. 29, 13 ; iv. 3, 10, etc. 2 Av. iii. 6, 1 ; 23, 3 ; iv. 4, 4 ; vi. 11, 2; Vajasaneyi Samhita, viii. 5, etc. 3 Nirukta, iii. 8 ; Satapatha Brah- mana, x. 1, 1, 8; 5, 1, 3. Cf. iv. 5, 2, 10, and pumsa naksatrena, ' a Naksatra with a masculine name,' in the Brhad- aranyaka Upanisad, vi. 3, 1. Pup is a word of frequent occurrence in the Rigveda1 and later,2 meaning ' rampart,' ■ foft,' or * stronghold.' Such fortifi- cations must have been occasionally of considerable size, as one is called * broad ' (prthvi) and 'wide' (urvT).3 Elsewhere4 a fort ' made of stone ' (asmamayt) is mentioned. Sometimes strongholds ' of iron ' (ayasl) are referred to,5 but these are probably only metaphorical. A fort ' full of kine ' {gomati) is mentioned,6 showing that strongholds were used to hold cattle. ' Autumnal ' (saradi) forts are named, apparently as belonging to the Dasas : this may refer to the forts in that season being 1 i- 53. 7 I 58. 8 ; 131, 4 ; 166, 8 ; iii. 15, 4; iv. 27, 1, etc. 2 Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 7, 5 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 23 ; ii. 11 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 4, 4, 3 ; vi. 3, 3, 25; xi. 1, 1, 2. 3; Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 5, 3, etc. 3 i. 189, 2. 4 Rv. iv. 30, 20. Perhaps sun-dried bricks are alluded to by dma (lit. ' raw,' ' unbaked ') in Rv. ii. 35, 6. 5 Rv. i. 58, 8; ii. 20, 8; iv. 27, 1 ; vii. 3,7; 15, 4 ; 95, 1 ; x. 101, 8. See Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 22, 378 et seq. 6 Av. viii. 6, 23. Pur ] FORTS AS PLACES OF REFUGE 539 occupied against Aryan attacks or against inundations caused by overflowing rivers. Forts 'with a hundred walls' (sata- bhuji) are spoken of.7 It would probably be a mistake to regard these forts as permanently occupied fortified places like the fortresses of the mediaeval barony. They were probably merely places of refuge against attack, ramparts of hardened earth with palisades and a ditch (cf. Dehi). Pischel and Geldner,8 however, think that there were towns with wooden walls and ditches (irepiftoXos and rafypos) like the Indian town of Pataliputra known to Megas- thenes9 and the Pali texts.10 This is possible, but hardly susceptible of proof, and it is not without significance that the word Nagara is of late occurrence. On the whole it is hardly likely that in early Vedic times city life was much developed. In the Epic, according to Hopkins,11 there are found the Nagara, ' city '; Grama, ' village '; and Ghosa, ' ranch.' Vedic literature hardly seems to go beyond the village, no doubt with modifications in its later period. The siege of forts is mentioned in the Samhitas and Brah- According to the Rigveda,13 fire was used. manas. 12 7 Rv. i. 166, 8 ; vii. 15, 14. 8 Vedische Studien, 1, xxii, xxiii, where ksiti dhruvd, i. 73, 4, is compared. 9 Strabo, p. 702 ; Arrian, Indica, 10. 10 Mahaparinibbanasutta, p. 12. Cf. Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 262. 11 Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 77 ; 174 et seq. 12 Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 2, 3, 1 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 23 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 4, 4, 3-5 ; Gopatha Brahmana, ii. 2, 7, etc. 13 vii. 5, 3. Possibly, in some cases, the palisade was no more than a hedge of thorn or a row of stakes (cf. Rv. x. 101, 8), as suggested by Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 143, 145 ; and cf. Rv. viii. 53, 5, as corrected by Roth, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 48, 109. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 142- 148, who compares the fact that neither the Germans (Tacitus, Germania, 16) nor the Slavs (Procoprus, Debello Gotico, iii. 14) lived in towns, but, like the ancient Indians, were scattered in villages, each consisting of the houses and steadings of the several families living in the village. The evidence seems pretty convincing. It is true that the Greeks, when we first find them, evidently knew castles and for- tresses of the mediaeval type ; but the Greeks were clearly an invading race, superimposed on an older and in civilization more advanced people (see, e.g., Burrows, Discoveries in Crete). But the Pur may, as Zimmer allows, have sometimes been built within the limits of the village. Whether, as he urges (144), the saradl pur was a protection against the floods of autumn is un- certain. Cf. Rv. i. 131, 4; 174, 2; vi. 20, 10. In particular, it is not legitimate to connect the mention of those forts with the fact that the Piirus 54o NAMES— ANCIENT TALES [ Puramdhi lived on either side of the Sindhu (Indus), and to assume that Purukutsa's attack on the aborigines was directed against the forts in which they normally protected themselves on the rising of the river. No argument for the large size of cities can be drawn from the mention in the Kathaka Upanisad, v. I, of ekadaia-dvara as an epithet of Pura {cf. sVetasvatara Upanisad, iii. 18 : nava-dvara pura, ' the citadel of nine doors '), because it is used meta- phorically of the body, and the number of doors depends on the nature of the body (Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 185). The evidence of the ^atapatha Brah- mana, xi. 1, 1, 2. 3, seems rather to point to only one gate in a city. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 412 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 451 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 229; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 203, and Mahapur. Puram-dhi occurs in the Rigveda,1 possibly as the name of a woman, a prot£g£e of the Asvins, who gave her a son, Hiranya- hasta. 1 i. u6, 13. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 398. Puraya is the name of a patron celebrated in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') in the Rigveda.1 1 vi. 63, 9. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 158. i. Purana, denoting a tale 'of olden times,' is often found1 in the combination Itihasa-Purana, which is probably a Dvandva compound meaning ' Itihasa and Purana.' It some- times2 occurs as a separate word, but beside Itihasa, no doubt with the same sense as in the Dvandva. Sayana3 defines a Purana as a tale which deals with the primitive condition of the universe and the creation of the world, but there is no ground for supposing that this view is correct, or for clearly distinguishing Itihasa and Purana. See Itihasa. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 6, 8 ; Chandogya Upanisad, iii. 4, 1. 2 ; vii. 1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. 2 Av. xv. 6, 4 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 3, 13 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii 4, 10; iv. 1, 2; 5, 11; Taittirlya Aranyaka, ii. 9; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, i. 53 ; Purana-veda : Sankh- ayana sVauta Sutra, xvi. 2, 27 ; Purana- vidya: ASvalayana Srauta Sutra, x. 7, etc. 3 Introduction to Aitareya Brah- mana, cited by St. Petersburg Dic- tionary, s.v. 2. Puraria is the name of a Esi in the Kathaka Samhita (xxxix. 7). Pumkutsa ] A WATER ANIMAL— A VICTORIOUS KING 54i Purikaya is the name of a water animal in the Atharvaveda,1 being clearly a variant of the name that appears as Pulikaya in the Maitrayani Samhita,2 and as Kulipaya in the Vajasaneyi Samhita,3 and as Kulikaya in the Taittiriya Brahmana.4 What animal is meant is quite unknown. 1 XI. 2, 25. 2 iii. 14, 2. Pulika, variant of Kulika. 3 xxiv. 21. 35. 4 v. 5, 13, 1. ibid. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 96; Bloomfield, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 48, 557 ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 621. Purisini is found in a hymn of the Rigveda1 apparently either as the name of a river,2 or much more probably as an epithet of the Sarayu,3 meaning, perhaps, ' abounding in water,' ' swollen,'4 or * carrying rubble.'5 1 v- 53> 9« ' 3 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 2 An alternative suggested by Roth, Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, in. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 4 Geldner, loc. cit. 6 Roth, loc. cit. 17; Puru-kutsa is the name of a king who is mentioned several times in the Rigveda. In one passage1 he is mentioned as a contemporary of Sudas, but whether as a foe, according to Ludwig,2 or merely as a contemporary, according to Hille- brandt,3 is uncertain. In two other passages4 he is mentioned as victorious by divine favour, and in another 6 he appears as a king of the Pupus and a conqueror of the Dasas. His son was Tpasadasyu,6 who is accordingly called Paupukutsya7 or Paupukutsi.8 Different conclusions have been drawn from one hymn of the Rigveda9 in which the birth of Purukutsa's son, 1 i. 63, 7. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 174, emending sudase in the text to sudasam, plausibly, but not, of course, con- vincingly. 3 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 115. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 42, 204, 205, 219. 4 i. 112, 7. 14 ; 174, 2. 5 vi. 20, 10. Cf. i. 63, 7, where Puru also is mentioned. Ludwig sug- gests reading in vi. 20, 10, saudasih for dasih, referring to the forts of Sudas ; but this must be regarded as illegiti- mate. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift, 55, 33o. 6 Rv. iv. 42, 8. 9. 7 Rv. v. 33, 8 ; viii. 19, 36. 8 Rv. vii. 19, 3. 9 Rv. iv. 42, 8. 9, with Sayana's note ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i2, 266, 267. 542 A QUEEN— A SACRIFICER [Purukutsani Trasadasyu, is mentioned. The usual interpretation is that Purukutsa was killed in battle or captured, whereupon his wife secured a son to restore the fortunes of the Purus. But Sieg10 offers a completely different interpretation. According to him the word daurgahe, which occurs in the hymn, and which in the ordinary view is rendered ' descendant of Durgaha,' an ancestor of Purukutsa, is the name of a horse, the hymn recording the success of an Asvamedha (' horse sacrifice') undertaken by Purukutsa for his wife, as by kings in later times, to secure a son. This interpretation is supported by the version of daurgahe given in the ^atapatha,11 but is by no means certain. Moreover, if Purukutsa was a contemporary of Sudas, the defeat of the Purus by Sudas in the Dasarajna12 might well have been the cause of the troubles from which Purukutsani, by the birth of Trasadasyu, rescued the family. In the Satapatha Brahmana13 Purukutsa is called an Aiksvaka. 10 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 96-102. 11 xiii. 5, 4, 5. 12 vii. 18. Cf. also the reference to a Puru defeat in vii. 8, 4. 13 xiii. 5,4, 5. Cf. Iksvaku, Tryaruna and Oldenberg, Buddha, 403. Purukutsani, 'wife of Purukutsa,' is mentioned as the mother of Trasadasyu in one hymn of the Rigveda (iv. 42, 9). Puru-nitha Sata-vaneya (' descendant of Satavani ') is the name of a sacrificer, or perhaps a priest, a Bharadvaja, in the Rigveda.1 It is doubtful whether he is also mentioned as a singer in another passage of the Rigveda.2 In both places Roth3 sees in Puru-nitha merely a word meaning 'choral song.' 1 i. 59. 7- I of the Rigveda, 3, 160 ; Oldenberg, 2 vii. 9, 6. Cf. Ludwig, Translation | Rgveda-Noten, x, 60. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Puru-dama occurs in the plural in the Atharvaveda,1 where, according to Ludwig,2 it is probably the proper name of the singers, but by Roth3 and Whitney4 is understood as merely an adjective meaning ' possessed of many houses.' 1 vii. 73, 1. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, XXV. 3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, S.v. * Translation of the Atharvaveda, 437- NAMES— AN ANCIENT SAGE 543 Purumilha ] Puru-pantha is mentioned as a generous donor to a Bharad- vaja in one hymn of the Rigveda (vi. 63, 10). Puru-mayya occurs in one hymn of the Rigveda1 as a protege" of Indra. It is quite possible that he was the father of, or at least connected with, Atithigra, Rksa, and ASvamedha, who are celebrated in the hymn. 1 viii. 68, 10. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 163. Puru-mitra is mentioned twice in the Rigveda (i. 117, 20; x. 39, 7) as the father of a maiden who wedded Vimada, apparently against her father's will. Puru-milha is mentioned twice in the Rigveda1 as an ancient sage, in which capacity he appears in the Atharvaveda2 also. Perhaps the same3 Purumilha is intended in an obscure hymn in the Rigveda,4 where, according to the legends reported in the Brhaddevata5 and by Sadgurusisya in his commentary on the SarvanukramanI,6 and by Sayana in his commentary on the Rigveda,4 he as well as Taranta was a son of Vidadasva, and a patron of the singer Syavaiva. The correctness of the legend has been shown to be most improbable by Oldenberg,7 who points out8 that the legend misinterprets the Rigveda by making Purumilha a Vaidadasvi, for he is there only compared in generosity to one. In another legend found in the Pancavimsa Brahmana,9 and based on a hymn of the Rigveda,10 Purumilha and Taranta appear as persons who received gifts from Dhvasra and Puru- santi, and as sons of Vidadasva. The legend, which also occurs in the Satyayanaka,11 is apparently best explained by 1 i. 151, 2 ; 183, 5. 2 iv. 29, 4 ; xviii. 3, 15. 3 See, however, Weber, Episches im vediscken Ritual, 27, n. 3 ; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 62, n. 3. * v. 61, 9. 6 v. 49 et seq., with Macdonell's notes. 8 Edition Macdonell, pp. 118 et seq. 7 Rgveda-Noten, 1, 353, 354. Cf. Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 359- 8 Op. cit., 354, n. 1. 9 xiii. 7, 12. 10 ix. 58, 3- 11 Cited by Sayana on Rv., loc. cit. 544 LEGEND OF PURUMlLHA Sieg,12 who says that as the two were kings they could not under the rules of caste accept gifts, unless for the nonce they became singers. The legend has no claim at all, as Oldenberg13 shows, to validity. 12 Op. Cit., 63. 13 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 42, 232, n. 1. He points out, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 354, that the legend is not accepted by the Anukramanl (Index), since its list of authors gives Avatsara as the Rsi, not the two Taranta and Purumilba. END OF VO]L. I. BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD Q BJNDWG DEFT. JUL 28 1960 CO rH • ^ i i p nj s i ** ©: rl »d 53 6 o 3 > o 1 3 8 University of Toronto Library DO NOT REMOVE THE CARD FROM THIS POCKET Acme Library Card Pocket LOWE-MARTIN CO. limited ill iwWiiiiii'™ ImS i st ihhIi 1 i i i I 1 ill VVM VtiK ■ '•■"■•' \M\m\ 111 tint